Michel Rocard - Photographies (1956-2002)
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The European Social Dialogue the History of a Social Innovation (1985-2003) — Jean Lapeyre Foreword by Jacques Delors Afterword by Luca Visentini
European Trade Union Institute Bd du Roi Albert II, 5 1210 Brussels Belgium +32 (0)2 224 04 70 [email protected] www.etui.org “Compared to other works on the European Social Dialogue, this book stands out because it is an insider’s story, told by someone who was for many years the linchpin, on the trade unions’ side, of this major accomplishment of social Europe.” The European social dialogue — Emilio Gabaglio, ETUC General Secretary (1991-2003) “The author, an ardent supporter of the European Social Dialogue, has put his heart and soul into this The history of a social meticulous work, which is enriched by his commitment as a trade unionist, his capacity for indignation, and his very French spirit. His book will become an essential reference work.” — Wilfried Beirnaert, innovation (1985-2003) Managing Director and Director General at the Federation of Belgian Enterprises (FEB) (1981-1998) — “This exhaustive appraisal, written by a central actor in the process, reminds us that constructing social Europe means constructing Europe itself and aiming for the creation of a European society; Jean Lapeyre something to reflect upon today in the face of extreme tendencies which are threatening the edifice.” — Claude Didry, Sociologist and Director of Research at the National Centre of Scientific Research (CNRS) Foreword by Jacques Delors (Maurice Halbwachs Centre, École Normale Supérieure) Afterword by Luca Visentini This book provides a history of the construction of the European Social Dialogue between 1985 and 2003, based on documents and interviews with trade union figures, employers and dialogue social European The The history of a social innovation (1985-2003) Jean Lapeyre European officials, as well as on the author’s own personal account as a central actor in this story. -
The Sarkozy Effect France’S New Presidential Dynamic J.G
Politics & Diplomacy The Sarkozy Effect France’s New Presidential Dynamic J.G. Shields Nicolas Sarkozy’s presidential campaign was predicated on the J.G. Shields is an associate professor of need for change in France, for a break—“une rupture”—with the French Studies at the past. His election as president of the French Republic on 6 University of Warwick in England. He is the first May 2007 ushered in the promise of a new era. Sarkozy’s pres- holder of the American idency follows those of the Socialist François Mitterrand Political Science Associ- ation's Stanley Hoff- (1981-95) and the neo-Gaullist Jacques Chirac (1995-2007), mann Award (2007) for who together occupied France’s highest political office for his writing on French more than a quarter-century. Whereas Mitterrand and Chirac politics. bowed out in their seventies, Sarkozy comes to office aged only fifty-two. For the first time, the French Fifth Republic has a president born after the Second World War, as well as a presi- dent of direct immigrant descent.1 Sarkozy’s emphatic victory, with 53 percent of the run-off vote against the Socialist Ségolène Royal, gave him a clear mandate for reform. The near-record turnout of 84 percent for both rounds of the election reflected the public demand for change. The legislative elections of June 2007, which assured a strong majority in the National Assembly for Sarkozy’s centre-right Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (UMP), cleared the way for implementing his agenda over the next five years.2 This article examines the political context within which Sarkozy was elected to power, the main proposals of his presidential program, the challenges before him, and his prospects for bringing real change to a France that is all too evidently in need of reform. -
Lionel Jospjn
