The Turkish Model
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Islam, Models and the Middle East: the New Balance of Power Following the Arab Spring1
Islam, Models and the Middle East: The New Balance of Power following the Arab Spring1 Burhanettin DURAN* and Nuh YILMAZ** Abstract Key Words The Arab Spring has created a fertile Model, Islam, balance of power, Middle ground for the competition of different models East, theo-political, New Sunnism, Arab (Turkish, Iranian and Saudi) and for a new Spring, Salafi, Shia, Wahhabi. balance of power in the Middle East and North Africa. These three models, based on three distinct styles of politics, go hand in hand Introduction with competing particular politics of Islam. Their search for a new order in the region The aim of this article is to discuss the synthesises covert and overt claims for regional changing balance of power in the Middle leadership, national interests and foreign policy priorities. This article argues that the new East and North Africa (MENA) region emerging regional order will be established on following the Arab Spring by focusing either a theo-political understanding, in other on the foreign policies of the four leading words on securitisation and alliances based states- Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and on sectarian polarisation which will lead to Egypt- and their political and religious more interference from non-regional actors, or on a gradual reform process of economic models. The main emphasis will be the integration and diplomatic compromise. In way in which how these four countries the first case, biases and negative perceptions use their models as vehicles to compete will be deepened in reference to history and for supremacy in a new regional order. to differences in religious interpretation, and will result in conflict, animosity and outside Therefore, the problem will not be interference. -
Turkish Policy Towards Israel and Palestine : Continuity Change in the Relations of Turkish
Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of Justice and Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) policy towards Israel and Palestine : Continuity change in the relations of Turkish- Turkish The AKP’s material and ideological interests have been used as a ‘goal’ and also as a ‘tool’. This means that whenever the AKP government is threatened and confronted with internal or external troubles, these interests can move from being a ‘goal’ to be used as a ‘means’ to consolidate AKP’s power. In the case of stability, Turkish policy towards Israel and Palestine these interests can be seen in the context of being a ‘goal’, which the AKP is Continuity and change in the relations of the Turkish- looking forward to achieve. This AKP pragmatic policy is called exploitation-via- Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of the Justice and cooperation. Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) Mohammed Alsaftawi Mohammed Alsaftawi is a researcher at the Ghent Institute for International Studies at the Department of Political Science, Ghent University. Mohammed Alsaftawi Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Supervised by Prof. Dries Lesage Faculty of Political and Social Sciences Department of Political Science Turkish policy towards Israel and Palestine: Continuity and change in the relations of the Turkish- Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) Doctoral dissertation submitted by: Mohammed Alsaftawi in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Supervised by Prof. Dries Lesage Academic Year 2016-2017 January 2017, Ghent Belgium Samenvatting Het Turks buitenlandsbeleid is een beladen onderwerp, bestudeerd door verscheiden academici. -
European Journal of Turkish Studies , Complete List the Sons of Two Fatherlands: Turkey and the North Caucasian Diaspora, 1914-1923 2
European Journal of Turkish Studies Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey Complete List | 2011 The Sons of Two Fatherlands: Turkey and the North Caucasian Diaspora, 1914-1923 Ryan Gingeras Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ejts/4424 DOI : 10.4000/ejts.4424 ISSN : 1773-0546 Éditeur EJTS Référence électronique Ryan Gingeras, « The Sons of Two Fatherlands: Turkey and the North Caucasian Diaspora, 1914-1923 », European Journal of Turkish Studies [En ligne], Liste complète, mis en ligne le 30 novembre 2011, consulté le 19 février 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ejts/4424 ; DOI : 10.4000/ejts. 4424 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 19 février 2020. © Some rights reserved / Creative Commons license The Sons of Two Fatherlands: Turkey and the North Caucasian Diaspora, 1914-1923 1 The Sons of Two Fatherlands: Turkey and the North Caucasian Diaspora, 1914-1923 Ryan Gingeras “We have citizens and co-nationals in the contemporary Turkish nation who wish to propagate notions about Kurdish-ness, Circassian-ness and even more so Laz- ness or Bosnian-ness inside of the political and social collective. But this false naming, which is a product of the despotism of the past age, for anyone other than a few reactionary tools of the enemy and imbeciles, had no other effect on the nation other than worry and stress. Because the individuals of this nation, like the whole Turkish community, are in possession of a common past, history, morality and law.”1 “No Matter what happens, it is our obligation to immerse those living in our society in the civilization of Turkish society and to have them benefit from the prosperity of civilization. -
U.S.-Turkish Relations: a Review at the Beginning of the Third Decade of the Post-Cold War
U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decade of the post–cold war era 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Report Coordinators Bulent Aliriza Bulent Aras November 2012 ISBN 978-0-89206-759-6 Ë|xHSKITCy067596zv*:+:!:+:! Blank U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decade of the post–cold war era Report Coordinators Bulent Aliriza Bulent Aras November 2012 About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed practical solutions to the world’s greatest challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars continue to provide strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and de- velop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Since 1962, CSIS has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. After 50 years, CSIS has become one of the world’s pre- eminent international policy institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global development and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since 1999. John J. Hamre became the Center’s president and chief executive officer in 2000. -
The Istanbul Bombs: Challenging the Turkish Model?
