DOCSLIB.ORG

Turkish Policy Towards Israel and Palestine : Continuity Change in the Relations of Turkish

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Turkish Policy Towards Israel and Palestine : Continuity Change in the Relations of Turkish Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of Justice and Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) policy towards Israel and Palestine : Continuity change in the relations of Turkish- Turkish The AKP’s material and ideological interests have been used as a ‘goal’ and also as a ‘tool’. This means that whenever the AKP government is threatened and confronted with internal or external troubles, these interests can move from being a ‘goal’ to be used as a ‘means’ to consolidate AKP’s power. In the case of stability, Turkish policy towards Israel and Palestine these interests can be seen in the context of being a ‘goal’, which the AKP is Continuity and change in the relations of the Turkish- looking forward to achieve. This AKP pragmatic policy is called exploitation-via- Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of the Justice and cooperation. Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) Mohammed Alsaftawi Mohammed Alsaftawi is a researcher at the Ghent Institute for International Studies at the Department of Political Science, Ghent University. Mohammed Alsaftawi Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Supervised by Prof. Dries Lesage Faculty of Political and Social Sciences Department of Political Science Turkish policy towards Israel and Palestine: Continuity and change in the relations of the Turkish- Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) Doctoral dissertation submitted by: Mohammed Alsaftawi in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Supervised by Prof. Dries Lesage Academic Year 2016-2017 January 2017, Ghent Belgium Samenvatting Het Turks buitenlandsbeleid is een beladen onderwerp, bestudeerd door verscheiden academici. Zowel de binnenlandse als regionale en internationale ontwikkelingen i.v.m. Turkije werden in de recente jaren onderwerp voor debat, ook buiten de zogenaamde academische kringen. Academici gaven vaak aandacht aan de Turkse binnen- en buitenlandse politiek vanwege gebeurtenissen zoals de Turks-Israëlische spanningen, Turks-Palestijnse relaties, de kwestie rond de toetreding tot de EU, het Koerdische conflict, de Arabische lente, de interne strijd tussen de kemalisten en de islamistische groep, als de betrokkenheid in de Syrische oorlog. Dit proefschrift bijt zich vast in een vaak verwaarloosd studieveld met betrekking tot de Turkse politiek naar Israël en Palestina toe. Hiervoor onderzoekt dit proefschrift vooral de regeerperiode van de AKP van 2002 tot 2016. De relaties tussen deze drie landen wordt aangeduid als de Turks-Palestijns-Israëlische driehoek. Deze driehoek vormt de pilaar van het Turks buitenlandsbeleid onder de AKP. Het analytische en theoretische kader van dit onderzoek toont aan dat zowel materiële als ideologische belangen het buitenlands beleid van de AKP- regering heeft bepaald. Als resultaat hiervan zijn de Turkse relaties met de twee vermelde landen, gebruikt als een middel voor zowel interne als externe machtsmanifestatie en expansie van de AKP. Deze thesis bouwt rond de continuïteit en veranderingen in deze driehoeksrelatie, beginnende van de Joodse immigraties naar het Ottomaanse rijk tot en met de couppoging van 2016. De focus ligt vooral op de periode tussen 2002 – 2016. In de proefschrift zal er geopperd worden dat tijdens de periode tussen 2002 en 2007 er een interne als externe expansie was van de traditionele Turkse buitenlandse politiek. Deze expansie was gebaseerd op een harmonie tussen de AKP’s materiële en ideologische belangen. Tijdens de periodes 2007-2011 en 2011- 2015 werden de idealistische belangen prioriteit in AKP’s buitenlandse politiek. Het overmatig gebruik van ideologische belangen in de Arabische lente periode geschaad materiële belangen van Turkije. Het resultaat hiervan was dat Turkije meer vijanden, een grotere isolatie en geen bondgenoten meer kende. In de tweede helft van 2016 veranderde de AKP-regering van koers in het bouwen van haar buitenlandsbeleid. De AKP regering heeft geprobeerd een harmonie te vinden tussen hun materiële en ideologische belangen. In deze context kwamen Turkije en Israël tot een normalisatie overeenkomst in 2016, dit was dan ook een bevestiging van de Turkse politieke heroriëntering. Abstract The Turkish foreign policy is a heated subject, studied widely by various scholars. In recent years, coupled with many domestic, regional and international developments, Turkey and its politics have become true topics of interests even beyond these said scholarly circles. Much scholars were giving attention to the Turkish foreign and domestic policy because of events such as Turkish-Israeli tensions, Turkish-Palestinian relations, EU accession question, Kurdish conflict, Arab Spring, the internal power struggle between Kemalist and Islamic political group as well as its involvement in the Syrian war. This dissertation delves into a much-neglected field of study with regards to the Turkish policy towards Israel and Palestine. Therefore, this dissertation mainly examines the governing period of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) from 2002 until 