FACT SHEET N° 5: CANDIDATES' BIOGRAPHIES LIONEL JOSPJN • Lionel Jospin was born on 12 July 1937 in Meudon (Houts de Seine). The second child in a family of four, he spent his whole childhood in the Paris region, apart from a period during the occupation, and frequent holidays in the department of Tam-et-Garonne, from where his mother originated. First a teacher of French and then director of a special Ministry of Education school for adolescents with problems, his father was an activist in the SFIO (Section franr;aise de l'intemationale ouvrierej. He was a candidate in the parliamentary elections in l'lndre in the Popular Front period and, after the war, the Federal Secretary of the SFIO in Seine-et-Marne where the family lived. Lionel Jospin's mother. after being a midwife, became a nurse and school social worker. EDUCATION After his secondary education in Sevres, Paris, Meaux and then back in Paris, lionel Jospin did a year of Lettres superieures before entering the Paris lnstitut d'efudes politiquesin 1956. Awarded a scholarship, he lived at that time at the Antony cite universitaire (student hall of residence). It was during these years that he began to be actively involved in politics. Throughout this period, Lionel Jospin spent his summers working as an assistant in children's summer camps (colonies de vacances'J. He worked particularly with adolescents with problems. A good basketball player. he also devoted a considerable part of his time to playing this sport at competitive (university and other) level. After obtaining a post as a supervisor at ENSEP, Lionel Jospin left the Antony Cite universifaire and prepared the competitive entrance examination for ENA. -
Intérieur ; Cabinet De Gaston Defferre, Ministre De L'intérieur Puis De Pierre
Intérieur ; Cabinet de Pierre Joxe, ministre de l'Intérieur. Dossiers de François Roussely, directeur de cabinet du ministre (1988-1989) Répertoire numérique du versement 19910204 Archives nationales (France) Pierrefitte-sur-Seine 1991 1 https://www.siv.archives-nationales.culture.gouv.fr/siv/IR/FRAN_IR_008128 Cet instrument de recherche a été encodé en 2010 par l'entreprise diadeis dans le cadre du chantier de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales sur la base d'une DTD conforme à la DTD EAD (encoded archival description) et créée par le service de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales 2 Archives nationales (France) Sommaire Intérieur ; Cabinet de Pierre Joxe, ministre de l'Intérieur. Dossiers de François 4 Roussely, directeur de cabinet du ministre (1988-1989) Instructions du Premier ministre 6 Administration centrale 6 Préparation du budget 1989 6 Conflits sociaux 6 Aménagement du territoire 7 Administration des territoires basque, corse, francilien et néo-calédonien 7 Pays basque 7 Corse 7 Nouvelle-Calédonie 8 Paris - Ile-de-France 9 Dossiers en lien avec la Direction des libertés publiques et des affaires juridiques 9 (DLPAJ) Dossiers en lien avec la direction générale de la police nationale 9 Dossier général 9 Affaires traitées par la DCPJ 10 Dossiers en lien avec la direction de la Sécurité civile 10 Dossiers en lien avec l'Inspection générale de l'administration (IGA) 11 Communauté européenne 11 Fonctions publiques 11 Jeux Olympiques d'hiver à Alberville 11 Relations avec le Parti socialiste 12 Réunions des directeurs généraux et des directeurs du ministère de l'Intérieur 12 3 Archives nationales (France) INTRODUCTION Référence 19910204/1-19910204/4 Niveau de description fonds Intitulé Intérieur ; Cabinet de Pierre Joxe, ministre de l'Intérieur. -
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so. -
The Burkini Debate Makes France Look Ridiculous
Centro de Estudios y Documentación InternacionalesCentro de Barcelona E-ISSN 2014-0843 B-8438-2012 D.L.: opinión THE BURKINI DEBATE MAKES 429 FRANCE LOOK RIDICULOUS SEPTEMBER 2016 Francis Ghilès, Associate Senior Researcher, CIDOB he burkini is a relatively new fashion trend which consists of an outfit made from swimsuit material, which covers the body from head to ankles. As it leaves the face uncovered, it does not conflict with existing French Tlaw, which bans face-coverings. The Australian woman who invented the burkini a decade ago, Aheda Zanetti argues that it does not symbolise Islam but leisure and happiness. The French minister of families, childhood and the right of women - Laurence Rossignol’s official, and slightly ludicrous title, attacked the burkini as being an “Islamic fashion” a remark which was most unhelpful in the wake of the barbarous terrorist onslaught France has witnessed in recent months. Fear of Muslims is on the rise in France but the government to