HISTORY

The New Mexican-Americans in Wartime America: riots reflect the state of the Mexican American pop How the "Z-Oot Suit Riots" and the "Second Generation" events shape the future of the Mexican American c Transformed Mexican-American Ethnic Politics Brady Dvorak In this paper, l will show how the unique state oft especially the first US-born generation of Mexican Abstract second generation) - coupled with the anxiety of\ This paper looks at the unique demographic, economic, and cultural state of ethnic Mexicans living of racial tensions in Los Angeles. And, I will sho\\ in the United States during World War II and how the "Zoot Suit Riots" both refl ected the wartime riots" created by the sensationalistic press affected ethnic relations between Latinos and Anglos and influenced the future of Mexican American civil campaign in two ways: (1) Popular interpretation< rights movements. In particular, the riots will be examined within the context of the emergence of a American youth, bridging a correlation between et pachuco youth culture within the second generation of US-born ethnic Mexicans. Newspaper there being any racial discrimination during the ric articles of the time and complimentary research will also show how popular public perception of perception of there being no racial element of disc the events affected the way in which Mexican American community leaders would negotiate the communities. With Mexican American activists or ethnic politics of civil rights until the 1960s. anti-Mexican sentiment, they preached uncompror while ignoring the more complex problems of disc Introduction disparity between Latinos and Anglos in the Unite

ne of the most notorious episodes in the history of US ethnic relations, and certainly in Mexican Americans, Pachucos, and World 0 Mexican American history, was the so called "zoot suit riots" that took place in wartime Los Angeles. From June 3 to June 13 , 1943, white servicemen on leave squared off with By the time of the attack on Pearl Harbor and Amt the local Latino population in downtown and East Los Angeles in a series of violent clashes that Mexican nationals and Mexican-Americans in the left many Mexican-American youth badly beaten and soured the ethnic relations between the Anglo the climate of wartime had given them new opport community and Latinos in Southern California and throughout the United States. The riots were During the Great Depression of the 1930s, Latino~ largely initiated by Navy men stationed in Los Angeles, who formed mobs - sometimes with the economic turmoil and nativist backlash. Thousand civilian population - and hunted down Mexican American youth (known as pachucos) clad in their oftentimes regardless of US citizenship, while imr iconic "zoot suits" as a result of rising tensions between them and the sailors. Leading up to the population became largely settled and by 1940, ac events, the pachuco youth and their subculture had been the subject of rising Anglo fears over the history the majority of US Spanish speaking peopl rampant criminality spreading out of the barrios and into the city as this unique Mexican American saw the World War II period as an important time 4 generation made themselves known to the public . cultural conflicts they experienced during the Gre; economic and political opportunities under the bai But what many assumed at the time to be a military crusade for criminal justice was nothing short But David Gutierrez points out that although the r of a race riot, with Anglo mobs of servicemen - unofficially sanctioned by local LAPD - pulling the ethnic Mexican population were either unnatu Mexican-Americans out of theaters and off of cable cars, stripping them of their clothes, cutting elusive second generation and not experiencing th their hair, and severely beating them, targeting on ethnic grounds whether or not they were wearing the war: "Although thousands of Mexican Americ the pachuco "zoot suit" uniform. This important historical incident had lasting political and social effects on the future of Mexican American relations within mainstream US society. But how did the

5 Griswold del Castillo, Richard. "The Los Angeles 'Z0< Perspectives". Mexican Studies/ £studios Mexicanos. V 4 . 6 Leonard, Kevtn Allen. The Battle of Los Angeles: Racial Ideology and WWII. University of New Mexico Gutierrez, David G. Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Ame Press (2006), p.130 Ethnicity. University of California Press (1995), p.117

46 HISTORY

:ans in Wartime America: riots reflect the state of the Mexican American population during the 1940s? And how would these nd the "Second Generation" events shape the future of the Mexican American civil rights movement? \.merican Ethnic Politics vorak In this paper, I will show how the unique state of the Mexican American population - but especially the first US-born generation of Mexican immigrant parents (commonly referred to as the :ract second generation) - coupled with the anxiety of World War II laid the groundwork for an eruption omic, and cultural state of ethnic Mexicans living of racial tensions in Los Angeles. And, 1 will show how the public perception of the "zoot suit

