Human Beings and Freedom: an Interdisciplinary Perspective
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Aotearoa - New Zealand
University of Wollongong Research Online Faculty of Arts - Papers (Archive) Faculty of Arts, Social Sciences & Humanities 2005 Aotearoa - New Zealand Evan S. Poata-Smith University of Wollongong, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Poata-Smith, Evan S., Aotearoa - New Zealand 2005, 228-232. https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers/1506 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] 228 IWGIA - THE INDIGENOUS WORLD - 2005 AOTEAROA - NEW ZEALAND “Race relations” and the place of the Treaty of Waitangi as a blueprint for nation building were very much at the forefront of the national political agenda in 2004. The broad political consensus shared by both National and Labour-led governments in New Zealand over the past decade collapsed in the wake of the soaring political popularity of Don Brash, the new leader of the National Party, the main opposition po- litical party in the New Zealand Parliament. The legitimacy of policy initiatives and programmes that specifi- cally target Mãori in order to reduce the relative socio-economic dis- parities that exist between indigenous communities and other New Zealanders, and the role of the Treaty of Waitangi in managing con- temporary relationships between indigenous communities and the Crown, have come under sustained attack. The Treaty of Waitangi under threat The underlying theme of Brash’s widely reported speech to the Orewa Rotary Club in January 2004 was the apparent “threat” that the Treaty of Waitangi settlement process represented for the future of the coun- try. -
Searching the Soul of Antitrust:What Is Competition Law For? Tim Cowen
Searching the soul of antitrust: what is competition law for? Tim Cowen 12 February 2020 outline What is competition law for? • Law and policy differ • Justice “ The Overriding Objective” in applying law, &, justice in a just society raises 3 policy issues: Welfare, Freedom and Virtue. • Outcomes: on industrial structure and distribution of wealth • Causes & History • Now & Future • Conclusions ….What do Intel, Microsoft and Google have in Common? Welfare Freedom & Virtue Summer of 2004: hurricane Charley hit Florida: 22 lives, $11billion damage. Orlando gas stations: (August & electricity and refrigeration failures) $2 dollar bags of ice = $10 dollars & generators usually selling for $250 = $2000 A 72 year old & her handicapped daughter charged $160 for a $40 motel room. USA Today: “After the storm come the vultures?” State AG Charlie Christ : “It is astounding to me the level of greed that someone must have in their soul to be willing to take advantage of someone suffering in the wake of a hurricane” Florida has a law against “Price Gouging”. 2,000 complaints Days Inn West Palm Beach had to pay $ 70,000 in penalties and restitution. Welfare, Freedom and Virtue Welfare: raising price attracts supply? Welfare at a time of duress impacts on the vulnerable Raised prices provide incentives for suppliers to switch production, reflect what willing buyers and sellers consider to be the value of the goods and services. Depends on open markets/absence of duress, and impacts on all: rich/poor, price sensitive non price sensitive, vulnerable or not. Free markets promote welfare by creating incentives for people to produce what others want: the price signal is important to fuel the engine of the economy. -
University of Groningen in Pursuit of the Postsecular Molendijk, Arie L
University of Groningen In pursuit of the postsecular Molendijk, Arie L. Published in: International Journal of Philosophy and Theology DOI: 10.1080/21692327.2015.1053403 IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publication date: 2015 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Molendijk, A. L. (2015). In pursuit of the postsecular. International Journal of Philosophy and Theology, 76(2), 100-115. https://doi.org/10.1080/21692327.2015.1053403 Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. For technical reasons the number of authors shown on this cover page is limited to 10 maximum. Download date: 28-09-2021 International Journal of Philosophy and Theology, 2015 Vol. 76, No. 2, 100–115, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21692327.2015.1053403 In pursuit of the postsecular Arie L. Molendijk* History of Christianity & Philosophy, Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies, Groningen, The Netherlands (Received 11 February 2015; final version received 18 May 2015) This article explores the various uses or – according to some authors, such as the sociologist James Beckford – misuses of the term ‘postsecular’. -
Industrial Unionism