TURKEY UPDATE December 3, 2003 THE ISTANBUL BOMBS: CHALLENGING THE TURKISH MODEL? The four massive truck bombs which targeted two synagogues on November 15, and just five days later, the British Consulate and a British-based bank in Istanbul, claimed fifty five Turkish and foreign victims – including the British Consul General - and wounded hundreds more, while causing millions of dollars of material damage. Beyond their immediate impact, the terrorist attacks caused incalculable collateral damage to the sense of security of the Turkish people by undermining the prevailing domestic tranquility. At an even wider level, the terrorists responsible for the outrages, who demonstrated once again that they would not draw the line at killing fellow Moslems in the misguided pursuit of their goals, also dragged Turkey into the frontline of their war. Turkey’s unwanted new international role was underlined by the immediate reaction of the countries on the other side of the current global conflict with the terrorists, namely Israel, the United Kingdom - who acknowledged that they were targets of the Istanbul bombings – and the United States. Soon after the synagogue bombs, Silvan Shalom, the Israeli Foreign Minister, visited Istanbul to declare: “The message here is that we have a shared fate. We all suffer at the hands of the same extreme groups who wish to hurt anyone who adopts values of democracy, freedom, equality and the rule of law.” The second series of bombs, which exploded just before President George Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair were due to hold a press conference in London, produced similarly harsh denunciations by the two leaders, and a visit to Turkey by British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw. -
Political Islam: a 40 Year Retrospective
religions Article Political Islam: A 40 Year Retrospective Nader Hashemi Josef Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver, Denver, CO 80208, USA; [email protected] Abstract: The year 2020 roughly corresponds with the 40th anniversary of the rise of political Islam on the world stage. This topic has generated controversy about its impact on Muslims societies and international affairs more broadly, including how governments should respond to this socio- political phenomenon. This article has modest aims. It seeks to reflect on the broad theme of political Islam four decades after it first captured global headlines by critically examining two separate but interrelated controversies. The first theme is political Islam’s acquisition of state power. Specifically, how have the various experiments of Islamism in power effected the popularity, prestige, and future trajectory of political Islam? Secondly, the theme of political Islam and violence is examined. In this section, I interrogate the claim that mainstream political Islam acts as a “gateway drug” to radical extremism in the form of Al Qaeda or ISIS. This thesis gained popularity in recent years, yet its validity is open to question and should be subjected to further scrutiny and analysis. I examine these questions in this article. Citation: Hashemi, Nader. 2021. Political Islam: A 40 Year Keywords: political Islam; Islamism; Islamic fundamentalism; Middle East; Islamic world; Retrospective. Religions 12: 130. Muslim Brotherhood https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12020130 Academic Editor: Jocelyne Cesari Received: 26 January 2021 1. Introduction Accepted: 9 February 2021 Published: 19 February 2021 The year 2020 roughly coincides with the 40th anniversary of the rise of political Islam.1 While this trend in Muslim politics has deeper historical and intellectual roots, it Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral was approximately four decades ago that this subject emerged from seeming obscurity to with regard to jurisdictional claims in capture global attention. -
The Turkish Sonderweg: Erdoğan's New Turkey And
IPC–MERCATOR POLICY BRIEF February 2020 THE TURKISH SONDERWEG: ERDOĞAN’S NEW TURKEY AND ITS ROLE IN THE GLOBAL ORDER Aslı Aydıntaşbaş THE TURKISH SONDERWEG: ERDOĞAN’S NEW TURKEY AND ITS ROLE IN THE GLOBAL ORDER About the Istanbul Policy Center-Sabancı University-Stiftung Mercator Initiative The Istanbul Policy Center–Sabancı University–Stiftung Mercator Initiative aims to strengthen the academic, political, and social ties between Turkey and Germany as well as Turkey and Europe. The Initiative is based on the premise that the acquisition of knowledge and the exchange of people and ideas are preconditions for meeting the challenges of an increasingly globalized world in the 21st century. The Initiative focuses on two areas of cooperation, EU/German-Turkish relations and climate change, which are of essential importance for the future of Turkey and Germany within a larger European and global context. 