2016. The relationship between these three countries will be coined as the Turkish-Palestinian-Israeli triangle. This triangle forms of the pillars of Turkish foreign policy under AKP. The analytical and theoretical framework of this research proves that both material and idealistic interests formed the AKP government’s foreign policy. As a result, Turkey’s relations with these two countries has been used as a tool for both internal and external power manifestation and expansion for AKP. This thesis builds on the continuity and changes in the triangle relations, starting from the Jewish immigration to the Ottoman Empire until the attempted coup of 2016, with a predominant emphasis on the period 2002-2016. In this dissertation, it will be argued that during the first period, from 2002 until 2007, there was an internal and external expansion of the traditional Turkish foreign policy. This expansion was due to a harmony between AKP’s material and idealistic interests. During the periods of 2007-2011 and 2011-2015, the idealistic interests were prioritised in shaping the AKP’s foreign policy. The overuse of idealistic interests in the Arab Spring period harmed Turkey’s material interests. As a result, Turkey moved towards one of zero friends, more enemies and more isolation. After the middle of 2016, the AKP government attempted to find a harmony between its material and idealistic interests. Within this context, Turkey and Israel reached a normalisation agreement in June 2016 which served as a confirmation of Turkey’s recalculated policy position. «We have on this earth what makes life worth living.» Mahmoud Darwish «Un sourire ne coûte rien, mais il rapporte beaucoup; il enrichit celui qui le reçoit sans appauvrir celui qui le donne.» Frank Irving Fletcher Table of Contents 1. Introduction 1 1.1 The Turkish-Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the AKP rule 2 1.2 Research Problems and Questions 6 1.3 Literature review 7 1.4 Theoretical framework 15 1.5 Research importance 33 1.6 Research structure 35 1.7 Research methodology 38 2. Historical overview 45 2.1 Introduction 46 2.2 The Ottoman-Jewish relations before 1923 48 2.2.1 How did the Ottoman Empire receive the Jewish refugees? 48 2.2.2 The emergence of the Zionist movement 52 2.2.3 The emergence of the Jewish immigration to Palestine 53 2.2.4 The position of Sultan Abdülhamid II on the Jewish migration to Palestine 55 2.2.5 Herzl's Attempts 59 2.2.6 A new era: The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) 61 2.2.7 Belfour’s declaration 65 2.2.8 The fall of the Ottoman Empire 65 2.3 The role of British Mandate in the Jewish immigration to Palestine (1923-1948) 66 2.3.1 Jewish immigration (1919-1923) 67 2.3.2 Jewish immigration (1924-1932) 68 2.3.3 Jewish immigration (1933 - 1939) 68 2.3.4 Jewish immigration (1939 - 1948) 69 2.4 The Turkish – Israeli relations during the period (1948-2002) 71 2.4.1 The Turkish recognition of Israel 71 2.4.2 Ups and down in the Turkish-Israeli relations 77 2.5 Conclusion 88 3. Mapping of political groups in Turkey 90 3.1 Introduction 91 3.2 Political Islam 92 3.2.1 The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) 92 3.2.2 The Gülen movement/ the Service movement/ FETÖ/ the parallel state 103 3.3 The Kemalism (Atatürkcülük) 110 3.3.1 The Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, CHP) 111 3.4 The Kurdish movement 115 3.4.1 The Democratic People’s Party (Halkların Demokratik Partisi, HDP) 115 3.4.2 The Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê, PKK) 117 3.5 The army 123 3.6 The Nationalist Movement Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi, MHP) 130 3.7 The attitude of the Turkish political parties towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict 133 3.8 Conclusion 134 4. The Turkish policy towards Israel and Palestine (2002-2007) 136 4.1 Introduction 137 4.2 The Turkish national identity 138 4.3 The expansion of Turkish foreign policy 142 4.4 The Turkish-Israeli relationship after AKP’s ascent to power 152 4.5 The position of AKP on the Palestinian cause 163 4.5.1 Domestic factors 164 4.5.2 Regional factor 164 4.5.3 International factors 165 4.6 Turning point: Hamas won the Palestinian legislative elections in 2006 166 4.6.1 Early internal discussions 166 4.6.2 The 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) 168 4.6.3 Hamas in power 170 4.7 Conclusion 176 5. The Turkish policy towards Israel and Palestine (2007-2011) 178 5.1 Introduction 179 5.2 The war on Gaza Operation Cast Lead 181 5.2.1 The first step: Isolating Gaza in one political-geographical corner 181 5.2.2 The start of the war: What are the reasons behind the Operation Cast Lead? 183 5.2.3 Various positions on the Operation Cast Lead 185 5.2.4 The Turkish position on the Operation Cast Lead 186 5.2.5 The Goldstone Report 189 5.3 Davos incident 191 5.4 Low chair incident 197 5.5 The attack on the Mavi Marmara 199 5.6 AKP’s pragmatic policy towards Israel 203 5.7 Conclusion 204 6.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Islam, Models and the Middle East: the New Balance of Power Following the Arab Spring1
