Industrial Unionism
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Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
A Century of Struggle
A Century of Struggle To mark the 100th anniversary of the formation of the American Federation of Labor, the National Museum of American History of the Smithsonian Institution invited a group of scholars and practitioners "to examine the work, technology, and culture of industrial America . " The conference was produced in cooperation with the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations . The excerpts on the following pages are drawn from papers and comments at that conference, in the Museum's Carmichael Auditorium, November IS and 16, 1986. Mary Kay Rieg, Olivia G. Amiss, and Marsha Domzalski of the Monthly Labor Review provided editorial assistance. Trade unions mirror society in conflict between collectivism and individualism A duality common to many institutions runs through the American labor movement and has marked its shifting fortunes from the post-Civil War period to the present ALICE KESSLER-HARRIS ideology of American trade unions as they developed in Two competing ideas run through the labor movement, as and post-Civil War period. It also tells us something of their they have run through the American past. The first is the the The conglomeration of unions that formed the Na- notion of community-the sense that liberty is nurtured in impact . Union and the 15,000 assemblies of the an informal political environment where the voluntary and tional Labor of Labor responded to the onslaught of industrial- collective enterprise of people with common interests con- Knights the Civil War by searching for ways to reestablish tributes to the solution of problems . Best characterized by ism after of interest that was threatened by a new and the town meeting, collective solutions are echoed in the the community organization of work. -
Maintaining and Industrial Peace in the East Tennessee Copper Basin from the Great War Through the Second World War
Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University History Dissertations Department of History 3-19-2010 Removing Reds from the Old Red Scar: Maintaining and Industrial Peace in the East Tennessee Copper Basin from the Great War through the Second World War William Ronald Simson Georgia State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_diss Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Simson, William Ronald, "Removing Reds from the Old Red Scar: Maintaining and Industrial Peace in the East Tennessee Copper Basin from the Great War through the Second World War." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2010. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_diss/17 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REMOVING REDS FROM THE OLD RED SCAR: MAINTAINING AN INDUSTRIAL PEACE IN THE EAST TENNESSEE COPPER BASIN, FROM THE GREAT WAR THROUGH THE SECOND WORLD WAR by WILLIAM R. SIMSON ABSTRACT This study considers industrial society and development in the East Tennessee Copper Basin from the 1890s through World War II; its main focus will be on the primary industrial concern, Tennessee Copper Company (TCC 1899), owned by the Lewisohn Group, New York. The study differs from other Appalachian scholarship in its assessment of New South industries generally overlooked. Wars and increased reliance on organic chemicals tied the basin to defense needs and agricultural advance. Locals understood the basin held expanding economic opportunities superior to those in the surrounding mountains and saw themselves as participants in the nation’s industrial and economic progress, and a vital part of its defense. -
The Impact of John A. Lee's Expulsion Upon the Labour Party
The Impact of John A. Lee's Expulsion upon the Labour Party IN MARCH 1940 the Labour Party expelled John A. Lee. Lee's dynamism and flair, the length and drama of the battle, not to mention Lee's skill as a publicist, have focussed considerable attention upon his expulsion. Almost all historians of New Zealand have mentioned it, and most have portrayed it as a defeat for extremism, radicalism, dissent or a policy of industrialization.1 According to one political scientist, although Labour did not quite blow out its metaphorical brains in expelling Lee, his expulsion heralded the victory of the administrators and consolidators.2 While few of those who have attributed a significance to Lee's expulsion have hazarded a guess at its effect .upon the Labour Party's membership or the party itself, Bruce Brown, who gave the better part of two chapters to the disputes associated with Lee's name, pointed out that 'hundreds of the most enthusiastic branch members' followed Lee 'out of the main stream of political life.'3 Brown recognized that such an exodus undoubtedly weakened the Labour Party although, largely because he ended his history in 1940, he made no attempt to estimate the exact numbers involved or the significance of their departure. This essay is designed to suggested tentative answers to both questions. Immediately after his expulsion Lee believed that radicals, socialists and even five or six members of parliament would join him. The first 1 For instance, W.H. Oliver, The Story of New Zealand, London, 1960, pp.198-99; W.B. -
