P.Oxy. 41.2943.1-3; 2968.5; P.Lond
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Biblical Trinity Doctrine and Christology Translation of L
Ludwig Neidhart: Biblical Trinity Doctrine and Christology translation of L. Neidhart, Biblische Trinitätslehre und Christologie, published online on http://catholic-church.org/ao/ps/Trinitaet.html, translated by the author, published online on http://catholic-church.org/ao/ps/downloads/TrinityChristology.pdf © Dr. Ludwig Neidhart, Hannover 1990 (original German Version) © Dr. Ludwig Neidhart, Augsburg 2017 (extended German Version and English translation) corrected and extended Version January 09, 2021 Contents: 1. Unity in Essence and Personal Distinction between Father and Son......................................................3 2. The Unity in Essence between the Father and the Son: Ten Biblical Arguments..................................8 3. The Holy Spirit or Holy Ghost..................................................................................................................18 4. The Triune God..........................................................................................................................................21 5. Trinity and Incarnation.............................................................................................................................29 6. Development of the Doctrine of Trinity and Incarnation......................................................................31 7. Summary and Graphic Presentation of the Concepts of Trinity and Incarnation..............................48 8. Discussion: Is the Son subordinated to the Father?...............................................................................50 -
The Geographers of the Early Byzantine Period
European Journal of Science and Theology, December 2012, Vol.8, No.4, 23-40 _______________________________________________________________________ THE GEOGRAPHERS OF THE EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD Vassilios Manimanis 1, Efstratios Theodosiou1 and Milan S. Dimitrijevic2* 1 National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, School of Physics, Department of Astrophysics, Astronomy and Mechanics, Panepistimiopolis, Zografos 15784, Athens, Greece 2 Astronomical Observatory, Volgina 7, 11160 Belgrade, Serbia (Received 8 January 2012) Abstract In Byzantine empire the knowledge of Geography was considered necessary for locating the Holy Land and for setting the boundaries of the dioceses. Essentially, Geography was studied by monks in the monasteries; the perception of the Earth by Byzantine geographers – especially by the monk Cosmas Indicopleustes – was to a large extent imaginary and influenced by the Scriptures and religious ideas. Here are considered geographers of the early Byzantine period: Éthicus Istriote, Marcian of Heracleia, Caesarius, Palladius of Helenopolis, Agathodaemon, Christodorus, Hierocles the Grammarian, Procopius of Caesarea, Corippus the African, Stephen of Byzantium, Nonnosus, Priscianus the Grammaticus, Marcellinus the Illyrian and John of Gaza. Keywords: Byzantium, Geography, Byzantines geographers, Natural Sciences 1. Introduction During the early Byzantine period the knowledge of Geography was considered necessary for locating the Holy Land and for setting the boundaries of the dioceses. Thus, starting with the work of -
The Cambridge Companion to Age of Constantine.Pdf
The Cambridge Companion to THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE S The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine offers students a com- prehensive one-volume introduction to this pivotal emperor and his times. Richly illustrated and designed as a readable survey accessible to all audiences, it also achieves a level of scholarly sophistication and a freshness of interpretation that will be welcomed by the experts. The volume is divided into five sections that examine political history, reli- gion, social and economic history, art, and foreign relations during the reign of Constantine, a ruler who gains in importance because he steered the Roman Empire on a course parallel with his own personal develop- ment. Each chapter examines the intimate interplay between emperor and empire and between a powerful personality and his world. Collec- tively, the chapters show how both were mutually affected in ways that shaped the world of late antiquity and even affect our own world today. Noel Lenski is Associate Professor of Classics at the University of Colorado, Boulder. A specialist in the history of late antiquity, he is the author of numerous articles on military, political, cultural, and social history and the monograph Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century ad. Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 The Cambridge Companion to THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE S Edited by Noel Lenski University of Colorado Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 cambridge university press Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao˜ Paulo Cambridge University Press 40 West 20th Street, New York, ny 10011-4211, usa www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521818384 c Cambridge University Press 2006 This publication is in copyright. -
Calendar of Roman Events
Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th. -
Synesius' Egyptian Sources , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:1 (1987:Spring) P.103
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Classical Studies: Faculty Publications and Other Works Faculty Publications 11-3-2004 The Wolf and the Lion: Synesius’ Egyptian Sources Jacqueline Long Loyola University Chicago, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/classicalstudies_facpubs Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Long, J. “The Wolf and the Lion: Synesius’ Egyptian Sources.” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 28, no. 1 (November 3, 2004): 103–15. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classical Studies: Faculty Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License. © GRBS, 2004. LONG, JACQUELINE, The Wolfand the Lion: Synesius' Egyptian Sources , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:1 (1987:Spring) p.103 The Wolf and the Lion: Synesius' Egyptian Sources Jacqueline Long NE OF THE FEW established facts of Synesius' early career is that O he pursued the higher education available at Alexandria. The lifelong friendships he formed there suggest the importance this period always retained for him. Less attractively, perhaps, so does the intellectual smugness displayed in collegiate sniffs at rival Athens (Ep. 56[54].136) or in apt interpolations ofthe classics he read aloud to friends (Dion 62A-D ).1 It is no surprise that, as Cyrene's ambassador to the court of Arcadius,2 Synesius sought an intellectual approach to his city's practical advantage. -