    Islam, Models and the Middle East: The New Balance of Power following the Arab Spring1 Burhanettin DURAN* and Nuh YILMAZ** Abstract Key Words The Arab Spring has created a fertile Model, Islam, balance of power, Middle ground for the competition of different models East, theo-political, New Sunnism, Arab (Turkish, Iranian and Saudi) and for a new Spring, Salafi, Shia, Wahhabi. balance of power in the Middle East and North Africa. These three models, based on three distinct styles of politics, go hand in hand Introduction with competing particular politics of Islam. Their search for a new order in the region The aim of this article is to discuss the synthesises covert and overt claims for regional changing balance of power in the Middle leadership, national interests and foreign policy priorities. This article argues that the new East and North Africa (MENA) region emerging regional order will be established on following the Arab Spring by focusing either a theo-political understanding, in other on the foreign policies of the four leading words on securitisation and alliances based states- Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and on sectarian polarisation which will lead to Egypt- and their political and religious more interference from non-regional actors, or on a gradual reform process of economic models. The main emphasis will be the integration and diplomatic compromise. In way in which how these four countries the first case, biases and negative perceptions use their models as vehicles to compete will be deepened in reference to history and for supremacy in a new regional order. to differences in religious interpretation, and will result in conflict, animosity and outside Therefore, the problem will not be interference.
    [Show full text]
  • Joint Alternative Report Submitted by The
    Joint Alternative Report submitted by the Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE) and Al-Haq to the Human Rights Committee on the occasion of the consideration of the Third Periodic Report of Israel Israel’s violations of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights with regard to house demolitions, forced evictions and safe water and sanitation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and Israel Submitted June 2010 COHRE and Al-Haq are independent non-governmental organisations in UN ECOSOC Special Consultative Status Table of Contents 1. INTRODUCTION...........................................................................................3 2. ISRAEL’S LEGAL OBLIGATIONS IN THE OPT........................................4 3. FORCED EVICTIONS AND HOUSE DEMOLITIONS .............................6 3.1 Punitive House Demolitions..................................................................................6 3.1.1 West Bank ......................................................................................................6 3.1.2 Gaza .............................................................................................................11 3.2 Administrative House Demolitions......................................................................16 3.2.1 West Bank...................................................................................................16 3.2.2 Israel: Mixed Cities.....................................................................................24 3.3. Other Forced Evictions......................................................................................25
    [Show full text]
  • In Their Own Words: Voices of Jihad
    THE ARTS This PDF document was made available from www.rand.org as CHILD POLICY a public service of the RAND Corporation. CIVIL JUSTICE EDUCATION Jump down to document ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT 6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit research NATIONAL SECURITY POPULATION AND AGING organization providing objective analysis and PUBLIC SAFETY effective solutions that address the challenges facing SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY the public and private sectors around the world. SUBSTANCE ABUSE TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Support RAND TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Purchase this document WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Learn more about the RAND Corporation View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND monographs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. in their own words Voices of Jihad compilation and commentary David Aaron Approved for public release; distribution unlimited C O R P O R A T I O N This book results from the RAND Corporation's continuing program of self-initiated research.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestine 100 Years of Struggle: the Most Important Events Yasser
