Left Out? the Extra-Parliamentary Left in NZ
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A Short History of the Unite Union in New Zealand by Mike Treen Unite National Director April 29, 2014
AA shortshort historyhistory ofof thethe UniteUnite UnionUnion inin NewNew ZealandZealand ByBy MikeMike TreenTreen ! A short history of the Unite Union in New Zealand By Mike Treen Unite National Director April 29, 2014 SkyCity Casino strike 2011 ! In the late 1980s and early 1990s, workers in New union law. When the Employment Contracts Act was Zealand suffered a massive setback in their levels made law on May Day 1990, every single worker of union and social organisation and their living covered by a collective agreement was put onto an standards. A neo-liberal, Labour Government elected individual employment agreement identical to the in 1984 began the assault and it was continued and terms of their previous collective. In order for the deepened by a National Party government elected in union to continue to negotiate on your behalf, you 1990. had to sign an individual authorisation. It was very difficult for some unions to manage that. Many The “free trade”policies adopted by both Labour were eliminated overnight. Voluntary unionism was and the National Party led to massive factory introduced and closed shops were outlawed. All of closures. The entire car industry was eliminated and the legal wage protections which stipulated breaks, textile industries were closed. Other industries with overtime rates, Sunday rates and so on, went. traditionally strong union organisation such as the Minimum legal conditions were now very limited - meat industry were restructured and thousands lost three weeks holiday and five days sick leave was their jobs. Official unemployment reached 11.2% in about the lot. Everything else had to be negotiated the early 1990s. -
Activist #2, 2013
Rail & Maritime Transport Union Volume 2013 # 2 Published Regularly - ISSN 1178-7392 (Print & Online) 22 February 2013 TRANSPORT WORKER – ISSUE 1 union in Dunedin, marking as it did the end (for now) of a Branch which has fought for The mag is done and off to the printers. workers at Hillside for generations. This issue is full of robust stories with a That said, the Otago Rail Branch is very strong emphasis on H&S issues within active and enjoys the support of the KiwiRail. We also have notes from 90% of membership and has some extremely the Union’s branches which are essential capable delegates and Officials. The Hillside for giving all areas of the membership a workers will be well supported and we look voice and platform to be heard from. forward to the day when the next Labour led 2ND ANNIVERSARY – Government honours its commitment to reinstate rail manufacturing at Hillside and CANTERBURY EARTHQUAKE the likely re-formation of a Hillside Branch! Today marks the second anniversary of the A sad event and all preventable if we had a February 22 earthquake and we all need to meaningful local content procurement policy reflect upon the difficulties that our like most other countries. Canterbury members have been working and living in since that fateful day. Some of LYTTELTON PORT COMPANY our members do not still have a working The hearing for the City Depot case toilet in their home. commences on Monday in the Employment We must not forget that 115 people lost Court in Christchurch. their lives in the CTV building alone and so Members will recall that the RMTU won a we must, as a society, ensure that all case in the Employment Relations Authority future buildings are fit for purpose. -
Industrial Unionism
of a Workers’ Union on I.W.W. Lines of UniononI.W.W. aWorkers’ Workers ofWorkers inAotearoa theWorld Industrial Unionism The History of theIndustrial Aim, Form, andTactics REBEL PRESS ~ & Anti-copyright 2007. Published by Rebel Press P.O. Box 9263 Te Aro Te Whanganui a Tara (Wellington) Aotearoa (New Zealand) Email: [email protected] Web: www.rebelpress.org.nz ISBN: 978-0-473-12021-4 Printed on 100% recycled paper. Hand bound with a hatred for the State infused into every page. Set in 11/15pt Adobe Garamond Pro. Titles in Abadi MT. The Industrial Workers of the World in Aotearoa Peter Steiner, 2006 etween 1908 and 1913 the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.) were Ba small organisation in New Zealand whose infl uence was tremendous amongst working people. By means of hundreds of propaganda meetings, thou- sands of pamphlets and in particular their paper, the Industrial Unionist, the Wobblies (I.W.W. members) spread their revolutionary ideas wide and far. Th e big strike actions of 1912/13 can be attributed to workers uniting as a class inspired by revolutionary ideas. Th e transient nature of workers at that time also contributed to Wobbly ideas reaching every corner of the English speaking countries within a few years. However, it also made organising diffi cult due to the short-lived groups. Th e history of the I.W.W. challenges traditional histori- cal understandings, as historians tend to argue that, while workers lost in 1913, they were eventually victorious in 1935 with the election of the fi rst Labour Government. -