of a Workers’ Union on I.W.W. Lines of UniononI.W.W. aWorkers’ Workers ofWorkers inAotearoa theWorld Industrial Unionism The History of theIndustrial Aim, Form, andTactics REBEL PRESS ~ & Anti-copyright 2007. Published by Rebel Press P.O. Box 9263 Te Aro Te Whanganui a Tara (Wellington) Aotearoa (New Zealand) Email: [email protected] Web: www.rebelpress.org.nz ISBN: 978-0-473-12021-4 Printed on 100% recycled paper. Hand bound with a hatred for the State infused into every page. Set in 11/15pt Adobe Garamond Pro. Titles in Abadi MT. The Industrial Workers of the World in Aotearoa Peter Steiner, 2006 etween 1908 and 1913 the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.) were Ba small organisation in New Zealand whose infl uence was tremendous amongst working people. By means of hundreds of propaganda meetings, thou- sands of pamphlets and in particular their paper, the Industrial Unionist, the Wobblies (I.W.W. members) spread their revolutionary ideas wide and far. Th e big strike actions of 1912/13 can be attributed to workers uniting as a class inspired by revolutionary ideas. Th e transient nature of workers at that time also contributed to Wobbly ideas reaching every corner of the English speaking countries within a few years. However, it also made organising diffi cult due to the short-lived groups. Th e history of the I.W.W. challenges traditional histori- cal understandings, as historians tend to argue that, while workers lost in 1913, they were eventually victorious in 1935 with the election of the fi rst Labour Government. -
The Distributist Alternative
www.secondspring.co.uk/economy The Distributist Alternative Russell Sparkes When people think of G.K. Chesterton, they normally remember his literary achievements: the essays, the Father Brown stories, the wealth of aphorisms that are still widely quoted. However, I suspect that if you had asked the man himself what part of his work he was most proud of, he would have said something that is almost totally forgotten today: his advocacy of a social and political philosophy called ‘Distributism’. In my talk today I want to tell you what this was, what its antecedents and inspirations were, and its lasting value. Distributism’s main tenet was that property should be as widely distributed as possible, and business should be local. There was advocacy of the economy being centred upon the production of goods, and suspicion of the role of high finance. It was advocated principally by G.K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc from 1910 onwards, although others such as the Dominican priest Vincent McNabb, the artist Eric Gill, and the guild socialist Arthur Penty also contributed ideas. However, many of these latter had their own agenda, and while they were active in the Distributist movement, their advocacy of homespun craftsmanship or of the ‘social credit’ theories of Major Douglas.[1] They were peripheral to Distributism whose key texts are Chesterton’s Outline of Sanity published in 1926, and Belloc’s Essay on the Restoration of Property of 1936. In the depressed economic conditions of the 1920s Distributism became a political movement as well as an economic programme which was led and inspired by Chesterton through a little magazine that he edited and whose heavy losses he funded. -
Changing the Debate: the Ideas Redefining Britain About Respublica
Changing the Debate: The Ideas Redefining Britain About ResPublica ResPublica is an independent, non-partisan UK think tank founded by Phillip Blond in November 2009. We focus on developing practical solutions to enduring socio-economic and cultural problems of our time, such as poverty, asset inequality, family and social breakdown, and environmental degradation. Our research combines a radical, civic philosophy with the latest insights in social policy analysis, economic modelling, behavioural economics, management theory, social psychology and technological innovation to produce original, implementable solutions. We would like to foster new approaches to economic inequality, investment and group behaviour, so that the benefits of capital, trade and entrepreneurship are open to all. We believe that human relationships should once more be the centre and meaning of an associative society, and that we need to recover the language and practice of the common good. Our work seeks to strengthen the links between local individuals, organisations and communities that create social capital. We have had demonstrable success with innovative research that has been seen to make an impact on the policy landscape. Our reports have received widespread acclaim from policy-makers and practitioners, the media, and politicians from both sides of the political spectrum. We regularly host events and discussion forums that facilitate debate and extend our outreach. ResPublica is also a membership organisation, offering personal membership packages as a means for interested and like-minded individuals to engage with ResPublica in a way that is tailored to their own interests. The ResPublica Business Network is a programme for our organisational stakeholders, as a platform for elevated engagement with ResPublica and fellow network members with the common goal of innovative policy debate and solutions. -
Int Cerd Ngo Nzl 71 9826