which Rossignol belongs will hardly combat terrorism by embarking Muslim women in the fight. What, one wonders, does the minister know about the life of Muslim women in today’s France? What does she understand of the diversity of Islam? Does she appreciate that the vast majority of Muslim men and women are not Islamists? Is she simply intent of making a victory of the extreme right wing Front National more likely in next spring’s presidential election? More broadly, does she and the prime minister, Manuel Valls who shares her views need to turn a very minor issue into a political blunderbuss? What she quite fails to understand is that many western women who wear short skirts and sexy clothes are not half as emancipated as fashion diktats lead us to believe. -
Louise Roy: Intrapreneurship Through Organizational Change 1(B)
International Journal of Case Method Research & Application (2011) XXIII, 3 © 2011 WACRA®. All rights reserved ISSN 1554-7752 LOUISE ROY: INTRAPRENEURSHIP THROUGH ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE 1(B) Joëlle Piffault Louis Jacques Fillion HEC Montréal MONTRÉAL, QUÉBEC, CANADA Abstract In cases A, B, C and D, the authors describe the career of Louise Roy, a woman who has shown outstanding leadership in the organizations she has managed. The basis for her leadership lies in her training as a sociologist and her fundamental interest in human beings, but beyond this, there is also Louise Roy the person and her ability to commit. She is not afraid of taking risks, making courageous choices or seizing opportunities. Very few Canadians have held such senior positions in major European multinationals. Throughout her very unusual career, she has always been guided by a constant desire to be herself and an ongoing focus on organizational innovation. Case B (1992-2003) describes her management experience implementing structural changes at Air France Americas Division first and later at IATA's more traditional North American environment. These cases are discussed at various levels (MBA, MS and Graduate Diplomas, and Bachelor's) in Intrapreneurship, Visionary and Entrepreneurial Thinking, Managerial and Strategic Craft, Management Skills, Strategic Management, Entrepreneurial Craft, Entrepreneurial Project Planning, and Management courses. KEY WORDS: Intrapreneurship, organizational change, leadership CHRISTIAN BLANC, AIR FRANCE, PARIS, THE AMERICAS AND IATA 2 But first a brief incursion into the private sector with the Laurentian Group Louise Roy was recruited by a head-hunter and went to work for the Laurentian Group in July 1992. -
Entretien Avec Jacqueline Lastenouse
Anne Dulphy et Christine Manigand, « Entretien avec Jean-Bernard Raimond », Histoire@Politique. Politique, culture, société, n° 16, janvier-avril 2012, www.histoire-politique.fr Entretien avec Jean-Bernard Raimond Propos recueillis à Paris le 17 octobre 2011 par Anne Dulphy et Christine Manigand Jean-Bernard Raimond est né en 1926. Ancien élève de la rue d’Ulm et de l’ENA, agrégé de lettres classiques, ambassadeur de France, il a été ministre des Affaires étrangères de 1986 à 1988 et membre de l’Assemblée nationale de 1993 à 2002. Il a publié quatre ouvrages, Le Quai d’Orsay à l’épreuve de la cohabitation (Flammarion, 1989), Le choix de Gorbatchev (Odile Jacob, 1992), Jean-Paul II, un Pape au cœur de l’histoire (Le Cherche Midi, 1999 et 2005), et Le regard d’un diplomate sur le monde. Les racines des temps nouveaux 1960-2010 (Le Félin, 2010). Y a-t-il dans votre environnement de jeunesse des éléments qui vous ont conduit à ce parcours d’excellence qui vous a mené de l’ENS à l’ENA et à l’agrégation ? Je suis né à Paris, mais avec des origines provinciales très nettes. Par ma mère je suis 50 % Corrézien et par mon père je suis 25 % Bordelais et 25 % de Cholet. Pour me définir, je suis fondamentalement Parisien. J’ai toujours été élève de l’enseignement public d’un bout à l’autre et ma grande révélation intellectuelle a été mon entrée en sixième A au lycée. Je suis né en 1926, je suis entré en sixième en 1937, au lycée Charlemagne et, là, j’ai été transporté d'enthousiasme ! C’était donc l’enseignement des années 1930, dans un lycée parisien avec des professeurs remarquables. -
Insular Autonomy: a Framework for Conflict Settlement? a Comparative Study of Corsica and the Åland Islands