Hone Harawira's Farewell Speech to Parliament
Publication information Becoming a sustaining subscriber Table of Subscriptions to Fightback are avail- able for $20 a year, this covers the costs Contents of printing and postage. At present the writing, proof reading, layout, and 3 Editorial distribution is all done on a volun- teer basis. To make this publication 4 MANA and resistance to the next National sustainable long term we are asking for government people to consider becoming ‘Sustain- ing subscribers’ by pledging a monthly 6 Where next: Reflections on a defeat p6 amount to Fightback (suggested $10). Sustaining subscribers will be send a 7 free copy of each of our pamphlets to Hone Harawira’s farewell speech to Parliament thank them for their extra support. To start your sustaining subscription set 10 Employment Relations Amendment Bill a up an automatic payment to 38-9002- provocation of organised labour 0817250-00 with your name in the particulars and ‘Sustain’ in the code 11 Housing under neoliberalism and email your name and address to [email protected] 13 Moves to gut public and Maori broadcasting 14 Why workers need our own “foreign policy” based on solidarity 17 10,000 Workers Strike in Support of Hong Kong’s Get Fightback Protests each month 20 Fiji Election: Crooks in Suits Within NZ: $20 for one year (11 issues) or $40 for two years (22 issues) 21 Scotland’s radical independence movement Rest of the World: $40 for one year or $80 for two years 22 Thousands march against climate change Send details and payments to: Fightback, PO Box 10282 24 Poetry: Body Politics Dominion Rd, Auckland or Bank transfer: 38-9002-0817250-01 Donations and bequeathments Fightback is non-profit and relies on financial support from progressive people, supporters and members for all its activities including producing this magazine. -
The Unreal Estate Guide to Detroit
The Unreal Estate Guide to Detroit Digitalculturebooks, an imprint of the University of Michigan Press, is dedicated to publishing work in new media studies and the emerging field of digital humanities. The Unreal Estate Guide to Detroit Andrew Herscher The University of Michigan Press Ann Arbor Copyright © by Andrew Herscher 2012 Some rights reserved This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial- No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, 171 Second Street, Suite 300, San Francisco, California, 94105, USA. Published in the United States of America by The University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America c Printed on acid-free paper 2015 2014 2013 2012 4 3 2 1 A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-0-472-03521-2 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-472-02917-4 (e-book) “Precisely because physical devastation on such a huge scale boggles the mind, it also frees the imagination … to perceive reality anew; to see vacant lots not as eyesores but as empty spaces inviting the viewer to fill them in with other forms, other structures that presage a new kind of city which will embody and nurture new life-affirming values in sharp contrast to the values of materialism, individualism and competition that have brought us to this denouement.” —Grace Lee Boggs, The Next American Revolution “The world of capitalist culture, economy, -
Draft Programme
Conference Programme November 11th: Day One 9.00am Welcome Wharenui LT 1 9.30am Keynote: Constitutional Transformation Wharenui Featuring: Professor Margaret Mutu and Dr Veronica Tawhai LT 1 Constitutional transformation is one of the biggest political ideas Aotearoa must grapple with. But what does it mean? How does it happen? Sparking off our conference, Tayla Cook and Safari Hynes will sit down for a kaputī with Professor Margaret Mutu and Dr Veronica Tawhai, members of Matike Mai Aotearoa, the Independent Working Group on Constitutional Transformation. This intergenerational kōrero will set the scene for the rest of the week, and go straight to the heart of Aotearoa’s biggest questions around Te Tiriti o Waitangi, tino rangatiratanga, mana motuhake and political change. 10.30am Morning Tea 11.00am Papers: “Questioning Place and Privilege” Wharenui Missing from our Refugee Debate: the Right to Cross Borders LT 1 Presented by: Umesh Perinpanayagam Over the last few years activists have focused on (increasing) the New Zealand government’s refugee quota intake — a program which sees the government chose a fixed number of refugees from overseas to be resettled here. However, challenging the government’s policies to stop potential refugees reaching New Zealand borders, where they can claim asylum, has been missing from this debate. These policies have coincided with a marked decline in people claiming asylum here despite an unprecedented number of people displaced by wars and persecution globally — to which Western states have been major contributors. This paper outlines New Zealand government policies based on public sources and official information requests and touches upon their legal and moral implications. -
The Media We Want by 2020