1 the "Zoot Suit Riots" both reflected the wartime riots" created by the sensationalistic press affected the future of the Mexican American civil rights influenced the future of Mexican American civil campaign in two ways: (1) Popular interpretation of the events placed the blame on Mexican xamined within the context of the emergence of a American youth, bridging a correlation between ethnicity and crime; and (2) Popular denial of ·ation of US-born ethnic Mexicans. Newspaper there being any racial discrimination during the riots on behalfofthe servicemen lead to the Nill also show how popular public perception of perception of there being no racial element of discrimination in the plight of Mexican American merican community leaders would negotiate the communities. With Mexican American activists on the defensive against a powerful new wave of anti-Mexican sentiment, they preached uncompromising assimilation as a strategy for civil rights while ignoring the more complex problems of discrimination that contributed to the socioeconomic disparity between Latinos and Anglos in the United States. istory of US ethnic relations, and certainly in Mexican Americans, Pachucos, and World War II led "zoot suit riots" that took place in wartime B , white servicemen on leave squared off with By the time of the attack on Pearl Harbor and America's entrance in World War U, the state of Los Angeles in a series of violent clashes that Mexican nationals and Mexican-Americans in the United States had changed demographically and nd soured the ethnic relations between the Anglo the climate of wartime had given them new opportunities as well as created sudden new pressures. I throughout the United States. The riots were During the Great Depression of the 1930s, Latinos in the US were faced with the threat of

~eles , who formed mobs - sometimes with the economic turmoil and nativist backlash. Thousands were deported (or "repatriated") to Mexico, merican youth (known as pachucos) clad in their oftentimes regardless of US citizenship, while immigration was virtually halted. The remaining ween them and the sailors. Leading up to the population became largely settled and by 1940, according to the US Census, for the first time in 5 been the subject ofrising Anglo fears over the history the majority of US Spanish speaking people were native-born US citizens . Many historians 1d into the city as this unique Mexican American saw the World War II period as an important time for Mexican-Americans, when the political and cultural conflicts they experienced during the Great Depression subsided and gave way to new 6 economic and political opportunities under the banner of American unity thanks to the war effort . , crusade for criminal justice was nothing short But David Gutierrez points out that although the many ethnic Mexicans were US citizens, 60% of Jfficially sanctioned by local LAPD - pulling the ethnic Mexican population were either unnaturalized Mexican nationals or members of the : cars, stripping them of their clothes, cutting elusive second generation and not experiencing the same perceived economic or social benefits of :thnic grounds whether or not they were wearing the war: "Although thousands of Mexican Americans did begin to think of themselves more as storical incident had lasting political and social ; within mainstream US society. But how did the

5 Griswold del Castillo, Richard. "The Los Angeles 'Zoot Suit Riots ' Revisited: Mexican and Latin American Perspectives". Mexican Studies/ £studios Mexicanos. Vol. 16, No. 2 (Summer, 2000), p.367 6 ti Ideology and WWII. University of New Mexico Gutierrez, David G. Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity. University of California Press (1995), p.117

47 HISTORY

Americans than as Mexicans during the 1940s, thousands more remained deeply ambivalent about prejudice during this time. And although the con' 7 their cultural and nat10nal identities even at the height of the war" the sentencing and sensationalist news coverage< Angeles and helped serve as a precursor to the ri< A large proportion of this ambivalence toward the perceived economic opportunities of the 1940s servicemen and pachucos during this time also in stemmed from the "problem of the second generation", from which the pachuco gang subculture the flashy style and ambivalence of second gener: emerged. Caught between the mainstream of US society and the world of their immigrant parents, the unusually high density of sailors in pachuco l the second generation was a unique demographic that represented the first generation of US native­ born Chicanos immersed in their own distinct subculture, yet participating in the collective culture "City planners first complicated the so< 1 of20 h century American mass society in plain view of Anglos. Many became isolated from their Mexican neighborhoods in erecting a n parent's culture as a result of intergenerational tensions that included "language differences, Navy there. Not only did this make all 1 disputes over diet in the home, outright rejection of parental authority, and, at the extreme, juvenile it also exposed the families in this area 8 delinquency and crime among US-born Mexican American youth" . The pachuco subculture the uncivil behavior of military men on lea emerged in the Mexican neighborhood clubs or gangs of South Texas and Southern California in the 1930s and spread out to larger urban areas by the 1940s was not exclusively associated with But, regardless of the exact causes and details of criminal delinquency, but largely emblematic of the second generation's distinctiveness. Pachucos and the impact of the riots that affected the way r­ (or cholos) were characterized by a hybrid English-Spanish slang (calo), tattoos, and the zoot suit, and fight for civil rights during World War II an( which constituted "long jackets with exaggerated shoulders, pegged pant legs, thick soled shoes, 9 long watch chains, and wide-brimmed pancake hats worn over duck-tall haircuts" Public Perception of the Riots and the Im1

