TRANSFORMATIONS- Comparative Study of Social Transformations
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Bibliographical Essay
Bibliographical Essay Below is a working bibliography of the most important books and artides that have been particularly useful to the editors and that complement the essays contained in the volume. Since we focused on the structural, i. e., economic, dass, and power dimensions that largely led to the collapse of the Weimar Republic and the successful ascension to power of the Nazi party, most of the items listed reßect that ap- proach. Although not exhaustive, this list indudes some of the most significant works in the field and those which have shaped our thinking. For a discussion of the emergence of fascism and its relation to dass, economics, and political development, see: Nicos Poulantzas, Fascism and Dictatorship (London: NLB, 1974); Renzo De Felice, Fascism: An Informal Introduction to lts Theory and Practice (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1976); Stanley Payne, Fascism: Comparison and Definition (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1980); Stein Ugelvik Larsen, Bernt Hagtvet, Jan Petter Myklebust, eds., Who Were the Fascists: Social Roots of European Fascism (Bergen: Universitetsforlaget, 1980); Peter Stachura, ed., The Shaping of the Nazi State (London: Croom Helm, 1978); Walter Laqueur, Fascism: A Readers Guide (London: Wildwood House, 1976); Ernst Nolte, Three Faces of Fascism (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1965); Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Ori- gins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966); Eugen Weber, Varieties of Fascism (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Co., 1964); Francis L. Carsten, The Rise of Fascism (London: Batsford, 1967); John Weiss, The Fascist Tradition (New York: Harper & Row, 1967); Hans Rogger and Eugen Weber, eds., The European Right (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1965); George L. -
The History of Tourism: Structures on the Path to Modernity by Ueli Gyr
The History of Tourism: Structures on the Path to Modernity by Ueli Gyr Various academic disciplines have repeatedly sought to re-evaluate the significance of tourism. Globalised tourism's so- cio-economic place within the framework of the leisure and holidaying opportunities on offer today has attracted particu- lar attention. Such accounts often leave out the fact that this also has a history. The present article aims to overcome this shortcoming: it seeks to present an overview of the important structures, processes, types and trends of tourism against the background of historical developments. It deals with early forms of travel in the classical world and the Mid- dle Ages, as well as the precursors of modern tourism, Bildungsreisen ("educational journeys") and the middle-class culture of travel. It then examines the boom in mass tourism in the 19th century and the unique expansion of tourism in the 1960s characterised by new forms of holidaying and experience shaped by globalisation. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Tourism as a Globalised System 2. Early Forms of Travel and Types of Journey 3. Precursors of Modern Tourism 4. The Foundations of Modern Tourism 5. The Boom in Mass Tourism in the 19th Century 6. Holidaying Practices in the Interwar Period 7. The Expansion of Tourism and Globalisation 8. Appendix 1. Bibliography 2. Notes Citation Tourism as a Globalised System Tourism is often seen as a global phenomenon with an almost incomprehensibly massive infrastructure. Its importance is evident from the fact that its influence thoroughly penetrates society, politics, culture and, above all, the economy. In- deed, this is the branch of the global economy with the most vigorous growth: the World Tourism Organisation (WTO) estimates that in 2007 it encompassed 903 million tourists who spent 625 billion US dollars.1 They thereby supported a global system with roughly 100 million employees in the modern leisure and experience industry. -
Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
A Century of Struggle
A Century of Struggle To mark the 100th anniversary of the formation of the American Federation of Labor, the National Museum of American History of the Smithsonian Institution invited a group of scholars and practitioners "to examine the work, technology, and culture of industrial America . " The conference was produced in cooperation with the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations . The excerpts on the following pages are drawn from papers and comments at that conference, in the Museum's Carmichael Auditorium, November IS and 16, 1986. Mary Kay Rieg, Olivia G. Amiss, and Marsha Domzalski of the Monthly Labor Review provided editorial assistance. Trade unions mirror society in conflict between collectivism and individualism A duality common to many institutions runs through the American labor movement and has marked its shifting fortunes from the post-Civil War period to the present ALICE KESSLER-HARRIS ideology of American trade unions as they developed in Two competing ideas run through the labor movement, as and post-Civil War period. It also tells us something of their they have run through the American past. The first is the the The conglomeration of unions that formed the Na- notion of community-the sense that liberty is nurtured in impact . Union and the 15,000 assemblies of the an informal political environment where the voluntary and tional Labor of Labor responded to the onslaught of industrial- collective enterprise of people with common interests con- Knights the Civil War by searching for ways to reestablish tributes to the solution of problems . Best characterized by ism after of interest that was threatened by a new and the town meeting, collective solutions are echoed in the the community organization of work. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Manuscript Completed May 2013