Igrr 1.1291 = Sb 5.8393
PETER BRENNAN DIOCLETIAN AND ELEPHANTINE: A CLOSER LOOK AT POCOCKE’S PUZZLE (IGRR 1.1291 = SB 5.8393) aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 76 (1989) 193–205 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 193 DIOCLETIAN AND ELEPHANTINE: A CLOSER LOOK AT POCOCKE'S PUZZLE (IGRR 1.1291 = SB 5.8393) Two European travellers passed each other on the upper Nile in the busy winter of 1737/1738. Richard Pococke saw and copied a Greek inscription on a wall built round part of a temple on the southern end of the island of Elephantine. For that he deserves gratitude. His published transcription includes many errors and one intriguing riddle, only partly justified by his disclaimer that the inscription was in several parts defaced and that he copied it in a hurry, but there appears to be no other record of it.1 Friedrich Norden seems to have seen the inscription a month earlier, but did not bother to copy it.2 E.Jomard, with the French army expedition at the start of the nineteenth century could already find no trace of it, and it is unlikely to turn up. Unless and until it does, we are left with only Pococke's puzzling copy. J.Franz reproduced Pococke's transcription in CIG 3.4892, substituting some of the ten variant readings which Pococke had noted at the foot of his published copy (clearly as later reflections on his notes, not on site doubts) and a few gratuitous variants of his own. Franz also produced an edited text, but his low regard for Pococke's copy led him to several restorations which ignored, at times needlessly, both his actual letters and his generally meticulous indication of the number of unread letters. -
6.1-Chrysostom, Eutropius, and Gainas (395-400) Copyright 2019 Glen L
6.1-Chrysostom, Eutropius, and Gainas (395-400) Copyright 2019 Glen L. Thompson This document is provided for personal and educational use. It may not be used for commercial purposes without the permission of the copyright holder. Last updated 6/19/19 Socrates Sozomen Theodoret Introduction to Book VI 6.0.1 We performed the commission which you gave to us, O holy man of God, Theodore, in the five previous books. In these we have related the history of the Church since Constantine to the best of our ability. 6.0.2 Notice, however, that we have been by no means diligent in style; for we thought that if we had paid too much attention to the elegance of our writing, we might have missed the purpose. 6.0.3 But even if our purpose could still have been accomplished, we completely avoided that power of choice which ancient historians seem to have used so liberally, by which they imagined themselves free to inflate or suppress matters of fact. 6.0.4 Moreover, refined writing would by no means be helpful to the masses and illiterate men, who are intent merely on knowing the facts and not on admiring beautiful words. 6.0.5 Therefore, in order to make my books profitable to both classes of readers—to the learned on the one hand, because no elaborate language could compel them to rank it with the grandiose eloquence of the writers of antiquity, and to the unlearned on the other, because they could not understand the facts if they are obscured by a flashy display of words—we have purposely adopted a style cleared of all attempts at magnificence, but at the same time understandable and obvious. -
The Code of Our Lord the Most Holy Emperor Justinian
THE CODE OF OUR LORD THE MOST HOLY EMPEROR JUSTINIAN. SECOND EDITION. BOOK VIII. TITLE I. CONCERNING INTERDICTS. 1. The Emperor Alexander to Evocatus. As you allege that the roots of trees planted on the neighboring land of Agathangelus threaten the safety of your house, the Governor, by virtue of the edicts published by the Praetor, and which begin as follows, "If the tree extends over the house of another," or "If it projects over the field of another," and it is proved to those who have charge of such matters that no injury can be caused to the neighbor by said trees, the question will be decided as justice requires. Published on the sixth of the Kalends of April, during the Consulate of Julian, Consul for the second time, and Crispinus. 2. The Emperors Valerian and Gallienus to Messia. The Governor of the province cannot, even by means of an interdict, proceed against a person who is not a resident of the province. Published on the seventh of the Kalends of May, during the Consulate of Secularis and Donatus, 261. 3. The Emperors Diocletian and Maximian, and the Cassars, to Pompeianus, Prsetorian Prefect. It is a well-known rule of law that where legal proceedings have been instituted with reference to the possession or ownership of property, the question of possession must first be determined by a proper action, and after this has been done, the proof of the disputed ownership shall be required of him who was defeated in the case involving possession. But although interdicts are not properly applicable in extraordinary proceedings, still a case of this kind must be decided in the same manner. -
Control Marks and Mint Administration in the Fourth Century Ad
