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Voice Onset Time and Beyond: Exploring Laryngeal Contrast in 19 Languages

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Journal of Phonetics 72 (2019) 52–65 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Journal of Phonetics journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/Phonetics Special Issue: Marking 50 Years of Research on Voice Onset Time, eds. Cho, Docherty & Whalen Voice onset time and beyond: Exploring laryngeal contrast in 19 languages Taehong Cho a,*, D.H. Whalen b,c,d, Gerard Docherty e a Hanyang Institute for Phonetics and Cognitive Sciences of Language (HIPCS), Department of English Language and Literature, Hanyang University, 222 Wangsimni-ro, Seongdon-gu, Seoul 04763, Republic of Korea b Haskins Laboratories, 300 George St., Suite 900, New Haven, CT 06511, United States c Program in Speech-Language-Hearing Sciences, Graduate Center, City University of New York, 365 5th Ave., New York, NY 10016, United States 1940 d Department of Linguistics, Yale University, PO Box 208366, New Haven, CT 06520-8366, United States e Arts, Education and Law Group, Griffith University, 176 Messines Ridge Road, Mt Gravatt Campus Q 4122, Brisbane, Australia article info abstract Article history: In this special collection entitled Marking 50 Years of Research on Voice Onset Time and the Voicing Contrast in Received 1 November 2018 the World’s Languages, we have compiled eleven studies investigating the voicing contrast in 19 languages. The Received in revised form 16 November 2018 collection provides extensive data obtained from 270 speakers across those languages, examining VOT and other Accepted 16 November 2018 acoustic, aerodynamic and articulatory measures. The languages studied may be divided into four groups: ‘aspi- rating’ languages with a two-way contrast (English, three varieties of German); ‘true voicing’ languages with a two- Keywords: way contrast (Russian, Turkish, Brazilian Portuguese, two Iranian languages Pashto and Wakhi); languages with a Voice Onset Time three-way contrast (Thai, Vietnamese, Khmer, Yerevan Armenia, three Indo-Aryan languages, Dawoodi, Punjabi Laryngeal Contrast and Shina, and Burushaki spoken in India); and Indo-Aryan languages with a more than three-way contrast (Jangli Universals and Variation and Urdu with a four-way contrast, and Sindhi and Siraiki with a five-way contrast). We discuss the cross-linguistic Multi-dimensional data, focusing on how much VOT alone tells us about the voicing contrast in these languages, and what other pho- Stops netic dimensions (such as consonant-induced F0 and voice quality) are needed for a complete understanding of laryngeal contrast in these languages. Implications for various issues emerge: universal phonetic feature systems, effects of language contact on linguistic levelling, and the relation between laryngeal contrast and supralaryngeal articulation. The cross-linguistic VOT data also lead us to discuss how the distribution of VOT as measured acous- tically may allow us to infer the underlying articulation and how it might be approached in gestural phonologies. The discussion on these multiple issues sparks new questions to be resolved, and provide indications of where the field may be best directed in exploring laryngeal contrast in voicing in the world’s languages. Ó 2018 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). 1. Introduction different voicing categories within and across languages arises as a predictable consequence of varying the area of the glottis. It has been just over a half century since Lisker and The underlying laryngeal setting was proposed to be effec- Abramson (1964) proposed an acoustic measure of Voice tively captured by VOT defined by the “relative timing of events Onset Time (VOT) as a unitary and eminently tractable basis at the glottis and at the place of oral occlusion.” There were on which to characterize the voicing categories of stops across later expansions to the application of VOT to include intervo- languages which had often been distinguished by seemingly calic stops (Abramson, 1977) and affricates (Abramson, independent phonetic features of voicing, aspiration and “force 1995). Since then, this innovative measure has been adopted of articulation.” Based on observations of voicing patterns in by virtually every experimental phonetic study that has investi- eleven languages, Lisker & Abramson made a key assumption gated acoustic characteristics of stop consonants, thereby that a fairly complicated acoustic output in association with greatly advancing our understanding of voicing properties of stop consonants and their typology in the world’s languages. * Corresponding author at: Hanyang Institute for Phonetics and Cognitive Sciences of In a recent Technical Note submission to Journal of Phonet- Language (HIPCS), Department of English Language and Literature, Hanyang ics (Abramson & Whalen, 2017, now also included as part of University, 222 Wangsimni-ro, Seongdong-gu, Seoul 133-791, Republic of Korea. this special collection), Arthur Abramson and D. H. Whalen Fax: +82 2 2220 0741. “ E-mail addresses: [email protected] (T. Cho), [email protected] (D.H. have provided a retrospective commentary entitled Voice Whalen), gerry.docherty@griffith.edu.au (G. Docherty). Onset Time (VOT) at 50: Theoretical and practical issues in https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2018.11.002 0095-4470/Ó 2018 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). T. Cho et al. / Journal of Phonetics 72 (2019) 52–65 53 measuring voicing distinctions.” It bore largely on