The Anglo reaction to the emergence of this pachuco subculture that eventually reached crisis Despite the "riots" being a series of attacks by Ar proportions by the time of the "zoot suit riots" in the summer of 1943, was caused by a fusion of Americans, "the events were widely publicized ir vocal and latent racial antagonisms and the patriotic fervor and paranoia stirred up after the attack example ofMexican's inherent barbarity, hooliga on Pearl Harbor. "As tensions and uncertainty built up both before and immediately after the attack newspapers, including the Times, the Herald-Exp on Pearl Harbor, the problem of the second generation contributed to a rapid erosion of interethnic publications, such as Time and Life, ran headlinei 10 relationships" . Ethnic Japanese on the West coast were placed in internment camps and greater "Marauding Latin Gangs" and "Roving Wolf Pac pressures to conform during wartime were put on ethnic Mexicans and other minorities as a result 13, on June 9 the Navy ordered the city of Los Al 11 of the "highly charged atmosphere of ultrapatriotism, xenophobia, and jingoism" . But while Navy, Marine Corp, and Coast Guard. On that da Mexican American community leaders saw the wartime as an opportunity to unite Mexican "zoot suit war". Instead of being seen as instigate Americans in patriotic harmony with the rest of the United States through enlistment and job defenders "augmenting the work of city police": ' opportunities in the war economy, second generation Mexican American youth became the targets with watchful eyes on men looking for trouble". · of Southern California Anglos. done on the part of the servicemen, instead itemi; sailors from behind and beating them viciously b· The corrupted trial and sentencing of 21 Latino youth in the murder of Jose Diaz in late 1942 - "walking peaceably along the street" when "at le< known as the "Sleepy Lagoon Murder" - came to be seen as a highly indicative case of racial attacked them". Another innocent sailor was "be< was waiting for a bus". It restates the official Nav

7 Ibid., p. I 18 8 12 Gutierrez, p. I 19 Pagan, Eduardo Obregon. "Los Angeles Geopolitics 9 Ibid., p.123 Vol. 24, Issue I (2000), p.224 10 13 Ibid. Gutierrez, p. I 24 11 14 Ibid., p. I 18 [bid., p.125