Johan van HEESCH *1 CONTROL MARKS AND MINT ADMINISTRATION IN THE FOURTH CENTURY AD Abstract – Control marks are omnipresent on 4th century billon coins. e purpose of this contribution is to examine if these marks enable us to gain insight in the ad- ministration of mints and if marking and administration were controlled centrally or not. From the emergence of the system of marking at the end of the 3rd century, it seems clear that mintmarks and the speed of their change were managed by a central authority. is also implies that detailed records were kept and that impressive archi- ves once existed. Together with the uniformity of the coinage and the homogeneous metal content of the billon coinage over the whole empire, it illustrates the impor- tance attached to a stable coinage and the awareness of the economic consequences of an untrustworthy system. ough much was ordered from above, the actual ela- boration of the marks was determined at the level of the mints. e empirewide reduction of the number of workshops under Julian (c. 363) seems to suggest that these were not indispensable, but rather inefficient and costly. It is suggested that the minters belonged to a class or guild characterized by privileges that were considered inappropriate at that time. n ancient greece and rome communication was, by modern stan- dards, primitive. How else can one describe a society where most of the I public announcements were chiseled out in marble letter by letter in order to inform its subjects about prices or tax regulations? However, does this imply that administration, government and the economy were equally basic? [1] In this paper I will argue that during the Later Roman Empire the administration of coinage was as sophisticated and well managed as was the administration of the Empire as a whole, and that the rhythm of coinage production and its con- trol, as reflected in the system of successive mint marks and the number of officinae in action, were sometimes (if not always) regulated on an empire- wide level. -
Kinship, Conflict and Unity Among Roman Elites in Post-Roman Gaul
Kinship, conflict and unity among Roman elites in post-Roman Gaul: the contrasting experiences of Caesarius and Avitus Leslie Dodd The fifth century saw the end of Roman imperial power in the West. Academic debate continues about whether the empire collapsed or transformed and survived in the form of the barbarian successor states in Gaul, Italy and Spain.1 For the purposes of this chapter, the key matter is that the century began with structures of official power still apparently robust throughout the West and ended with both empire and structures seemingly supplanted by incoming barbarians.2 Yet, while the process of invasion eventually vanquished Roman political authority, Roman provincial elites survived and strove to find new ways of preserving their social, political and economic status in this new post–Roman world. As in earlier times, the fortunes of provincial elites in the later empire were intertwined with the power of the state in the form of the imperial civil service. It was through the state bureaucracy that local elites gained legal and political authority; in some instances, it was how they gained social advancement. This chapter focuses on the increasingly parochial nature of the world in which these elites found themselves. In a world where neither the church nor the new barbarian kings could provide opportunities and careers to match those of the Roman state, we will see that as competition grew for the few available posts, traditional forms of elite class consciousness came to be replaced by a strictly local form of loyalty and identity based more upon kinship than upon shared social status. -
Byzantine Names for SCA Personae
1 A Short (and rough) Guide to Byzantine Names for SCA personae This is a listing of names that may be useful for constructing Byzantine persona. Having said that, please note that the term „Byzantine‟ is one that was not used in the time of the Empire. They referred to themselves as Romans. Please also note that this is compiled by a non-historian and non-linguist. When errors are detected, please let me know so that I can correct them. Additional material is always welcomed. It is a work in progress and will be added to as I have time to research more books. This is the second major revision and the number of errors picked up is legion. If you have an earlier copy throw it away now. Some names of barbarians who became citizens are included. Names from „client states‟ such as Serbia and Bosnia, as well as adversaries, can be found in my other article called Names for other Eastern Cultures. In itself it is not sufficient documentation for heraldic submission, but it will give you ideas and tell you where to start looking. The use of (?) means that either I have nothing that gives me an idea, or that I am not sure of what I have. If there are alternatives given of „c‟, „x‟ and „k‟ modern scholarship prefers the „k‟. „K‟ is closer to the original in both spelling and pronunciation. Baron, OP, Strategos tous notious okeanous, known to the Latins as Hrolf Current update 12/08/2011 Family Names ............................................................. 2 Male First Names ....................................................... -
The Office of a Rationibus in the Roman Administration During the Early Empire*
Eos CIV 2017 ISSN 0012-7825 THE OFFICE OF A RATIONIBUS IN THE ROMAN ADMINISTRATION DURING THE EARLY EMPIRE* by KAROL KŁODZIŃSKI During the Early Roman Empire financial administration was, alongside mili- tary and judicial administration, one of three major pillars of Roman govern- ment1. The actual functioning of central financial institutions responsible for the income and expenses of the state, both strictly imperial ones (the fiscus Caesaris and the patrimonium Caesaris) and those under the ruler’s rigorous control (the aerarium populi Romani/Saturni and the aerarium militare), the formal and ac- tual division of those institutions and the changes within administrative structure during the principate (the appearance of the ratio privata and/or the res privata) remain controversial to this day2. The officium a rationibus is one of the least researched yet most important offices of the imperial financial administration. Because of the imperial freedmen and equestrians who held the post of a ratio- nibus, as well as due to the great political and administrative significance of the office, its history was largely determined by the political and administrative his- tory of the early Roman Empire. Under the principate the office carried very high prestige with it; evidence for that includes the huge fortune and political clout of M. Antonius Pallas and Ti. Iulius Etruscus, as well as the sum of the yearly salary awarded the equestrian procuratores a rationibus, active from the rule of Trajan onwards (initially they earned 200,000, later 300,000 sesterces). It is worth emphasising that little information has been preserved on the of- ficium a rationibus in ancient sources (particularly in narrative ones).