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Introduction the Making of Decadence in Japan 1 Notes Introduction The Making of Decadence in Japan 1. Nakao Seigo, “Regendered Artistry: Tanizaki Junichiro and the Tradition of Decadence,” (Ph.D. Diss. New York U, 1992), p. 53. 2. Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture. New York: Routledge, 1994, p. 122. 3. Ibid., p. 123. 4. Ibid., p. 130. 5. Kamishima Jirō, Kindai nihon no seishin kōzō [The Structure of the Modern Japanese Mind]. Tokyo: Iwanami, 1961, p. 183. Kamishima introduces the word “reiki” (encouraging reinforcement) to describe the acculturation pro- cess that appeared to further the social phenomenon of decadence in late Meiji Japan. He argues that individualism, the decay of conventional ethics, the corruption of public morals, and a collective neurosis, etc., were ubiqui- tous by the end of the Meiji period. According to Kamishima, these social fac- tors already existed in pre-Meiji Japan, but became more visible in the 1900s. These indigenous factors were not transplanted but simply “reinforced” through contact with the West. 6. In reality, Ariwara no Narihira lived in the ninth century (825–880). Ise Monogatari offers a fictional version of Narihira and places him in the context of the year 950 or thereabouts. Karaki traces Narihira’s decadent image not on the basis of biographical facts but via the fictional image created by the author of Ise Monogatari. See Karaki Junzō, Muyōsha no keifu. Tokyo: Chikuma, 1960, p. 10. 7. Fujiwara no Kusuko (?–810), a daughter of Fujiwara no Tanetsugu and the wife of Fujiwara no Tadanushi, was Emperor Heijō’s mistress. She and her brother, Fujiwara no Nakanari, vehemently opposed the Emperor’s decision to leave the throne. After retiring, the Emperor returned to Heijōkyō, but because of an amendment to the law related to the Inspector General (kansa- tsushi) that was initiated by Emperor Saga, the two emperors confronted each other. By using her political power, Kusuko intensified the antagonism between them by encouraging Emperor Heijō to declare the Heijō sento (the re-establishment of the capital in Heijō, today’s Nara). However, they were besieged by Emperor Saga’s military force, and when their attempt at striking back with the support of the Eastern squads became known, Saga was quick 182 / notes enough to prevent the plan. Consequently, Emperor Heijō was forced to enter the priesthood, and Kusuko committed suicide. For more details about the Incident of Fujiwara no Kusuko, see John Whitney et al., eds., The Cambridge History of Japan vol. 2: Heian Japan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, pp. 33–4. 8. Ibid., p. 10. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid., p. 15. 11. Ibid., p. 19. 12. Ibid., p. 59. 13. Ibid. The Mahāyāna Buddhist belief in mappō (the law of the end of the world) had a profound impact on the pessimistic worldview that had dominated medieval Japan. According to this belief, Japan had entered the age of mappō in 1052. People saw the rise of militant powers, including the Miyamoto and Heike clans’ hegemonies over the Imperial court in the late eleventh century, and the subsequent foundation of the Kamakura shogunate (1185–1333) as an inevitable manifestation of mappō. For a concise description of the concept of mappō, see “Part III, The Medieval Age: Despair, Deliverance, and Destiny” Sources of Japanese Tradition Vol. 1: From Earliest Times to 1600. Theodore De Bary et al., eds. New York: Columbia University Press, 2001, pp. 206–7. The idea of mappō has influenced people since the late Heian period, and Karaki suggests that the same historical consciousness was passed down to the era of war of the late fifteenth century. 14. Ibid., p. 59. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid. 18. Orikuchi Shinobu, “Nihonbungaku hassōhō no ichimen: haikai bungaku to inja bungaku to” [A Dimension of Ideas in Japanese Literature: Haikai Literature and Recluse Literature], Shōwabungaku zenshū vol. 4 [The Complete Collection of Shōwa Literature, vol. 4]. Tokyo: Shōgakkan, 1989, p. 235. 19. Ibid., p. 237. Orikuchi’s definition of inja is rather broad and discursive, inclusive of those who have drifted away from their social circles such as the buraikan (vagabonds or ruffians) or the kabukimono (lower-class artists). 20. Ibid., p. 235. 21. Ibid., p. 242. 22. Ibid., p. 237. 23. Ibid., pp. 240–2. 24. Ibid., p. 242. 25. Karaki Junzō, Muyōsha, p. 102. 26. Ibid., p. 103. 27. Ibid., p. 106. 28. Ibid., pp. 94–8. 29. Edward Seidensticker, Kafū the Scribbler. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1965), pp. 27–8. 30. For details of Taigyaku Jiken (the High Treason Incident), see the discussion of Kafū’s decadence and the note 24 in Chapter 3. notes / 183 31. Nagai Kafū, “Hanabi” [Fireworks], in Nihon kindai bungaku hyōronsen: Meiji/Taishō hen [A Selection of Modern Japanese Literary Criticism: Meiji & Taishō Edition], eds. Chiba Shunji et al. Tokyo: Iwanami, 2003, p. 292. 