O C V M E N T BIN Pe ED 032 520 AL 001 964 By-Ornstein. Jacob -Languige Varieties Along the US.-MexicanBorder. . Pub Date Sep 69 Note-27p.; Paper presented to the Sociolinguistics Section of the 2nd InternationalCongress of Applied Linguistics. Cambridge. England, September812. 1969. ERRS Price MF -S025 HC -S1 A5 Descriptors *Bilingualism. Dialect Studies.*English (Second Language). Language Skills.Mexican Americans. Multilingualism. Nonstandard Dialects. SocialDialects. 'Sociolinguistics. 'Spanish Speaking The US. Southwest andparticularly the region alongthe 1000-mile long US.-Mexican boundary. offersa ready laboratory for the observation ofmany phases of multilingualism andmulticulturalism. The author feels.however. that the rich sociolinguistic material of thearea has suffered from over-simplification andneglect. Very few synchronic studies alongmodern linguistic lines haveappeared. He believes that the Bilingual Education Actof 1968 and the SociolinguisticStudy on Southwest Spanish. supported by the Universityof Texas at El Paso's ResearchInstitute. will help change the situation. Afterexplaining briefly the aims of theSociolinguistic Study. the author presentsa survey of the historical evolution of thestudy of multilingualism. He also suggestsa schema of the language situation of theSouthwest. (D0)
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LANGUAGE VARIETIES ALONG THE U.S.-MEXICAN BORDER*
By: Jacob Ornstein, University of Texas-El Paso
(For Sociolinguistics Section, Second International Congress of Applied Linguistics, Cambridge Univ., England (AI A) Sept. 8-12, 1969)
The U. S. Southwest and particularly the region along the 1000-
mile long U.S.-Mexican boundary, offers a ready laboratory for the
observation of many phases of multilingualism and multiculturalism.
Indeed, several of my Southwestern colleagues and a few from else-
where are presenting papers on this general theme at this very con-
ference. Unfortunately, however, the rich sociolinguistic material
of the area has suffered from over-simplification and cavalier treat-
ment, with a predilection for the colorful and bizarre, or from out-
right neglect.
Very few, indeed, almost no synchronic studies along modern
linguistic lines have appeared, and Aurelio Espinosa's Estudios sobre
1 el espaflol de Nuevo 144jico, completed several decades ago, still re-
mains the only exhaustive description, save for scattered articles
and unpublished theses and dissertations. A vast number of socio-
economic and educational studies exists on the hispano, anglo, and
Indian ethnic groups, but few of these have taken the linguistic
component into consideration.
AL001 96 4 2
Political developments have taken a hand in altering this picture, as significant legislation has been enacted, including the Bilingual Education Act of 1968, to improve the lot of the minorities, a large percentage of which communicates in something other than standard language. The Southwest speech communities include some three and a half million Spanish-English speakers, and a far lesser number of Indians, most of whom are in varying degrees not only bilingual or trilingual, but also bidialectal or even diglossic. Educational and social planners have not fail- ed to call upon linguists to help them with the multi-faceted communication problems involved, but all too often the latter have
2 had to operate as "artists", relying upon intuition rather than any available body of scientific data.
The Sociolinguistic Study on Southwest Spanish, a modest project supported by this University's Research Institute, has thus far been able to achieve little more than to collect pilot data, develop some tentative hypotheses and assumptions, and outline desiderata for further investigation. All this appears, in detail with appropriate bibliography, in a lengthy study by the speaker, and titled,
"Sociolinguistics and New Perspectives in the Study of Southwest
Spanish," scheduled for publication in a forthcoming volume of this
3 university's Studies in Languages and Linguistics. Foremost among the recommendations is that an effort be made to assemble and system- atize pertinent linguistic and social data relating to Southwest multilingualism and multiculturalism. Perhaps the best repository for this would be the International Center for Research on Bilingualism, at Laval 3
University, Quebec, headed by William Mackey, and which is equipped
with modern electronic information retrieval facilities. Approp-
riately, Di Pietro in his useful review of studies and desiderata
in bilingualism in the Americas observes that: "A systematic class-
ification is needed of the information that has been gathered.At 4 present it is scattered about in places that are often inaccessible."