48 HISTORY

1ousands more remained deeply ambivalent about prejudice during this time. And although the convictions were reversed in Appeals court in 1944, . f 7 eight o the war" the sentencing and sensationalist news coverage of the trial heightened interethnic tensions in Los Angeles and helped serve as a precursor to the riots that summer. Confrontations between e perceived economic opportunities of the 1940s servicemen and pachucos during this time also increased as Navy men became more intolerant of tion", from which the pachuco gang subculture the flashy style and ambivalence of second generation Mexican American youth. Pagan argues that 5ociety and the world of their immigrant parents, the unusually high density of sailors in pachuco areas helped contribute to the growing tensions: that represented the first generation of US native­ iculture, yet participating in the collective culture "City planners first complicated the social geography of these low-income, mostly ew of Anglos. Many became isolated from their Mexican neighborhoods in erecting a million-dollar training school for the all-white 1sions that included "language differences, Navy there. Not only did this make all the more obvious the wages of racialized privilege, of parental authority, and, at the extreme, juvenile it also exposed the families in this area to the widespread problem of controlling the often 8 12 American youth" . Thepachuco subculture the unc1v1. ·1 be h avwr. o f mi· 11tary· men on Ieave " angs of South Texas and Southern California in the 1940s was not exclusively associated with But, regardless of the exact causes and details of the riots themselves, it is the public perception he second generation's distinctiveness. Pachucos and the impact of the riots that affected the way Mexican Americans adapted their ethnic identity h-Spanish slang (calo) , tattoos, and the zoot suit, and fight for civil rights during World War II and after. shoulders, pegged pant legs, thick soled shoes, 9 its worn over duck-tail haircuts" . Public Perception of the Riots and the Impact on Mexican American Ethnic Politics uco subculture that eventually reached crisis Despite the "riots" being a series of attacks by Anglo servicemen and some civilians on Mexican the summer of 1943, was caused by a fusion of Americans, "the events were widely publicized in the local and national press as yet another 13 tic fervor and paranoia stirred up after the attack example ofMexican's inherent barbarity, hooliganism, and questionable loyalty" . Los Angeles It up both before and immediately after the attack newspapers, including the Times, the Herald-Express, and the Daily, along with national ition contributed to a rapid erosion of interethnic publications, such as Time and Life, ran headlines describing Mexican American youth as 14 1st were placed in internment camps and greater "Marauding Latin Gangs" and "Roving Wolf Packs" . Although the violence continued until June ethnic Mexicans and other minorities as a result 13 , on June 9 the Navy ordered the city of Los Angeles a restricted area off limits to men of the 11 >m, xenophobia, andjingoism" . But while Navy, Marine Corp, and Coast Guard. On that day, the LA Times ran an article chronicling the 1rtime as an opportunity to unite Mexican "zoot suit war". Instead of being seen as instigators, the Navy men were depicted as righteous LA e United States through enlistment and job defenders "augmenting the work of city police": " [G]roups of soldiers moved through the district ion Mexican American youth became the targets with watchful eyes on men looking for trouble". The article refrained from mentioning any abuses done on the part of the servicemen, instead itemizing incidents of"groups ofzoot suiters" attacking sailors from behind and beating them viciously before fleeing like cowards. Two soldiers were •uth in the murder of Jose Diaz in late 1942 - "walking peaceably along the street" when "at least 15 zoot suiters jumped from auto-mobiles and be seen as a highly indicative case of racial attacked them". Another innocent sailor was "beaten and kicked by a gang ofzoot suiters ... as he was waiting for a bus". It restates the official Navy announcement that described the sailors as

12 Pagan, Eduardo Obregon. "Los Angeles Geopolitics and the loot Suit Riots, 1943", Social Science History. Vol. 24, Issue I (2000), p.224 13 Gutierrez, p.124 14 Ibid., p.125