MEDIANZ VOL 17 NO 1 • 2017 https://DOI.org/10.11157/medianz-vol17iss1id185 - ARTICLE - The Media We Want By 2020 Gavin Ellis Abstract A period as short as three years will not produce fundamental change to New Zealand’s news media landscape but there is scope for positive improvement within a version of the status quo. Media – and the workings of democracy – would be improved by market reform, greater co- operation in news-gathering, and comprehensive multimedia regulation that protects citizens’ rights. However, for mainstream media to fully serve their democratic function they must urgently institute measures to regain the public’s trust. Forecasting the future of journalism follows one of two paths: it is either an understandable desire to seek Jerusalem and William Blake’s Countenance Divine shining forth upon our clouded hills, or to deny Jerusalem and foresee the endless grinding of dark Satanic mills. Yet hovering over any prediction on the future of journalism is its susceptibility to sudden change. Even an attempt to steer a sober middle course between determinism and chaos is fraught with risk. There is an object lesson in Leo Bogart’s 1989 prognosis on the state of newspapers that ‘the worst appears to be over’ (Bogart 1989, 49). He had the misfortune to make his prediction in the year that Tim Berners-Lee introduced the world to his wide web and Rupert Murdoch launched Sky TV in the United Kingdom. The lesson: when divining media futures, be aware that you may be proven wrong by the passage of a relatively short space of time. -
ELECTORAL CHANGE, INERTIA and CAMPAIGNS in NEW ZEALAND the First Modern FPP Campaign in 1987 and the First MMP Campaign in 1996
PARTY POLITICS VOL 9. No.5 pp. 601–618 Copyright © 2003 SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi www.sagepublications.com ELECTORAL CHANGE, INERTIA AND CAMPAIGNS IN NEW ZEALAND The First Modern FPP Campaign in 1987 and the First MMP Campaign in 1996 David Denemark ABSTRACT Electoral change creates important and competing incentives for political parties, parliamentary elites and candidates to transform their campaign techniques in order to maximize votes under the new realities – a process constrained by continued reliance on familiar techniques. In this article I examine two significant moments of electoral change in New Zealand – from partisan stability to dealignment in the late 1980s, and from an SMP/plurality system to Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) represen- tation in 1996 – as a way of exploring inertia and change in the trans- formation of campaigns at the constituency level. Drawing on findings from in-depth interviews conducted with individuals responsible for the parties’ campaigns in the 1987 and 1996 New Zealand general elections, I explore the extent to which political campaign elites, parliamentarians and candidates responded to incentives to adopt a fundamentally new election campaign logic – in these two cases, dictated by the new tactical centrality of marginal seats and geographically defined constituencies in the modern first-past-the-post (FPP) campaign, and then by the ascend- ancy in their place of the party list vote, issue constituencies and nation- wide campaigns under MMP. KEY WORDS campaigns constituency electoral change mixed member proportional New Zealand Introduction Election campaigns – their strategies, techniques and technologies – are the product of the electoral systems within which they are waged (Katz, 1980). -
The Impact of John A. Lee's Expulsion Upon the Labour Party
The Impact of John A. Lee's Expulsion upon the Labour Party IN MARCH 1940 the Labour Party expelled John A. Lee. Lee's dynamism and flair, the length and drama of the battle, not to mention Lee's skill as a publicist, have focussed considerable attention upon his expulsion. Almost all historians of New Zealand have mentioned it, and most have portrayed it as a defeat for extremism, radicalism, dissent or a policy of industrialization.1 According to one political scientist, although Labour did not quite blow out its metaphorical brains in expelling Lee, his expulsion heralded the victory of the administrators and consolidators.2 While few of those who have attributed a significance to Lee's expulsion have hazarded a guess at its effect .upon the Labour Party's membership or the party itself, Bruce Brown, who gave the better part of two chapters to the disputes associated with Lee's name, pointed out that 'hundreds of the most enthusiastic branch members' followed Lee 'out of the main stream of political life.'3 Brown recognized that such an exodus undoubtedly weakened the Labour Party although, largely because he ended his history in 1940, he made no attempt to estimate the exact numbers involved or the significance of their departure. This essay is designed to suggested tentative answers to both questions. Immediately after his expulsion Lee believed that radicals, socialists and even five or six members of parliament would join him. The first 1 For instance, W.H. Oliver, The Story of New Zealand, London, 1960, pp.198-99; W.B. -
Radical Spaces: New Zealand's Resistance Bookshops, 1969-1977