Another concern of the Project has been to seeka more exact
description of the multilingualism of the area without becoming
inextricably mired in theoretical disputes raging in our field.
It is a fact that both psycholinguistics and sociolinguistics have
developed at such a pace during the past two decades that to keep
abreast of the often vying new formulations and the re-evaluations
of older concepts becomes a most challenging task. Bright, attempting
to transmit a sense of its multi-faceted nature ascribes to socio- 5 linguistics seven dimensions, any two or more of which may converge.
The current ferment within the study of linguistic diversity
and the level of sophistication reached, almost makes of the traditional
dialect geographer, working with meager resources, a primitive figure.
The fact is that until recently bilingualism was a marginal study,
despite which a great deal of valuable research data was gathered.
It is almost impossible to study the varieties of language in
the American Southwest without reference to the historical evolution
of the study of multilingualism.Modern pioneers have included such
figures as Haugen with his monumental studies of Norwegian as an
immigrant language in the United States, and his Bilingualism in the
Americas, perhaps unparalleled in showing, with remarkable brevity, 4
the interrelatedness of so many disciplinas impingingupon this 6 phenomenon, Weinreich, particule7ly in Languages in Contact, sig-
nalled a more dynamic treatment of multilingual speechcommunities
7 as interacting rather than detached entities. Attitudinal and other
psychological and societal factors including "language loyalty"were
given unprecedented weighting in their influence bothupon the
"dominance configuration" and linguistic interference. Thanks to
such insights and the recent interest in contrastive analysis studies,
8 such as those carried out by Bowen, Stockwell and Martin, interference
is no longer regarded as a unidirectional simplisticprocess.
It is possible to mention only a few of the refinements that
have been developed in the study of the regions of the worldwhose
populations speak more than one language. Ferguson coined the term
diglossia for countries where two well differentiated varieties of
the same language, one formal and hence "high" in prestige, the other
9 informal and "low", are in use, although by now its meaning has been
extended.
A great deal of attention has been paid to "code-switching,"
both in the native and foreign language contexts, and involving changes
10 of levels, styles, dialects or languages. Gumperz, who has also
introduced the term "repertoire" for a variety of a given language, has done extensive study on the conditions governing code-switching
11 among smaller ethnic groups in a linguistically diverse country.
Labov has attempted to quantify divergent languageuse and social
affiliation by employing linguisticvariables.12 5
The categorization of linguistically diverse speech communities
has advanced considerably. Stewart has developed a taxonomic class-
ification of languages according to their functions ina given 13 country. Kloss has classified multilingual communities with special
reference to official policy toward minorities by sovereign states
throughout the world. Of particular interest is his classification
of speakers of foreign languages in America into four groups:
1) Sole first settlers2) Co-first settlers3)Sole immigrants 14 4) Co-immigrants. Significantly, however, no universal consensus
exists on these matters.A striking example of this is seen in the
denial by Rona, a distinguished Uruguayan scholar, that the distri-
butive use of Spanish and Guarani by Paraguay, usually considered
15 the bilingual nation par excellence, actually constitutes bilingualism.
In this connection, a very recent book by Joan Rubin, titled National
Bilingualism in Paraguay, furnishes a model for researchers of language
contact studies performed according to modern methodology and presented
16 with lucidity.
A vast range of sociolinguistic implications have been probed
by Fishman, who has been particularly interested in elaborating a
hierarchial set of sociological constructs relating language choice
17 behavior to specific domains of human interaction. He has also
coined the term "ethnicity" which attempts to describe the degree
18 of affiliation to often competing ethnic groups. In Language
Loyalty in the United States some half-dozen immigrant speech comm-
unities are examined as this and other concepts relate to them.
Bilingualism in the Barrio edited by Fishman, Cooper and Ma, 6
is a virtual tour de force, presenting awide range of studies reports by different researchers on stable and widespreadbilingualism of Puerto
Ricans in the New York and Jersey City area. To a large extent they reflect the maturation of studies oflinguistic diversity, performed 19 according to rigorous statistical methodand research design.