    Palestine 100 Years of Struggle: The Most Important Events Yasser Arafat Foundation 1 Early 20th Century - The total population of Palestine is estimated at 600,000, including approximately 36,000 of the Jewish faith, most of whom immigrated to Palestine for purely religious reasons, the remainder Muslims and Christians, all living and praying side by side. 1901 - The Zionist Organization (later called the World Zionist Organization [WZO]) founded during the First Zionist Congress held in Basel Switzerland in 1897, establishes the “Jewish National Fund” for the purpose of purchasing land in Palestine. 1902 - Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II agrees to receives Theodor Herzl, the founder of the Zionist movement and, despite Herzl’s offer to pay off the debt of the Empire, decisively rejects the idea of Zionist settlement in Palestine. - A majority of the delegates at The Fifth Zionist Congress view with favor the British offer to allocate part of the lands of Uganda for the settlement of Jews. However, the offer was rejected the following year. 2 1904 - A wave of Jewish immigrants, mainly from Russia and Poland, begins to arrive in Palestine, settling in agricultural areas. 1909 Jewish immigrants establish the city of “Tel Aviv” on the outskirts of Jaffa. 1914 - The First World War begins. - - The Jewish population in Palestine grows to 59,000, of a total population of 657,000. 1915- 1916 - In correspondence between Sir Henry McMahon, the British High Commissioner in Egypt, and Sharif Hussein of Mecca, wherein Hussein demands the “independence of the Arab States”, specifying the boundaries of the territories within the Ottoman rule at the time, which clearly includes Palestine.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S.-Turkish Relations: a Review at the Beginning of the Third Decade of the Post-Cold War
    U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decade of the post–cold war era 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Report Coordinators Bulent Aliriza Bulent Aras November 2012 ISBN 978-0-89206-759-6 Ë|xHSKITCy067596zv*:+:!:+:! Blank U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decade of the post–cold war era Report Coordinators Bulent Aliriza Bulent Aras November 2012 About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed practical solutions to the world’s greatest challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars continue to provide strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and de- velop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Since 1962, CSIS has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. After 50 years, CSIS has become one of the world’s pre- eminent international policy institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global development and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since 1999. John J. Hamre became the Center’s president and chief executive officer in 2000.
    [Show full text]
  • Light at the End of Their Tunnels? Hamas & the Arab
    LIGHT AT THE END OF THEIR TUNNELS? HAMAS & THE ARAB UPRISINGS Middle East Report N°129 – 14 August 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. TWO SIDES OF THE ARAB UPRISINGS .................................................................... 1 A. A WEDDING IN CAIRO.................................................................................................................. 2 B. A FUNERAL IN DAMASCUS ........................................................................................................... 5 1. Balancing ..................................................................................................................................... 5 2. Mediation ..................................................................................................................................... 6 3. Confrontation ............................................................................................................................... 7 4. The crossfire................................................................................................................................. 8 5. Competing alliances ................................................................................................................... 10 C. WHAT IMPACT ON HAMAS? ......................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Israeli Experience in Lebanon, 1982-1985
    THE ISRAELI EXPERIENCE IN LEBANON, 1982-1985 Major George C. Solley Marine Corps Command and Staff College Marine Corps Development and Education Command Quantico, Virginia 10 May 1987 ABSTRACT Author: Solley, George C., Major, USMC Title: Israel's Lebanon War, 1982-1985 Date: 16 February 1987 On 6 June 1982, the armed forces of Israel invaded Lebanon in a campaign which, although initially perceived as limited in purpose, scope, and duration, would become the longest and most controversial military action in Israel's history. Operation Peace for Galilee was launched to meet five national strategy goals: (1) eliminate the PLO threat to Israel's northern border; (2) destroy the PLO infrastructure in Lebanon; (3) remove Syrian military presence in the Bekaa Valley and reduce its influence in Lebanon; (4) create a stable Lebanese government; and (5) therefore strengthen Israel's position in the West Bank. This study examines Israel's experience in Lebanon from the growth of a significant PLO threat during the 1970's to the present, concentrating on the events from the initial Israeli invasion in June 1982 to the completion of the withdrawal in June 1985. In doing so, the study pays particular attention to three aspects of the war: military operations, strategic goals, and overall results. The examination of the Lebanon War lends itself to division into three parts. Part One recounts the background necessary for an understanding of the war's context -- the growth of PLO power in Lebanon, the internal power struggle in Lebanon during the long and continuing civil war, and Israeli involvement in Lebanon prior to 1982.