1 March 2007 Mylène Bidault Human Rights Officer CERD Secretariat United Nations UNOG-OHCHR CH-1211 Geneva 10 Switzerland By email: [email protected] SUBMISSION: NEW ZEALAND GOVERNMENT REPORT TO 71st SESSION, UNITED NATIONS COMMITTEE ON THE ELIMINATION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION – NGO SHADOW REPORT WHO WE ARE 1. This Shadow Report is made on behalf of a collective of iwi Māori /indigenous peoples’ Authorities in Tai Tokerau1 (the North of the North Island) of Aotearoa, New Zealand. 2. We write this submission having perused the Advance Unedited Version of the New Zealand Government’s 15th, 16th and 17th Consolidated Periodic Report to the CERD (the NZ Report) which covers the period 1 January 2000 to 22 December 2005.2 3. Contact details in regards to this Shadow Report are: Haami Piripi Chairperson Te Runanga o Te Rarawa PO Box 361 Kaitaia Northland Aotearoa, New Zealand Phone: (0064) 9408 1971 Fax: (0064) 9408 1998 Email: [email protected], [email protected]. 1 The four iwi included in this collective submission are Ngāpuhi, Te Rarawa, Ngāti Kahu and Ngāti Kahu ki Whaingaroa (2006 census populations being 122,911, 14,895, 8,313 and 1,746 respectively). 2 CERD/C/NZL/17 16 May 2006 refers. Phone: (0064) 9 4081971 Fax: (0064) 9 4081998 Website: http://www.terarawa.co.nz e-mail: [email protected] GOVERNMENT POLICY AND GENERAL LEGAL FRAMEWORK (paras 5-10 of the NZ Report) 4. It has recently been observed that evidence today places New Zealand in the context of “a significant and disturbing increase of inequality”.3 The Government’s fundamentalist policy of eliminating discrimination in New Zealand is harming Māori (for example, see commentary below on paras 54 and 55 of the NZ Report). -
Republican Tradition: RELOADED
Republican tradition: RELOADED Taras Plakhtiy [email protected] Key terms: political organizations, republican tradition, organizational ideal, hierarchical construction, variable structure, dynamic networks. Abstract: The detailed interdisciplinary analysis of all four components of the republican tradition in terms of social psychology, sociology, group psychoanalysis, ethology, organisation theory, organisational behaviour and other disciplines has allowed us to determine the conditions under which they can be fully realised in modern political parties as the organisational ideal. We demonstrated that the construction of a Republic should begin from the creation of crystallisation centres – multi-intelligent social model political organisations that allow for a systemic implementation of the four components of republicanism by changing the course of natural group dynamics in primary groups of all party units. Changing the course of natural group dynamics in units of political organisations is possible only through the use of appropriate organisational tools, such as the variable structure – dynamic network, for their creation and construction. As a result of their successful operation and growth of their authority, the entire society will restructure following the pattern of such successful crystallisation centres and will adopt their proposed values, which will enable the state to acquire all the qualities of a modern Republic. This version: December 22, 2016 First published in Ukrainian: January 27, 2016 (Електронний ресурс -
Penguin History of New Zealand P.133
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by UC Research Repository ‘Like Iron Filings to a Magnet’: A Reappraisal of Michael King’s Approach to New Zealand History A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History at the University of Canterbury by Halie McCaffrey University of Canterbury 2010 Contents Acknowledgements p.ii Abstract p.iv Introduction: Michael King: History Man p.1 Chapter One: ‘Being Pākehā’ in the Historiographical Dialogue of Nation and Identity in New Zealand p.9 Chapter Two: Mātauranga Pākehā: King’s Construction of a New Zealand Identity p.42 Chapter Three: Identity and the Landscape: Imagining New Zealand Through King’s Personal Experience of Place p.68 Chapter Four: King’s People: The Life Histories of New Zealanders p.92 Chapter Five: A Career Full Circle? A Discussion of The Penguin History of New Zealand p.133 Conclusion: Michael Row the Boat Ashore p.177 References Bibliography: Primary Sources p.181 Secondary Sources p.188 ii Acknowledgements The writing this thesis has been a difficult process: both academically and emotionally. The completion of this thesis has come down to a lot of support from different people in my life. I am very thankful to each one of them. At the beginning of this process I was diagnosed with dyslexia. SPLED Canterbury was great help to me during this process. Not only did they pay for my testing, they paid for a tutor to help me work on my weaknesses. I am so grateful to Christine Docherty who showed much compassion in re teaching me the basics of the English language. -
The 'Big Society' Will Not Necessarily Lead to Better Elderly Care Treatment