This is not to suggest that statisticalapproaches or social science research techniques areuniversally accepted in our field for investigations of multilingualism.Other models more impressionistic have also been proposed, such asHymes' anthropologically-oriented one.
Concerned with the "ethnography ofspeech" he has endeavored to set up a sociolinguisticmodel according to the elements making upthe 20 social framework of communication.
Undoubtedly bilingualism or the use of twolanguages or more still remains one of the most elusivephenomena to define, since the act of speech, be it inthe mother tongue or a secondlanguage has so many psychological andsociological as well as pedagogicimplications.
Definitions have prolarated, butall leave something to be desired.
Accordingly, researchers have designed testsbased on their own ideas
of essentiality. Tests of bilingualism cover a wide rangeincluding
examination of purely linguisticdata and comparative language per-
formance and elicitation of reaction-timeand apperception of a
variety of stimuli such asisolated lexical items in twolanguages,
pictures, symbols, colors, andtaped fragments of speech. Unfortunately
many of these explorebut one small aspect of atremendously complicated
process.An attempt at a broader-gauge typeof measure has been made
in French Canada byMackey and associates, who havebeen trying to 7
quantify the distributive roles of languages according to their functional spheres of activity, and along with this, data on linguistic interference and shift. It is our understanding that the
21 approach is a multidiFciplinary one.
Psycholinguists in particular have during the past twenty years been intrigued by the phenomenon of code-switching and the cognate problem of mediation. Some, like Penfield and Roberts consider that there is a single switch system, while others believe that in the brain several systems exist which control the specific input system to be used for encoding a message. How messages are encoded and the type of mediation occurring are by no means clear,anymore than is the question of whether bilinguals acquire a separate referents for each symbol in their codes. A great deal has been written on semantic referents in the verbal processes of multilinguals and studies by
John B. Carroll, a pioneer psycholinguist and George Miller of Harvard 22 University are especially relevant. Ervin and Osgood's distinction between coordinate and compound bilingualism has received wide dis- semination, but supporting research has not been overwhelmingly conclusive. Jakobovits and Lambert's satiation technique appears 23 to have provided the best support for the theory.
A greater awareness has been emerging of the importance of non- linguistic factors, such as the hair color, bodily features and kinesies, ethnic and religious ties of the interlocutor in bilingual performance. Ervin -Tripp and others have also demonstrated the 24 significance of topic to this entire process. 8
Psychologists and others interested in the subject have written a great deal on the effects of multilingualism on personality,
intelligence and educational performance, not to speak of language acquisition. Lambert, a social psychologist at the University of
Montreal has acted as the catalyst for many studies relating to these subjects, carried out with such investigators as Gardner, Tunstall,
25 Barik, Havelka, Peal, Yeni-Komshian, Fillenbaum, Kolers and Crosby.
One of the most debated issues, however, continues to be whether bilingualism has noxious or beneficial consequences upon intelligence quotients as ordinarily measured and,even more import- 26 ant upon school studies. Such researchers as Peal and Lambert consider it an asset, while a large number including Darcy, take an opposite view, although inadequate sampling and research design are often faulted for ccnclusions in either direction. Considerable test- ing is now in progress, particularly on school children in the inner cities and Mexican-Americap youngsters in the Southwest and
Puerto Ricans in the New York City area, which may help to illuminate these problems. A monumental study, Bilingualism and Primary
Education, highly statistical in its design, has been carried out by
Macnamara. It studies the Irish experiment with a major conclusion that persons obliged to take courses in a "weaker" language be it
27 English or Gaelic are at a disadvantage. Other implications must, however, be regarded.
In the field of linguistics itself, there has been an upsurge of interest in non-standard and lower prestige forms of speech, until recently badly ignored. This is commonly referred to as the study of 9
"social dialects."More will be said about this below.
Returning to the American Southwest it isnecessary to describe
in general terms the type of linguistic diversity obtaining here.