    [Show full text]
  • ARRESTED DEVELOPMENT Human Rights in the Occupied Territories 8 Hata’Asiya St., Talpiot P.O
    B’TSELEM - The Israeli Information Center for ARRESTED DEVELOPMENT Human Rights in the Occupied Territories 8 Hata’asiya St., Talpiot P.O. Box 53132 Jerusalem 91531 The Long Term Impact of Israel's Separation Tel. (972) 2-6735599 | Fax (972) 2-6749111 Barrier in the West Bank www.btselem.org | [email protected] October 2012 ‐ DRAFT ‐ Arrested Development The Long Term Impact of Israel's Separation Barrier in the West Bank October 2012 Research and writing: Eyal Hareuveni Editing: Yael Stein Data coordination: 'Abd al‐Karim Sa'adi, Iyad Hadad, Atef Abu a‐Rub, Salma a‐Deb’i, ‘Amer ‘Aruri & Kareem Jubran. Translation: Deb Reich B’Tselem would like to thank Jann Böddeling for his help in gathering material and analyzing the economic impact of the Separation Barrier; Nir Shalev and Alon Cohen‐ Lifshitz from Bimkom; Stefan Ziegler and Nicole Harari from UNRWA; and B’Tselem Reports Committee member Prof. Oren Yiftachel. 1 ‐ DRAFT ‐ Table of Contents Introduction Part 1: The Separation Barrier – A Temporary Security Measure? Part 2: The Data Part 3: The Seam Zone and the Permit Regime Maps and Pictures Part 4: Case Studies Part 5: Violations of Palestinians’ Human Rights Due to the Separation Barrier Conclusions Appendix 2 ‐ DRAFT ‐ Introduction This report deals with the Separation Barrier—the largest and costliest infrastructure project Israel has undertaken since the construction of the national water carrier during the 1950s and ‘60s. In June 2002, when Palestinian attacks against Israeli citizens were at their peak, the Israeli government decided to build the barrier and termed it a temporary security measure intended to protect Israel from terrorist attacks from the West Bank.
    [Show full text]
  • Hamas Type of Organization
    Hamas Name: Hamas Type of Organization: Political religious social service provider terrorist violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Islamist jihadist Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated group pan-Islamist Qutbist Sunni Place of Origin: Gaza Strip Year of Origin: 1987 Founder(s): Ahmed Yassin, Mahmoud Zahar, Hassan Yousef, Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi, Mohammed Hassan Shama’a, Abdul Fattah Hassan Dukhan, Ibrahim Fares Al-Yazouri, Salah Shahada (Founder of the Qassam Brigades), Issa Al-Nashar Places of Operation: Gaza Strip, West Bank, Israel, Qatar, Egypt, Lebanon, Iran Overview Also Known As: Harakat al-Muqawana al-Islamiya (Islamic Resistance Movement); Al-Tiar Al-Islami (The Islamic Stream); Al-Athja Al-Islami (The Islamic Trend)1 Executive Summary Hamas is an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood [1] that emerged in the Gaza Strip in the late 1980s, during the first Palestinian intifada (uprising) against Israel. The group’s ideology blends Islamism and Palestinian nationalism and seeks the destruction of Israel and the creation of an Islamic state between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River.Since 2017, Hamas claims to have severed its ties to the Brotherhood. The group also receives financial and military support from Iran. Qatar has also provided significant funding for the group. Hamas uses its provision of social services to build support amongst grassroots Palestinians, helping it to win the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections. However, the group’s engagement in politics and welfare has not tempered its commitment to terrorism. Hamas’s preferred methods include suicide bombings, rocket and mortar attacks, shootings, and kidnappings. Hamas as a whole or its armed faction have been labeled terrorist organizations by the United States, Israel, the United Kingdom, the European Union, New Zealand, Australia, and Japan.