Radical Spaces: New Zealand's Resistance Bookshops, 1969-1977
Radical Spaces: New Zealand’s Resistance Bookshops, 1969-1977 Megan Simpson A Thesis Submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in Fulfilment of the Requirement for the Degree of Masters of Arts in History 2007 ii Table of Contents Page Illustrations iii Abbreviations v Acknowledgements vi Abstract vii Introduction 1 Chapter One Print, Protest and Politics: The Resistance Bookshops and 17 the wider culture of protest in New Zealand 1969-1977 Chapter Two From the “bowels of the underground”: An overview of 44 the Resistance Bookshops Chapter Three Challenging Conventions: The Resistance Bookshops and 97 the role of print in radical politics Conclusion 122 Bibliography 129 iii Illustrations Figure Page 1 Joint advertisement for the Wellington and Christchurch Resistance Bookshops, Cover The Southern Flyer , Issue 23, February 1976, p.3 2 Cover of The Muldoon Annual Jokebook , 1971 8 3 Sensationalist coverage of radical politics in the 8 o’clock Auckland Star , 1972 28 4 Leaflet produced by the Campaign Against Foreign Control in New Zealand, 30 1975 5 Women’s National Abortion Action Campaign (WONAAC) Newsletter, 1975 34 6 Photograph of the People’s Union in Ponsonby, Auckland, 1979 38 7 Earwig headline concerning Dennis Cooney and the Resistance Bookshop in 41 Auckland, 1972 8 The revolutionary and the printing press, an illustration printed by Kozmik 48 Krumbia, c.1973 9 Auckland, Wellington and Christchurch Resistance Bookshop logos, 1969-77 53 10 Advertisement for the three bookshops placed in the New Zealand Listener , 54 1973 -
Check the Source
The Buccafori Defense: A Speech by William D. Haywood March 16, 1911 omrades and Fellow Workers: I am here to-night with a heavy heart. I can see in that Raymond Street jail our comrade and fellow-worker Buccafori in a cell, a miserable cell, perhaps 4 1/2 feet Cwide, 7 feet long, sleeping on an iron shelf, wrapped up in a dirty blanket, vermin-infested perhaps; surrounded by human wolves, those who are willing to tear him limb from limb, those who will not feel that their duty to the political state is entirely fulfilled until Buccafori's heart ceases to beat. I had felt that this would be a great meeting. I feel now that I would hate to be in Buccafori's place. It is better, when charged with crime by a capitalist or by the capitalist class, to hold a prominent office in a great labor organization. You will then draw around you support—support sufficient to protect and to save your life. Had I been an ordinary member of the rank and file of a labor organization no more prominent than a shoe worker of Brooklyn I would not be here tonight. I am certain that I would be sleeping in a bed of quicklime within the walls of the Idaho State penitentiary. But it happened that I was a prominent official of a labor organization that was known world-wide, and for one to raise his voice in defense of the officials of that organization meant to give the speaker prominence. To speak in favor of Buccafori is to come into an out-of-the-way part of town and to speak to a small audience. -
Rethinking Biological Invasion Jonah H
The White Horse Press Full citation: Johnson, Sarah, ed. Bioinvaders. Themes in Environmental History series. Cambridge: The White Horse Press, 2010. http://www.environmentandsociety.org/node/2811. Rights: All rights reserved. © The White Horse Press 2010. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism or review, no part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, including photocopying or recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission from the publishers. For further information please see http://www.whpress.co.uk. Bioinvaders Copyright © The White Horse Press 2010 First published 2010 by The White Horse Press, 10 High Street, Knapwell, Cambridge, CB23 4NR, UK Set in 10 point Times All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism or review, no part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, in- cluding photocopying or recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978-1-874267-55-3 (PB) Contents Publisher’s Introduction Sarah Johnson iv Strangers in a Strange Land: The Problem of Exotic Species Mark Woods and Paul Veatch Moriarty 1 Nativism and Nature: Rethinking Biological Invasion Jonah H. Peretti 28 Exotic Species, Naturalisation, and Biological Nativism Ned Hettinger 37 Plant Transfers in Historical Perspective William Beinart and Karen Middleton 68 Weeds, People and Contested Places Neil Clayton 94 Re-writing the History of Australian Tropical Rainforests: ‘Alien Invasives’ or ‘Ancient Indigenes’? Rachel Sanderson 124 Prehistory of Southern African Forestry: From Vegetable Garden to Tree Plantation Kate B. -