2 | FEBRUARY 2020 | IPC–MERCATOR POLICY BRIEF Introduction an emphasis on the social, economic, and political attributes that distinguish Germany from much of the rest of Europe. Similarly, Turkey is an exception About an hour’s drive north of Istanbul on a newly in its region, too, with an imperial past and resur- built highway stands the city’s new airport. “This is gent ambitions. These unique characteristics in do- not an airport but a monument to victory,” Turkish mestic and foreign policy have shaped Erdoğan’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said at its inaugu- New Turkey. ration on October 29, 2018—incidentally, a day that also marked the 95th anniversary of the founding of Clues for Turkey’s Sonderweg can be found behind the Republic of Turkey. -
Investigation of Historical Characters in Republic of Turkey Revolution History and Kemalism Course Books (1993-2012)
International Education Studies; Vol. 9, No. 8; 2016 ISSN 1913-9020 E-ISSN 1913-9039 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education Investigation of Historical Characters in Republic of Turkey Revolution History and Kemalism Course Books (1993-2012) Mustafa Safran1, Cengiz Donmez2, Kubilay Yazici3 & Barış Ciftci4 1 Faculty of Education, Department of History Education, Gazi University, Ankara, Turkey 2 Faculty of Education, Department of Elementary Education, Gazi University, Ankara, Turkey 3 Faculty of Education, Department of Elementary Education, Nigde University, Nigde, Turkey 4 Faculty of Education, Department of Elementary Education, Nevsehir Haci Bektas Veli University, Nevsehir, Turkey Correspondence: Kubilay Yazici, Nigde University, Faculty of Education, 51240, Nigde, Turkey. Tel: 388-225-4315. E-mail: [email protected] Received: January 14, 2016 Accepted: March 9, 2016 Online Published: July 26, 2016 doi:10.5539/ies.v9n8p60 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ies.v9n8p60 Abstract T.R. Revolution History and Kemalism courses have a crucial function in our educational system in terms of making people embrace governmental ideology, teaching them recent national history, and constituting citizenship acquisition. In constituting the acquisition of behavioural and cognitive changes in these three target areas, the topics that are covered in T.R. Revolution History and Kemalism course books, and format and presentation of these topics have altered in time, whilst the existence of historical characters have not changed. This study is a qualitative study, and the data were gathered through document analysis. The study presents important data about historical characters that take place in T.R. Revolution History and Kemalism course books published in 1993-2012. -
Yolsuzluk Ve Usulsüzlük Olaylarinin Türk Siyasetine Yansimalari (1923–1950)
YOLSUZLUK VE USULSÜZLÜK OLAYLARININ TÜRK SİYASETİNE YANSIMALARI (1923–1950) Erkan AFŞAR Doktora Tezi Tarih Anabilim Dalı Prof. Dr. Selami KILIÇ 2013 Her Hakkı Saklıdır T.C. ATATÜRK ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ TARİH ANABİLİM DALI Erkan AFŞAR YOLSUZLUK VE USULSÜZLÜK OLAYLARININ TÜRK SİYASETİNE YANSIMALARI (1923–1950) DOKTORA TEZİ TEZ YÖNETİCİSİ Prof. Dr. Selami KILIÇ ERZURUM–2013 I İÇİNDEKİLER ÖZET ............................................................................................................................... V ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................. VI ÖNSÖZ ......................................................................................................................... VII KISALTMALAR ........................................................................................................... X EKLER LİSTESİ ......................................................................................................... XI GİRİŞ ............................................................................................................................... 1 BİRİNCİ BÖLÜM TEK PARTİLİ DÖNEMDE YAPILAN YOLSUZLUK VE USULSÜZLÜKLER 1.1.BAHRİYE VEKİLİ İHSAN (ERYAVUZ) BEY DAVASI ( 1927–1928) ........ 23 1.1.1. İhsan Eryavuz’un Hayatı ............................................................................ 24 1.1.2. Bahriye Vekâletinin Kurulması .................................................................. 24 1.1.3. İsmet Paşa ile -
Is There a Turkish Islam? the Emergence of Convergence and Consensus