INSULAR AUTONOMY: A FRAMEWORK FOR CONFLICT SETTLEMENT? A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF CORSICA AND THE ÅLAND ISLANDS Farimah DAFTARY ECMI Working Paper # 9 October 2000 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor Building) D-24939 Flensburg . Germany % +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ecmi.de ECMI Working Paper # 9 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Marc Weller Issue Editors: Farimah Daftary and William McKinney © European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) 2000. ISSN 1435-9812 i The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of inter-ethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethno- political tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Working Paper # 9 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) © ECMI 2000 CONTENTS I. -
Jacques Chirac Contre L'euroscepticisme
LeMonde Job: WMQ0303--0001-0 WAS LMQ0303-1 Op.: XX Rev.: 02-03-99 T.: 11:10 S.: 111,06-Cmp.:02,11, Base : LMQPAG 20Fap:100 No:0430 Lcp: 700 CMYK LE MONDE INTERACTIF a Internet : vite, toujours plus vite a Emploi : 5 pages d’annonces classées 55e ANNÉE – No 16827 – 7,50 F - 1,14 EURO FRANCE MÉTROPOLITAINE MERCREDI 3 MARS 1999 FONDATEUR : HUBERT BEUVE-MÉRY – DIRECTEUR : JEAN-MARIE COLOMBANI Jacques Chirac contre l’euroscepticisme Hausse des ventes b Dans un message au Parlement, le président rappelle son engagement européen b Il soutient et baisse des coûts les deux composantes de l’Alliance b M. Séguin annule une rencontre avec M. Bayrou sur le scrutin ont dopé de juin b A Milan, les socialistes de l’Union peinent à s’accorder sur un pacte de croissance les résultats 1998 LA RATIFICATION du traité d’Amsterdam, rendue possible après la révision constitutionnelle de Renault du 18 janvier, est mise à profit par a Au Tibet interdit Jacques Chirac pour réaffirmer son AVEC 8,84 MILLIARDS de engagement européen. Dans un francs (1,35 milliard d’euros) de Troisième étape de notre reportage au message au Parlement, lu à l’As- bénéfices en 1998, annoncés lundi pays des Neiges dans une Lhassa sini- semblée nationale et au Sénat 1er mars, Renault a frôlé son record sée où la dévotion tient lieu d’attitude mardi 2 mars, à 15 heures, avant historique de 1989. Cette perfor- de résistance passive. p. 13 que les députés engagent le débat mance est d’abord le fruit de la sur la ratification, M. -
En Marche? Who Is Emmanuel Macron and Why He Stands a Chance to Win the French Presidency
En Marche? Who is Emmanuel Macron and why he stands a chance to win the French presidency blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2017/01/31/en-marche-who-is-emmanuel-macron/ 1/31/2017 With the selection of Benoît Hamon as the candidate for the Socialist Party, the field for the 2017 French presidential election is broadly set. Marta Lorimer writes on the candidacy of Emmanuel Macron, who is running under the banner of a new progressive movement – En Marche! – and is currently receiving significant support in opinion polls. She argues that while winning the presidency remains a long shot for Macron, recent developments have boosted his chances. Emmanuel Macron. Image credits: LeWeb (CC BY 2.0) Emmanuel Macron appeared on the French political scene in 2014 when after two years serving as Deputy Secretary-General of the Presidency, François Hollande nominated him to replace Arnaud Montebourg as Minister of Economy, Industry and Digital Data. The 39-year-old former investment banker was an unusual presence in French politics: young, politically inexperienced and not a member of the party rank and file. Today, he is an unusual candidate for the highest office in France. L’homme providentiel Macron launched his bid for the French presidency in November. His move, while expected since he formed the progressive movement ‘En Marche!’ (Forward!) and quit government, changed the outlook of the presidential race. Widely popular with broad segments of the electorate, Macron has imposed himself over the past few months as the third man in this presidential race, behind the radical right’s candidate Marine Le Pen (Front National) and the right- wing François Fillon. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right.