NOT IN THEIR CLASSROOMS: CLASS STRUGGLE AND UNION STRENGTH IN ONTARIO’S ELEMENTARY TEACHERS’ UNIONS, 1970–1998 by Andy Hanson A thesis submitted to the Frost Centre for Canadian Studies and Indigenous Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Canadian Studies Trent University Peterborough, Ontario 2013 ©Copyright 2013, Andy Hanson ii ABSTRACT Not in Their Classrooms: Class Struggle and Union Strength in Ontario’s Elementary Teachers’ Unions, 1970–1998 This dissertation examines the rise of teachers’ union militancy in Ontario through a case study of the Federation of Women Teachers’ Associations of Ontario (FWTAO) and the Ontario Public School Teachers’ Federation (OPSTF) between 1970 and their amalgamation into the Elementary Teachers’ Federation of Ontario (ETFO) in 1998. It uses the archival records of the two unions, relevant legislation, media records, personal collections, and interviews to explore how these two professional organizations became politicized, militant labour unions able to engage with the state and the trustees of boards of education. The Introduction situates the public education project within nation building in a capitalist-democracy and outlines the theoretical influences informing the dissertation. Chapter 1 follows the two unions during the 1970s as they developed into labour unions. The 18 December 1973 one-day, province-wide, political strike achieved the right to strike and established a unique labour regime for teachers. Chapter 2 examines the advance of the unions during the 1980s as they developed labour militancy. At the same time, neo-liberalism was ascending and the post-war social accord was coming to an end resulting in attacks on unions and cuts to social programs. -
German Trade Unions on Consolidation Course. Basis-Info 21-2000
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 445 193 CE 080 636 AUTHOR Pahlke-Grygier, Sabine TITLE German Trade Unions on Consolidation Course. Basis-Info 21-2000. Social Policy. INSTITUTION Inter Nationes, Bonn (Germany). PUB DATE 2000-07-00 NOTE 20p. AVAILABLE FROM Inter Nationes, Kennedyallee 91-103, D-53175 Bonn. Tel: 02 28 88 00; Fax: 49 228 880 457; e-mail: [email protected]. For full text: http://www.inter-nationes.de/d/presse/basis/e/bi21-2000-e-f. html. PUB TYPE Reports Descriptive (141) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Adult Education; Centralization; *Culture Lag; Developed Nations; Economic Impact; Foreign Countries; *Mergers; Organizational Change; Organizational Effectiveness; Organizations (Groups); *Technological Advancement; *Union Members; *Unions IDENTIFIERS *Germany ABSTRACT New technologies have made radical changes in the way work is done. This development has passed by German trade unions anchored traditionally among workers in industrial production and stuck in the old model of the full-time employee with a predictable career and a job for life. Consequently, between 1991-98, about 3 million out of the former 11 million members of German trade unions turned their backs on them. Lack of content, financial losses, and changed general economic conditions has ushered in a consolidation process among trade unions. Several mergers have reduced the 16 unions under the umbrella of the German Trade Union Federation (DGB) to 12, but the decline in union membership has continued. The biggest merger of five trade unions to form the United Services Trade Union (ver.di) is imminent. Its champions say ver.di will take account of changed economic and social general conditions in terms of both content and structure and hope it will attract members from the information technology industry, in which unions have so far been unable to gain a foothold. -
Resisting Neoliberalism in the Borderlands
BORDERING THE FUTURE: RESISTING NEOLIBERALISM IN THE BORDERLANDS Joe Bandy Department of Sociology/Anthropology Bowdoin College Abstract In the last twenty years, and especially since NAFTA, the U.S.-Mexico border has been a site of intensive neoliberal development, particularly in the growth of 2,340 export-processing plants (maquiladoras), ninety percent U.S.-owned. The economic growth this has helped to promote has been both rapid and uneven, and the bur- dens it has placed on local communities through impoverished conditions of work and life have been immense—no where more so than in Tijuana. Although much of this growth and the associated social and environmental problems have been the subjects of many policy, academic, and journalistic discussions, Tijuana’s local community organizations, which have attempted to meet local needs and formu- late alternative development paradigms, have not. Based on interviews with com- munity organization representatives in the San Diego/Tijuana region, this text argues that a more complete understanding of these movement eVorts to resist neoliberalism, especially the alternative visions for development they construct, are crucial to any understanding of neoliberalism generally, transnational social move- ments, and more democratic labor and environmental policy. These alternative paradigms diVer radically from those promoted by capital and states on both sides of la frontera, and potentially oVer a more participatory, democratic, and sustain- able form of transnational development, for Mexico and all of North America. Introduction In 1994, U.S. President Bill Clinton characterized the signi cance of NAFTA for the U.S.: NAFTA was more than a trade agreement, because of the circumstances surrounding its debate, it was a de ning moment in our modern history. -