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 24, No. 2, October 2004 Is There a Turkish Islam? The Emergence of Convergence and Consensus M. HAKAN YAVUZ Abstract This paper attempts to demonstrate that it is not only the universal principles of Islam that ground our everyday actions, but also the practical and immediate issues which we confront. Although Islam provides a universal set of principles to make life meaningful, I shall argue that these principles are vernacularized and localized in specific narratives. By offering seven diverse zones of Islam, I seek to bring this critical and dynamic distance into the forefront to understand that there is no universal model or a single highway to salvation but, instead, there are multiple ways of being and becoming a Muslim. In the first part of the paper, I seek to disaggregate the concept of ‘Islamic or Muslim world’ by identifying seven diverse competing and conflicting ‘zones’ of political Islam, each characterized by their conversion pattern, colonial legacy, type of nationalism and by the state–society relations and political economy that factor into these evolving separate zones. At the same time and under certain political conditions, one also sees the emergence of consensus and similar ‘public opinion’ across zones on various issues. After identifying the features of three of the seven zones (Arab, Persian and Turkish), the paper focuses on Sufism, the frontier legacy of the Ottoman state, and on the tax-based economy and the expanding political opportunity spaces, to account for the construc- tion of Islamic knowledge and practices in the Turkish zone. -
Soe Focus 5 2020 Turkey.Pdf
SOUTHEASTEUROPE in Focus No. 5/2020 External Actors Series: Turkey With contributions by Dimitar Bechev Srecko Latal Hamdi Fırat Büyük Dino Mujadžević Birgül Demirtaş Sabina Pacariz Ahmet Erdi Öztürk Beken Saatçioğlu Mariya Hake Edited by Christian Hagemann © Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft, August 2020 Widenmayerstr. 49 80538 München Email: [email protected] URL: www.sogde.org All rights reserved Southeast Europe in Focus 5/ 2020 Editor: Christian Hagemann, Deputy Director of the Southeast Europe Association, Munich Published by Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft e.V. / Southeast Europe Association, August 2020, Munich. This publication is written within the framework of the project “Reality Check Series: Sources, Tools and Impact of External Non-EU-Engagement in Southeast Europe” led by the Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft (SOG) with the support of the German Federal Foreign Office (Stability Pact for Southeast Europe sponsored by Germany). About the project Recently, the Western Balkans region and the whole of Southeast Europe have developed into a showcase of great power interests. In particular, Russia, Turkey, and China are coming to the fore as increasingly committed external actors (in addition to the European Union and the USA). Nevertheless, there are differences in the motivations and goals of the actors concerned. The project of the Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft / Southeast Europe Association took a closer look at the motives, instruments, and effects of the influence of Russia, Turkey, and China. The project examined the geostrategically, security policy, -
“Turkish Model” in the Arab World
THE RISE AND FALL OF THE “TURKISH MODEL” IN THE ARAB WORLD After the AKP gained power in 2002, Turkey’s newly assertive “zero problems with neighbors” foreign policy strategy sparked debate in the Arab Middle East. This grand strategy revealed Ankara’s ambitions as not only a regional player, but also as a democratic “model” for a liberal political system able to incorporate a strong Islamic party. Arab fascination for Turkey reached its peak between 2009 and 2010 after Prime Minister Erdoğan’s condemnation of Israel’s military operation Cast Lead in the Gaza Strip. This, along with the Mavi Marmara incident, sparked admiration across the Arab world. Over the last few months however, Arab fascination has been severely tested and now support for the “Turkish model” appears to be waning. This is the result of apprehension over Turkey’s strategic choices in different areas such as the Syrian crisis and the events in Egypt. Jean-Loup Samaan* Fall 2013 * Jean-Loup Samaan is a researcher at the Middle East Department of the NATO Defense College in Italy. 61 VOLUME 12 NUMBER 3 JEAN-LOUP SAMAAN n the years following Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s rise to power in Ankara, Turkey’s geopolitical inclinations sparked growing interest, if not out- right fascination, among Arab intellectuals and scholars. The focus of I this interest was mainly on the new Turkish grand strategy, which was designed by Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu; this was initially outlined in his well-known book Strategic Depth written in 2001 before the AKP came to power, and expanded on later in numerous speeches.