49 HISTORY

acting in "self-defense against the rowdy element" and then goes on to defend the servicemen - to women, children, and "black communities". It i "who banded together and took on all persons they found clad in zoot suits" - on the basis that they riots and inciting further violence, which is "prom . ·1· bl d . h " 15 were "egged on" by "thousan d s o f c1v1 1ans assem e m t e area to the Office of War Information and urges "imme press which has openly approved of these mutinie Although the servicemen went on to target Mexican Americans - and some African American and that is decidedly inflammatory", claiming that the Filipino youth, as well - with or without "zoot suits", the article in the Times is indicative of the international repercussions which will inevitably< changing tide in the press at this time, which in the face of protests and accusations of would go largely unnoticed within the public perc discrimination wished to deny any racial element of the riots by identifying the criminal against ethnic Mexicans in the United States woul perpetrators as "zoot suiters". After the outbreak, some government and community officials, as world of ethnic politics. well as Mexican American activists, raised concerns about the "racial" dimensions of the situation, but ultimately sensationalist news coverage and even later official reports asserted that racial Defenders of Mexicans in the riots that claimed di discrimination was not a factor in the riots while blaming the riots officially on the Mexican of stirring racial agitation during a time of war an< 16 American youth . This reflected a common historical trend in disguising racial or ethnic tensions of a larger Communist plot responsible for the rio in terms of mere criminality, leading to the negative reception of those Mexican American activists Committee on Un-American Activities (1945) cla who often vocalized socioeconomic discrimination as a factor in their plight. agitation", Communists "continually fed the fires youth in the United States was being subjected to 20 On June 17 , LA newspapers published a statement made by First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt at a press and humiliation" . The Committee went on to bl conference on June 16. She said that she believed the riots resulted from "long standing emphasized discrimination and socioeconomic di ~ discrimination against Mexicans" and that "for a long time I've worried about the attitude toward important part in the agitation of the Mexican Pac Mexicans in California and the States along the border". She even went on to say that "race keeping the issue alive when the violence had cea 17 problems" were expanding throughout the US and that "we must begin to face it" . LA newspapers responded harshly to the First Lady's assertion that race played a major part in the This renewed hostility toward ethnic Mexicans fo riots. They also seemed to ignore the claims made by members of the Coordinating Council for community leaders into defensive positions. The l Latin American Youth (Made up of both Anglos and ethnic Mexicans, it was established by the LA America had been curtailed by the nativist backlai County Board of Supervisors in 1941 to address the many problems facing the second generation, the second generation and the renewed ethnic anti particularly juvenile delinquency), the Sleepy Lagoon Defense Committee, and smaller Spanish attempts to address discrimination as a factor in tt language and English language newspapers. Leonard points out that these people and other Mexican-American population would be perceive "middle-class Mexican Americans agreed that discrimination against people of Mexican descent activists continued to champion an ineffectual car ,,18 was a pro bl em They employed wartime rhetoric that focused on t American community, usually expressing "explici On the same day as the Times article, the Los Angeles Spanish-language daily newspaper, La American patriotism as well as the critical need fc Opinion, published a statement made by the Coordinating Council for Latin American Youth addressed to the Head of the Office of War Information, the Head of the Division of Foreign And while this strategy allowed for some success( Languages, and President Roosevelt. It describes the "Battle Between Marines and Pachucos" as an movement during the 1950s, the denial of discrim "unprovoked" attack by marines and soldiers on "Mexican zoot suiters" that has expanded violence socioeconomic conditions of many and the suppn

15 19 "City, Navy Clamp Lid on Zoot-Suit Warfare", Los Angeles Times, June 9, 1943 "The Battle Between Marines and Pachucos", La Op 16 20 Leonard, p.157 Gutierrez, p.126 17 21 Leonard, p.175 Griswold del Castillo, p.384 18 22 fbid ., p.177-78 Gutierrez, p.128

50 HISTORY

:nt" and then goes on to defend the servicemen - to women, children, and "black communities". It accuses the local press of sensationalizing the :hey found clad in zoot suits" - on the basis that they riots and inciting further violence, which is "prompting racial antagonism". The statement appeals 15 embled in the area" . to the Office of War Information and urges "immediate intervention ... so that it moderates the local press which has openly approved of these mutinies and which is treating this situation in a manner {ican Americans - and some African American and that is decidedly inflammatory", claiming that the situation "will undoubtedly have grave 19 suits'', the article in the Times is indicative of the international repercussions which will inevitably damage the war effort" . This appeal, however, the face of protests and accusations of would go largely unnoticed within the public perception of the riots and the ensuing backlash nt of the riots by identifying the criminal against ethnic Mexicans in the United States would transform their approach to negotiating the k, some government and community officials, as world of ethnic politics. cerns about the "racial" dimensions of the situation, 1even later official reports asserted that racial Defenders of Mexicans in the riots that claimed discrimination was a root cause would be accused e blaming the riots officially on the Mexican of stirring racial agitation during a time of war and often denounced as Communists or even agents storical trend in disguising racial or ethnic tensions of a larger Communist plot responsible for the riots. The California State Legislature's Tenney ative reception of those Mexican American activists Committee on Un-American Activities (1945) claimed that "pursuing the party line on racial tion as a factor in their plight. agitation", Communists "continually fed the fires of racial antagonism by charging that Mexican youth in the United States was being subjected to police brutality, race discrimination, segregation, 20 .ent made by First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt at a press and humiliation" . The Committee went on to blame the riots on those publications that ed the riots resulted from "long standing emphasized discrimination and socioeconomic disparity as the causes of violence: "They played an a long time I've worried about the attitude toward important part in the agitation of the Mexican Pachucos, both in preparing for the riots and in 21 border". She even went on to say that "race keeping the issue alive when the violence had ceased" . f; . 17 md that "we must begin to ace 1t" . LA r's assertion that race played a major part in the This renewed hostility toward ethnic Mexicans forced many Mexican-American activists and .de by members of the Coordinating Council for community leaders into defensive positions. The apparent social and economic benefits of wartime s and ethnic Mexicans, it was established by the LA America had been curtailed by the nativist backlash against the distinctively pachuco subculture of s the many problems facing the second generation, the second generation and the renewed ethnic antagonism that followed the riots. But because ,agoon Defense Committee, and smaller Spanish attempts to address discrimination as a factor in the socioeconomic disparity affecting much of the onard points out that these people and other Mexican-American population would be perceived as disruptive during a time of war, many liscrimination against people of Mexican descent activists continued to champion an ineffectual campaign for civil rights that ignored these factors. They employed wartime rhetoric that focused on the loyalty and "American-ness" of the Mexican American community, usually expressing "explicitly assimilationist rhetoric that emphasized 22 ngeles Spanish-language daily newspaper, La American patriotism as well as the critical need for pan-American unity during wartime" ordinating Council for Latin American Youth rmation, the Head of the Division of Foreign And while this strategy allowed for some successes and gains in the Mexican American civil rights :s the "Battle Between Marines and Pachucos" as an movement during the 1950s, the denial of discrimination as a cause for the desperate 1 "Mexican zoot suiters" that has expanded violence socioeconomic conditions of many and the suppression of a distinctive Chicano culture that lay at