Industrial Unionism
of a Workers’ Union on I.W.W. Lines of UniononI.W.W. aWorkers’ Workers ofWorkers inAotearoa theWorld Industrial Unionism The History of theIndustrial Aim, Form, andTactics REBEL PRESS ~ & Anti-copyright 2007. Published by Rebel Press P.O. Box 9263 Te Aro Te Whanganui a Tara (Wellington) Aotearoa (New Zealand) Email: [email protected] Web: www.rebelpress.org.nz ISBN: 978-0-473-12021-4 Printed on 100% recycled paper. Hand bound with a hatred for the State infused into every page. Set in 11/15pt Adobe Garamond Pro. Titles in Abadi MT. The Industrial Workers of the World in Aotearoa Peter Steiner, 2006 etween 1908 and 1913 the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.) were Ba small organisation in New Zealand whose infl uence was tremendous amongst working people. By means of hundreds of propaganda meetings, thou- sands of pamphlets and in particular their paper, the Industrial Unionist, the Wobblies (I.W.W. members) spread their revolutionary ideas wide and far. Th e big strike actions of 1912/13 can be attributed to workers uniting as a class inspired by revolutionary ideas. Th e transient nature of workers at that time also contributed to Wobbly ideas reaching every corner of the English speaking countries within a few years. However, it also made organising diffi cult due to the short-lived groups. Th e history of the I.W.W. challenges traditional histori- cal understandings, as historians tend to argue that, while workers lost in 1913, they were eventually victorious in 1935 with the election of the fi rst Labour Government. -
The Rise of President Erdogan and the End of Kemalist Turkey
History in the Making Volume 11 Article 5 January 2018 Unconditional Surrender: The Rise of President Erdogan and the end of Kemalist Turkey Amelia Sullivan CSUSB Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making Part of the Islamic World and Near East History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Sullivan, Amelia (2018) "Unconditional Surrender: The Rise of President Erdogan and the end of Kemalist Turkey," History in the Making: Vol. 11 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making/vol11/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in History in the Making by an authorized editor of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Articles Unconditional Surrender: The Rise of President Erdogan and the end of Kemalist Turkey By Amelia Sullivan Abstract: In October 1923, Mustafa Kemal, or Ataturk, became leader of Turkey. Over the next decade and a half, Kemal used his considerable political power to reform the nation. He modernized infrastructure, reorganized government, and led an aggressive campaign to westernize and secularize Turkish society. By the time Kemal passed in 1938, Turkey rose from the ashes of the Ottoman Empire and reestablished itself as a democracy. Almost eighty years later, Ataturk’s legacy is in jeopardy. In 2017, the Turkey held a constitutional referendum to radically restructure the nation’s government and place an unprecedented degree of power in the office of the presidency. -
Independence Movements in the EU? How Separatism Takes Over and Endangers Europe As a Peace Concept 1
3 / 2019 & Sabine Riedel Independence Movements in the EU? How Separatism Takes over and Endangers Europe as a Peace Concept 1 Separatist movements exist worldwide, often due to conflicts over power and resources. If this phe- nomenon also affects the European Union, all politicians should sound the alarm bells. The EU is a peace project based on an ever-closer cooperation between its members. However, regional parties, which are currently striving for independence, seek a conflict, for the central question is not whether the regions have a right to secession, but whether the EU members will recognise them as states. Since a territorial secession violates the constitutional order against the will of the nation states concerned, the circle of supporters is likely to remain small. Therefore, the separatist parties demand majority decisions from supranational bodies. In this way they want to solve another problem, namely that their regions remain in the EU as full members. The pro-European image cultivated by many separatist parties is therefore a strategic calculation for the realisation of their vision of a ‘Europe of all peoples’, by which they mean though ethnic and cultural units and not the national peoples of the EU. This redefinition of the concept of nation, however, endangers member states’ stability and thus European integration. Independence movements are social forces that independence movements. In fact, the 193 mem- want to separate a regional unit from a certain ber states of the United Nations (UN) decide state territory. Scholars speak of separatism, within the international legal framework whether which can have different goals.