blo gs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/archives/24429 The ‘Big Society’ will not necessarily lead to better elderly care treatment Di Galpin looks at the Big Society from a philosophical standpoint and questions whether it can be achieved without encouragement from an active state. The Big Society has been vilif ied as a return to the politics of the New Right; a Trojan horse f or smaller government, and f eted as the anatomy of the new politics on which to establish the legitimate nature and limits of the relationship between the state and individual in a 21st century system of health and social care. Phillip Blond is a central f igure in the development of the concept of Big Society. Blond argues both the political Lef t and political Right have presided over a collapse of coherent cultural values and a shared commitment to a ‘common good’, suggesting a redistribution of power f rom the ‘top’ (state) to the bottom (individual) is required, aligned with a more compassionate f orm of capitalism, to re-establish the common good. For the current government, this rests on the empowerment of local communities f ounded on voluntary networks of trust and mutuality. From this perspective the purpose of Big Society appears to extend responsibility f or the care of older people to local communities, rather than extending the responsibility of the state. Policy programmes already implemented by the current government to develop Big Society include the National Citizen Service, which organise voluntary opportunities f or young people, and the creation of the Big Society Bank, which will act as a central source of investment income f or third sector organisations. -
The Effects of Proportional Representation on Election
THE EFFECTS OF PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION ON ELECTION LAWMAKING IN AOTEAROA NEW ZEALAND by Joshua Ferrer A Thesis Submitted to the Politics Programme University of Otago in Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts January 2020 ii iii ABSTRACT It is widely recognized that most politicians are self-interested and desire election rules beneficial to their reelection. Although partisanship in electoral system reform is well- understood, the factors that encourage or constrain partisan manipulation of the other democratic “rules of the game”—including election administration, franchise laws, campaign finance, boundary drawing, and electoral governance—has received little scholarly attention to date. Aotearoa New Zealand remains the only established democracy to switch from a non-proportional to a proportional electoral system and thus presents a natural experiment to test the effects of electoral system change on the politics of election lawmaking. Using a longitudinal comparative case study analysis, this thesis examines partisan and demobilizing election reforms passed between 1970 and 1993 under first-past- the-post and between 1997 and 2018 under mixed-member proportional representation (MMP). Although partisan election reforms have not diminished under MMP, demobilizing reforms have become less common. Regression analysis uncovers evidence that partisan election lawmaking is more likely when the effective number of parties in parliament is lower, when non-voters have more leverage, and when reforms are pursued that diminish electoral participation. iv To Arthur Klatsky, with all my love v PREFACE This thesis would not be what it is without the generosity, time, and aroha of countless people. For the sake of the Otago Politics Department’s printing budget, I will attempt to be brief. -
The Impact of John A. Lee's Expulsion Upon the Labour Party
The Impact of John A. Lee's Expulsion upon the Labour Party IN MARCH 1940 the Labour Party expelled John A. Lee. Lee's dynamism and flair, the length and drama of the battle, not to mention Lee's skill as a publicist, have focussed considerable attention upon his expulsion. Almost all historians of New Zealand have mentioned it, and most have portrayed it as a defeat for extremism, radicalism, dissent or a policy of industrialization.1 According to one political scientist, although Labour did not quite blow out its metaphorical brains in expelling Lee, his expulsion heralded the victory of the administrators and consolidators.2 While few of those who have attributed a significance to Lee's expulsion have hazarded a guess at its effect .upon the Labour Party's membership or the party itself, Bruce Brown, who gave the better part of two chapters to the disputes associated with Lee's name, pointed out that 'hundreds of the most enthusiastic branch members' followed Lee 'out of the main stream of political life.'3 Brown recognized that such an exodus undoubtedly weakened the Labour Party although, largely because he ended his history in 1940, he made no attempt to estimate the exact numbers involved or the significance of their departure. This essay is designed to suggested tentative answers to both questions. Immediately after his expulsion Lee believed that radicals, socialists and even five or six members of parliament would join him. The first 1 For instance, W.H. Oliver, The Story of New Zealand, London, 1960, pp.198-99; W.B.