    [Show full text]
  • The Istanbul Bombs: Challenging the Turkish Model?
    TURKEY UPDATE December 3, 2003 THE ISTANBUL BOMBS: CHALLENGING THE TURKISH MODEL? The four massive truck bombs which targeted two synagogues on November 15, and just five days later, the British Consulate and a British-based bank in Istanbul, claimed fifty five Turkish and foreign victims – including the British Consul General - and wounded hundreds more, while causing millions of dollars of material damage. Beyond their immediate impact, the terrorist attacks caused incalculable collateral damage to the sense of security of the Turkish people by undermining the prevailing domestic tranquility. At an even wider level, the terrorists responsible for the outrages, who demonstrated once again that they would not draw the line at killing fellow Moslems in the misguided pursuit of their goals, also dragged Turkey into the frontline of their war. Turkey’s unwanted new international role was underlined by the immediate reaction of the countries on the other side of the current global conflict with the terrorists, namely Israel, the United Kingdom - who acknowledged that they were targets of the Istanbul bombings – and the United States. Soon after the synagogue bombs, Silvan Shalom, the Israeli Foreign Minister, visited Istanbul to declare: “The message here is that we have a shared fate. We all suffer at the hands of the same extreme groups who wish to hurt anyone who adopts values of democracy, freedom, equality and the rule of law.” The second series of bombs, which exploded just before President George Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair were due to hold a press conference in London, produced similarly harsh denunciations by the two leaders, and a visit to Turkey by British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw.
    [Show full text]
  • Insights from the Second Lebanon War
    CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Browse Reports & Bookstore TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. All Glory Is Fleeting Insights from the Second Lebanon War Russell W. Glenn Prepared for the United States Joint Forces Command Approved for public release; distribution unlimited NATIONAL DEFENSE RESEARCH INSTITUTE The research described in this report was sponsored by the United States Joint Forces Command Joint Urban Operations Office.
    [Show full text]
  • Operation Protective Edge a War Waged on Gaza's
    OPERATION PROTECTIVE EDGE A WAR WAGED ON GAZA’s CHILDREN www.dci-palestine.org Copyright © 2015 Defense for Children International Palestine All rights reserved. Cover photo: A Palestinian girl sits in front of a wall riddled with shrapnel, in Beit Hanoun, North Gaza on November 17, 2014, which came under heavy attacks during Operation Protective Edge. Photo credit: Anne Paq, Activestills.org Acknowledgements Producing this report would not have been possible without the invaluable work of a number of individuals. Defense for Children International Palestine’s monitoring and documentation team of field researchers, coordinators, and office staff have worked meticulously in very difficult and dangerous circumstances, often exposing themselves to very real threats to their personal security in order to retrieve, verify and prepare the information documented in this report. For their efforts, DCIP expresses its deepest appreciation. DCIP would like to extend particular gratitude and admiration to the victims, victims’ families and eyewitnesses who willingly shared with us the testimonies of the deeply traumatic and tragic events they went through during Operation Protective Edge. Mona Patel, reporting officer, Olivia Watson, advocacy officer, and Brad Parker, international advocacy officer, researched and wrote the report based on investigations conducted by DCIP’s monitoring and documentation unit and Gaza- based field team. It was reviewed and edited by Ayed Abu Eqtaish, accountability program director, and Ivan Karakashian, advocacy unit coordinator. Defense for Children International Palestine is an independent, local Palestinian child rights organization based in Ramallah dedicated to defending and promoting the rights of children living in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip.
    [Show full text]