32. Katagami Tengen, “Mukaiketsu no bungaku” [Literature Without Solutions], Nihon kindai bungaku hyōronsen: Meiji/Taishō hen [A Selection of Modern Japanese Literary Criticism: Meiji & Taishō Edition], eds. Chiba Shunji et al. Tokyo: Iwanami, 2003, p. 128. 33. Washburn, Dennis C. The Dilemma of the Modern in Japanese Fiction. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995, p. 5. 34. Akagi Kōhei, “Yūtōbungaku no bokumetsu” [Eradication of Decadent Literature], Nihon kindai bungaku hyōronsen: Meiji/Taishō hen, eds. Chiba Shunji et al. Tokyo: Iwanami, 2003, p. 245. In “Anatomy of the I-Novel,” Hirano Ken makes distinctions between the shinkyō shōsetsu (state-of-mind novel) and the shishōsetsu (I-novel) in Naturalist writing. According to Hirano, the former can be characterized as a “harmonious type,” whereas the latter is a “destructive type.” Those criticized by Akagi, such as Chikamatsu Shūkō and Kasai Zenzō, belong to the destructive type whose writing centers on a wanton life style and desires and they ascribe to the narrative method of “non-ideal” and “non-solution” espoused by Naturalism. For details, see Tomi Suzuki’s Narrating the Self. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996, pp. 62–3. 35. Ibid., p. 236. 36. Ibid., pp. 238–9. 37. Karaki Junzō, Muyōsha no keifu [A Genealogy of Useless Men]. Tokyo: Chikuma, 1964, p. 74. 38. Akagi, “Yūtōbungaku,” pp. 240–2. Another polemic on yūtōbungaku relates to Kobayashi Hideo’s critique of the I-novel. He argues that the Japanese I-novel (and thus Naturalism) failed to address the shakaikasareta watashi (socialized “I’). See Kobayashi Hideo zenshū vol. 3. Tokyo: Shinchō, pp. 121–2. 39. Ibid., p. 246. 40. Ibid., p. 239. 41. Ibid., p. 244. 42. Yasunari Sadao, “’Yūtōbungaku’ bokumetsu fukanō ron” [The Impossibility of Eradicating ‘Decadent Literature’], Kindaibungaku hyōrontaikei vol. 4 [A Collection of Modern Literary Criticism, vol. 4]. Tokyo: Kadokawa, 1971, p. 271. 43. Ibid., p. 271. 44. Ibid., p. 272. 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid., p. 273. 47. Ibid. 48. Ibid., pp. 273–4. 49. Miyamoto Yuriko, “1946nen no bundan: Shinnihon bungakkai ni okeru ippanhōkoku” [The Literary Circle of 1946: General Reports to the Association of New Japanese Literature], Miyamoto Yuriko zenshū vol. 17. Tokyo: Shinnihon Shuppan, 1979, p. 190. 50. Ibid., pp. 202–4. 51. Miyamoto Yuriko repeatedly employs the term “Decadentism.” I retain it in my translation, although it should be considered equivalent to the more widely recognized term, “Decadence.” 184 / notes 52. Ibid., p. 190. My translation. 53. Ibid., p. 196. 54. Ibid., p. 202. 55. Ibid. 56. Miyamoto distinguishes between the European (French) bourgeoisie and the Japanese bourgeoisie. Unlike the European (French), the Japanese bour- geoisie is not entirely independent of semi-feudalism, such that the laboring classes of the latter have the potential to establish the ideal of modern democ- racy. She implies that the Japanese bourgeoisie is immature and that Japanese Decadent literature is a repository for their ideological shortcomings. See, ibid., p. 204. 57. Ibid., p. 202. 58. Ibid. 59. Ibid., p. 196. 60. Kobayashi Hideo, “Shishōsetsuron” [On the I-Novel], Kobayashi Hideo zenshū vol. 3. Tokyo: Shinchō, 2001, p. 382. 61. According to Noda Utarō, fin-de-siècle Decadence was welcomed by the Aestheticists of Pan no kai, who understood it as “the liberal thought against obsolete feudalism,” instead of as a socio-cultural movement that refuted the bourgeoisie. See Noda Utarō, Nihon tanbiha bungaku no tanjō [The Birth of the Japan Aesthetic School]. Tokyo: Kawade, 1975, p. 5. 62. Karaki Junzō, Shi to dekadansu [Poetry and Decadence]. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1952, p. 32. 63. Ibid., p. 39. 64. Ibid. 65. Ibid., pp. 12–13. My translation. 66. Friedrich Nietzsche, “The Case of Wagner,” The Birth of Tragedy and the Case of Wagner, trans. Walter Kaufmann. New York: Vintage, 1967, p. 170. 67. Ibid. 68. Karaki, Shi to dekadansu, p. 12. 69. Nietzsche’s philosophy was introduced to Japan by Tobari Chikufū (1873–1955), Takayama Chogyū (1871–1902), and later by Morita Sōhei (1881–1949) via his reading of Gabriele D’Annunzio’s Il trionfo della morte [The Triumph of Death] (1894), which centers on Nietzsche’s will to power and Übermensch. In Chapter 2, we will return to the issues of Nietzschean decadence in conjunction with Morita Sōhei’s Baien [Sooty Smoke] (1909). 70. Ibid., p. 38. 71. Ibid., pp. 38–9. 72. Karaki, Shi to dekadansu, p. 32. Karaki refers to Paul Valéry’s idea of history as dichotomous, wherein primitivity is the age of facts and order is the age of fictionality, as noted in Valéry’s “Preface to Persian Letters.” 73. Ibid., p. 39. 74. Ibid., pp. 39–40. 75. Ibid., p. 39. 76. Richard Dellamora, “Productive Decadence: ‘The Queer Comradeship of Outlawed Thought’: Vernon Lee, Max Nordau, and Oscar Wilde,” New Literary History 35.4 (2004): pp. 529–46. notes / 185 77. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Marx–Engels Reader, ed.
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