procedural studies provide ample evidence that VOT serves as a useful aspects of the application of VOT, its limitations, and ways to first estimate of a language’s use of laryngeal distinctions in expand the notion of VOT to a wider range of different phono- voicing. All 19 languages (21 varieties with three German dia- logical contexts. Inspired by this retrospective reflection on lects) studied in this special collection utilize phonetic voicing VOT, we have commissioned a special collection of themed as reflected in VOT differences in order to mark in one way papers in order to mark the occasion of 50 plus years of or another phonological contrast among stops, although they VOT under the title “Marking 50 Years of Research on Voice differ typologically in terms of how many laryngeal distinctions Onset Time and the Voicing Contrast in the World’s Lan- in voicing are employed in the phonological system. guages.” This special collection devotes itself to exploring the phonetic properties of voicing contrasts with a view to pro- 2.1. Languages with two-way contrast viding a contemporary lens on various aspects of consonantal voicing contrast within and across the world’s languages from Among the 19 languages studied, seven languages (Eng- both theoretical and methodological perspectives, and relevant lish, German, Russian, Turkish, Brazilian Portuguese, Pashto points of debate that have endured alongside or as an alterna- and Wakhi) employ a two-way distinction for laryngeal contrast tive to VOT. between stops, which may be phonologically classified as [voiced] vs. [voiceless]. The two-way system, however, is fur- 1.1. Languages covered: 19 languages with 270 speakers ther divided into so-called ‘true voicing’ and ‘aspirating’ lan- guages, depending on whether the [voiced] stops are In this special collection, an impressive array of languages produced with voicing lead before the release (prevoicing) or was studied by 19 authors over 11 papers (10 new submis- phonation during closure (in the case of true-voicing languages sions plus Abramson & Whalen, 2017). The 10 new submis- such as Russian, Turkish, Portuguese, Pashto and Wakhi) or sions covered production data on the voicing contrast the [voiceless] stops are produced with aspiration (in the case obtained from 270 speakers across 19 languages. Among of aspirating languages such as English and German with the 19 languages studied are two languages whose voicing three varieties, Swiss, Bavarian and Saxon). VOT data mea- contrast has been well-documented in the literature: English sured for all these languages (except for Swiss German) indi- appearing in two of the contributions (Ahn, 2018a with 8 speak- cate that the two-way contrast can be adequately captured by ers; Kim, Kim & Cho, 2018 with 11 speakers), and German, polarization of voicing contrast along the VOT continuum. On with three varieties appearing across two contributions (Swiss the one hand, the true voicing languages show a substantial German: Ladd & Schmid, 2018 with 20 speakers; Bavarian negative VOT or voicing lead (i.e., phonation (voicing) during and Saxon varieties of German: Kleber 2018 with 21 and 20 closure) for the phonologically [voiced] stop category, whereas speakers, respectively). Other languages whose voicing con- the phonologically [voiceless] stops in these languages are trast has not been fully understood despite the substantial produced with a short-lag (positive) VOT. On the other hand, number of their speakers include Brazilian Portuguese (Ahn, the aspirating languages such as English and Bavarian/Saxon 2018a with 8 speakers); Thai (Kirby, 2018 with 12 speakers); German show the use of VOT primarily in the positive dimen- Turkish (Ünal-Logacev, Fuchs & Lancia, 2018 with 6 speak- sion—i.e., the phonologically [voiced] stops are by and large ers); and Russian (Kharlamov, 2018 with 60 speakers). Lan- phonetically voiceless with a short-lag (positive) VOT espe- guages that have received even less
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  • Phonetic Properties of Oral Stops in Three Languages with No Voicing Distinction

    Phonetic Properties of Oral Stops in Three Languages with No Voicing Distinction

    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2018 Phonetic Properties of Oral Stops in Three Languages with No Voicing Distinction Stephanie M. Kakadelis The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/2871 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] PHONETIC PROPERTIES OF ORAL STOPS IN THREE LANGUAGES WITH NO VOICING DISTINCTION by STEPHANIE MARIE KAKADELIS A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2018 © 2018 STEPHANIE MARIE KAKADELIS All Rights Reserved ii Phonetic Properties of Oral Stops in Three Languages with No Voicing Distinction by Stephanie Marie Kakadelis This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date Juliette Blevins Chair of Examining Committee Date Gita Martohardjono Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Douglas H. Whalen Jason Bishop Claire Bowern (Yale University) THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Phonetic Properties of Oral Stops in Three Languages with No Voicing Distinction by Stephanie Marie Kakadelis Advisor: Juliette Blevins Almost all studies on the phonetics of oral stop voicing patterns focus on languages with a voicing distinction. This gives rise to some debate regarding which aspects of voicing patterns arise from inherent articulatory effects related to the production of a voicing distinction, and which aspects are intentional adjustments by speakers meant to enhance a phonological contrast.