19 >Angeles Times, June 9, 1943 "The Battle Between Marines and Pachucos", la Opinion, June 9, 1943 20 Gutierrez, p.126 21 Griswold del Castillo, p.384 22 Gutierrez, p.128

51 HISTORY the heart of the "problem of the second generation" would still threaten the possibility of having a "The Making of th meaningful debate over Mexican American ethnic politics. The assimilationist approach to civil Inside the Creation of the Federal F rights would become even more ineffective as anti-Mexican sentiments in the United States grew as the effects of the bracero guest worker program (which began as the Emergency Farm Labor Program in 1942) became more noticeable. New waves of Mexican immigration as a result of this program led to the mass settlement of more unnaturalized Mexican nationals and contradictory mass deportation (like "Operation Wetback") took place during the 1950s as a result of growing public concerns. It would not be until the strong Chicano and Mexican American student movements of the late 1960s that Mexican American activists changed their strategy by embracing their unique chicano culture that began with the first second generation ofzoot-suitedpachucos.

Bibliography

"City, Navy Clamp Lid on Zoot-Suit Warfare'', Los Angeles Times, June 9, 1943 Nicola~

"The Battle Between Marines and Pachucos", La Opinion, June 9, 1943 Abst In 1913 the United States Congress passed, and Griswold de! Castillo, Richard. "The Los Angeles 'Zoot Suit Riots' Revisited: Mexican and Latin Owen-Glass Federal Reserve Act. The act grante American Perspectives". Mexican Studies/ £studios Mexicanos. Vol. 16, No. 2 (Summer, specially designated private banking firms with 2000), p.367-391 regulation of the financial markets. The declar prosperous national economy by avoiding exces Gutierrez, David G. Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics manipulation of the banking and credit industry ofEthnicity. University of California Press (1995), p.117 prosperity and influence unrivalled in modern ti1 had many detractors and has been shrouded in cor Leonard, Kevin Allen. The Battle ofLos Angeles: Racial Ideology and WWII. University of New Mexico Press (2006) he notion ofa privately owned bank recei· nation's money supply sounds like an Orv Pagan, Eduardo Obregon. "Los Angeles Geopolitics and the Zoot Suit Riots, 1943", Social Science Tdifficult to grasp, then surely the intended History. Vol. 24, Issue 1 (2000), p.223 harder to understand. Yet in 1913, with the passai foundation for just such an institution was constn System came into prominence in the United State: These issues revolve around the idea of who woul States, and for what purpose. A thorough analysis Reserve System lie not with the lawmakers who v and interest of the business leaders and their asso<

Brady graduated December 2009 with a B .A. in History. He wrote this paper for Professor Froysland and his HIST-A352 class. 23 Orwellian - of or like the society portrayed by Orwell totalitarian state exercises almost total control over the J http://www.yourdictionary.com/orwellian

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