The Industrial Workers of the World in the Seattle General Strike - Colin M
The Industrial Workers of the World in the Seattle general strike - Colin M. Anderson An attempt to find out the IWW's actual involvement in the Seattle General Strike of 1919, which has been hampered by myths caused by the capitalist press and AFL union leaders of the time. The Seattle General Strike is an event very important in the history of the Pacific Northwest. On February 6, 1919 Seattle workers became the first workers in United States history to participate in an official general strike. Many people know little, if anything, about the strike, however. Perhaps the momentousness of the event is lost in the fact that the strike took place without violence, or perhaps it is because there was no apparent visible change in the city following the event. But the strike is a landmark for the U.S. labor movement, and is very important, if for no there reason, for what it stands for. Workers expressed their power through a massive action of solidarity, and demonstrated to the nation the potential power of organized labor. This was at a time when labor was generally divided over ideological lines that prevented them from achieving such mass action very often. For many at the time, however, the strike represented something else: something more sinister and extreme. To many of the locals in Seattle the strike was the beginning of an attempted revolution by the Industrial Workers of the World and others with similar radical tendencies. These people saw the putting down of the strike was the triumph of patriotism in the face of radicalism gone too far. -
Index to Authors
LaborHistory, Vol. 43, No. 1/ 2,2002 BOOK REVIEWINDEX Aalders, Gerard andCees Wiebes. The Art Aiken, Michael,et al. Economic Failure, of Cloaking Ownership:The Secret Collab- Alienation, andExtremism. (Ross Stag- oration andProtection of theGerman War ner)10:2, 293– 295, Spring 1969. Industry bythe Neutrals— The Case of Aitken,Hugh G. J. Taylorism atWatertown Sweden. (JohnGillingham) 38:1, 148– Arsenal: Scientic Management in Action, 150,Winter 1996– 97. 1908–1915. (LaurenceB. Cohen)2:2, Abella, IrvingM. Nationalism, Communism 248–249, Spring 1961. andCanadian Labour: TheCIO, the Akin, William E. Technocracy andthe Communist Party andthe Canadian Con- American Dream: TheTechnocratic Move- gressof Labour, 1935–1956. (George S. ment, 1900–1941. (SamuelHaber) 20:3, Kealey)15:1, 130– 134, Winter 1974. 456–458, Summer 1979. Abella, Irvingand David Millar(eds.). The Alba, Victor. TheCommunist Party In CanadianWorker in theTwentieth Cen- Spain. (GeorgeEsenwein) 28:4, 578– tury. (DavidFrank) 21:4, 617– 619, Fall 583,Fall 1987. 1980. Alba, Victor. Politics andthe Labor Move- Abelove, Henry, BetsyBlackmar, Peter ment in Latin America. (SamuelL. Baily) Dimock,and Jonathan Scheer (eds.). 10:2,304– 306, Spring 1969. Visions of History. (JohnHaynes) 26:1, Aldrich, Mark. SafetyFirst: Technology, 146–147, Winter 1985. Labor andBusiness in theBuilding of Abendroth, Wolfgang. AShort History of American Work Safety,1870– 1939. (Carl theEuropean Working Class. (Peter N. Gersuny)39:2, 219– 221, May 1998. Stearns)14:2, 310– 311, Spring 1973. Alexander,John K. RenderThem Submiss- Abraham, David. TheCollapse of theWei- ive:Responses to Poverty in Philadelphia, mar Republic: Political Economy andCri- 1760–1800. (Sharon V.Salinger)26:1, sis. -
Promoting Paradise: Utopianism And