Radical Spaces: New Zealand’s Resistance Bookshops, 1969-1977 Megan Simpson A Thesis Submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in Fulfilment of the Requirement for the Degree of Masters of Arts in History 2007 ii Table of Contents Page Illustrations iii Abbreviations v Acknowledgements vi Abstract vii Introduction 1 Chapter One Print, Protest and Politics: The Resistance Bookshops and 17 the wider culture of protest in New Zealand 1969-1977 Chapter Two From the “bowels of the underground”: An overview of 44 the Resistance Bookshops Chapter Three Challenging Conventions: The Resistance Bookshops and 97 the role of print in radical politics Conclusion 122 Bibliography 129 iii Illustrations Figure Page 1 Joint advertisement for the Wellington and Christchurch Resistance Bookshops, Cover The Southern Flyer , Issue 23, February 1976, p.3 2 Cover of The Muldoon Annual Jokebook , 1971 8 3 Sensationalist coverage of radical politics in the 8 o’clock Auckland Star , 1972 28 4 Leaflet produced by the Campaign Against Foreign Control in New Zealand, 30 1975 5 Women’s National Abortion Action Campaign (WONAAC) Newsletter, 1975 34 6 Photograph of the People’s Union in Ponsonby, Auckland, 1979 38 7 Earwig headline concerning Dennis Cooney and the Resistance Bookshop in 41 Auckland, 1972 8 The revolutionary and the printing press, an illustration printed by Kozmik 48 Krumbia, c.1973 9 Auckland, Wellington and Christchurch Resistance Bookshop logos, 1969-77 53 10 Advertisement for the three bookshops placed in the New Zealand Listener , 54 1973 -
Aotearoa Dissident Voice Is One Small Part 8Th Edition of Dissident Voice, Possibly the Last for Quite of a Continuing Subversive Current, One Which Wsome Time
Issue 8 ~ March 2005 ~ Koha Sexism in the Anarchist Movement Also in this issue... Feedback from the Anarcha-feminist Conference An Interview with American Anti-Facist Michael Staudenmaier News, Reviews, Letters & more... introduction AOTEARO A Greetings Dissident... Dissident Voice elcome reader to the grand slapping new and beautifi ed Aotearoa Dissident Voice is one small part 8th edition of Dissident Voice, possibly the last for quite of a continuing subversive current, one which Wsome time. aims at the total and complete dissolution of Back at the end of 2003 when the fi rst issue of imminent rebel- all relationships, systems and institutions based lion appeared its mission was to encourage and foster community on hierarchy, domination and exploitation. and communication amongst anarchists and radical sympathisers by providing a space for This current is one which seeks new ways of participation, creativity and analysis. Since that time we have been fi ghting the good fi ght living with one another and our environment (and it has been a fi ght) getting people to write in particular, but also for donations and based on freedom, equality, cooperation subscriptions and mutual-aid in other forms. While funding and creating Dissident Voice has placed a lot of strain on the edcol- and respect. It is fundamentally anarchist; lective, we’re not the kind to piss and moan about our problems. We don’t mind however, and yet it is broader, including people from letting other people do it for us. Th is is an excerpt from a communiqué put out by Black diverse yet interrelated movements: anti- Flag, as they faced their own imminent dematerialisation: capitalists, indigenous rights activists, feminists, Th is lack of participation is, I fear, a common problem with anarchist journals and papers. -
Punk Rock and the Socio-Politics of Place Dissertation Presented
Building a Better Tomorrow: Punk Rock and the Socio-Politics of Place Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University by Jeffrey Samuel Debies-Carl Graduate Program in Sociology The Ohio State University 2009 Dissertation Committee: Townsand Price-Spratlen, Advisor J. Craig Jenkins Amy Shuman Jared Gardner Copyright by Jeffrey S. Debies-Carl 2009 Abstract Every social group must establish a unique place or set of places with which to facilitate and perpetuate its way of life and social organization. However, not all groups have an equal ability to do so. Rather, much of the physical environment is designed to facilitate the needs of the economy—the needs of exchange and capital accumulation— and is not as well suited to meet the needs of people who must live in it, nor for those whose needs are otherwise at odds with this dominant spatial order. Using punk subculture as a case study, this dissertation investigates how an unconventional and marginalized group strives to manage ‘place’ in order to maintain its survival and to facilitate its way of life despite being positioned in a relatively incompatible social and physical environment. To understand the importance of ‘place’—a physical location that is also attributed with meaning—the dissertation first explores the characteristics and concerns of punk subculture. Contrary to much previous research that focuses on music, style, and self-indulgence, what emerged from the data was that punk is most adequately described in terms of a general set of concerns and collective interests: individualism, community, egalitarianism, antiauthoritarianism, and a do-it-yourself ethic.