New Zealand Journal of History, 42, 1 (2008) Promoting Paradise UTOPIANISM AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN NEW ZEALAND, 1870–1930 A NUMBER OF COMMENTATORS have identified a correlation between aspects of utopianism and New Zealand’s past. Miles Fairburn, for example, has emphasized the power of an arcadian myth in nineteenth-century New Zealand.1 James Belich entitled the second volume of his history of New Zealand Paradise Reforged.2 And Lucy Sargisson and Lyman Tower Sargent’s work on intentional communities (or communes) argued that New Zealand ‘has a special place in the history of utopianism’.3 As Sargisson and Sargent note, though, there has not been any extended discussion of the association between utopianism and New Zealand’s national identity. Fairburn’s work comes closest, but the ‘governing category’ of his landmark study was ‘the colony’s social organisation’ rather than arcadian myths.4 Furthermore, Fairburn’s work stops in the 1890s, ignores ideal visions of cities and towns, disregards utopian fiction, and does not take into account ‘race’ and politics and the impact which these had on images of arcadia. While ‘race’ and politics are central to Belich’s work his study remains first and foremost a general history. The use of the descriptor ‘paradise’, like his term ‘recolonization’ (which is used to signify New Zealand’s apparent return to the British imperial fold), works primarily as ‘a heuristic device … to give pattern’.5 Belich also overlooks utopian and science fiction (SF) literature, focuses on the printed word and skips over ‘booster’ sources, namely those civic and commercial publications produced locally to promote settlement and investment. -
ABSTRACT Title of Document: “AMERICA WAS PROMISES”: the IDEOLOGY of EQUAL OPPORTUNITY, 1877-1905 Claire Claudia Goldstene
ABSTRACT Title of Document: “AMERICA WAS PROMISES”: THE IDEOLOGY OF EQUAL OPPORTUNITY, 1877-1905 Claire Claudia Goldstene, Ph.D., 2009 Directed By: Professor Gary Gerstle, Department of History “‘America was Promises’: The Ideology of Equal Opportunity, 1877-1905” seeks to untangle one of the enduring ideas in American history—equal economic opportunity—by exploring the varied discourses about its meaning during the upheavals caused by the corporate consolidation of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. In so doing, a new framework is proposed through which to comprehend the social and political disruptions wrought by the transition from an entrepreneurial to a corporate society. This framework centers on a series of tensions that have permeated the idea of opportunity in the American context. As an expression of capitalism, the ideology of equal opportunity historically occupies conflicted terrain as it endeavors to promote upward mobility by permitting more people to participate in the economic sphere and emphasizing merit over inherited wealth, while it concurrently acts as a mechanism to maintain economic inequality. This tension allowed the rhetoric of opportunity to animate social dissent among rural and urban workers—the origins of Progressive reform—even as it simultaneously served efforts by business elites to temper this dissent. The dissertation examines the discourses about the ideology of equal opportunity of prominent figures and groups located along a spectrum of political belief. Some grounded opportunity in land ownership (Booker T. Washington); others defined it as control of one’s own labor (Knights of Labor); while others connected opportunity to increased leisure and consumption (Samuel Gompers and business elites). -
W. T. Mills, E. J. B. Allen, J. A. Lee and Socialism in New Zealand
W. T. Mills, E. J. B. Allen, J. A. Lee and Socialism in New Zealand IT is now some years since Professor W. H. Oliver asked whether 'left' could be considered a direction in New Zealand politics. Although Professor Oliver's main concern was to illustrate a point about New Zealand society I have often thought, since reading that provocative essay, that much of what historians have considered the history of socialism in New Zealand could fruitfully be viewed from this sceptical perspective.1 The somewhat improbable trinity of W. T. Mills, E. J. B. Allen and J. A. Lee tried, at different times, to grapple with the meaning of socialism within the context of New Zealand. They also attempted to work out the ways in which the context not only defined the meaning but the possibility of achieving socialism. Mills and Lee, of course, were active politicians and what they said and thought was usually subordinate to the tactical imperatives of the political situation. Allen, on the other hand, was an activist-intellectual. Each man was articulate, each played out some role within these islands, and together they allow us to take account of the wider context within which the socialist tradition had emerged; for Mills was an American; Allen was English; while Lee was born in Dunedin.2 It may occasion some surprise that the focus should be on these three men to the exclusion of others with some claim to be considered the ideologues of socialism in New Zealand. Men like Harry Holland, Rod Ross, or Sid Scott of the Communist Party, committed to a simple version of class warfare and faith in nationalization, epitomize what many New Zealanders have thought to be socialism.