First of all let it be said that bilingualism functions here within
the framework of one de facto official language, English. This is
somewhat modified, but to a diminishing degree by the situation in
New Mexico, where law requires publication of official documents
in both Spanish and English, and which is often regardedas our only
officially bilingual state. School policy, based on local option in
the U.S., is being vigorously debated in the Southwest, withone
faction insisting on exclusive use of English as medium of instruction,
28 the other advocating bilingual facilities, veryscarce at present.
Nevertheless, pre-school and in-school training in English asa second
language is a growing movement both inside and outside of government projects like Bravo and Upward Bound. Yet even here, there is dis- agreement whether the approach should be a bidialectal one, or should employ only Standard English.
Another important feature of the bilingualism here is its relatively stable nature, reinforced by centuries of co-existence of anglo and hispano speech communities and cultures. This is in 29 direct contrast to the dynamic or what the writer prefers to term
the transitory bilingualism of, lat us say, Polish, Italian, or
Yiddish-speaking immigrants from Europe settling in the New World, whose offspring become monolingual in little more than one generation.
The maintenance of Spanish and Indian languages has been aided by several factors, prominent among them being the varying and often 10
clashing social value systems, although there isreason to believe that by now a hybrid or mixed Hispano-Anglo (and possiblyan Hispano-
Anglo-Indian one) is actually in existence in certainareas such as El
Paso-Judrez. Here these cultures are in dynamic contact, and not segregated or ghettoized as was the case, with Jewishgroups, for example, living in Eastern Europe or as one observes in regardto the
Greeks and Turks on Cyprus.
Moreover, this stability has been further aided by the proximity of Mexico, which country acts as a socio-cultural-linguistic matrix.
Family and other contacts are fairly intense, while border communities such as El Paso-Judrez constitute actual economic entities, absolutely dependent upon each other for their welfare. Finally with heavy immigration from that Southern republic to the United States of persons seeking and finding employment both on a short term basis and as settlers, linguistic interaction is constant.All this acts to counterbalance the heavy English linguistic interference, serving at the same time to prevent the creolization of Spanish, and to main- tain it essentially as a variety of American(Mexican) Spanish. It also counteracts the archaizing tendencies displayed by language
"islands" such as the Turkish speech community in Bulgariaor German settlers in the Balkans.
Perhaps with more valor than discretion, and against dire warnings of certain fellow-linguists, the speaker has dared to attempt to schematize the language situation of the Southwest.The taxonomy offered below is of course somewhat idealized but with the redeeming feature, it is hoped, of a maximum economy of categories achieved 11
through utilizing structural similarityrather than lexical
variation as a classificatory basis, and byusing the koine concept
where isoglossic bundles are blurredor highly doubtful.
By way of parenthesis the writer wishesto indicate the realiz-
ation of the difficulty oreven impossibility of setting up dichotomies
Ix NEM standard and non-standard languages, dialect and language,
creole and pidgin, and the like. From the sociolinguistic point of view, however, the task is easier, since the criterionof social
acceptability may be used. In the Southwest at least Mexican-
Americans, often classedas a minority, actually represent a numerical majority in many places. Yet often neither their Spanishnor their
English are regarded within thegreater anglo-hispano community as acceptable forms of speech for admissionto the advantages of elite status and the power structure.
At any rate, here is the firstapproximation of our sketch of the Southwest language situation, intendedfor modification or even obliteration as criticism from colleagueswarrants:
(insert diagram) varsityobPaso, Ornstein Texas of Texas 79979 SOUTHWESTERN LANOMOE SITUATION (IDEALIZED)"Langdage Varieties Along DIAGW( Op* the U.S.-nexican Border (from TexaS Panhandle to Southern Ca/ifornia Coast) Arabic Czech, Standarci (Mexican)StandardSpanish Languages Indian REGIONAL IrAIETI;S ($yrianLebanese) & Languages4 Other American.knglish N. NewS. Mexico Colorado- Spanish Koine' DialectsIndian Zola lect Other C1ALE AmamMlloLubbock- Texan NorthernpredominantlyEng]ish withorSouthern SouthwestGeneralAmerEnglish Leah TAcr VERNACULARS (Hybrids Otalects1 Sub- 'Pidgins) Characteristic.; SPECIAb CODES (Jarebns, Ca 160C) (T Spanish eenag11, CAgricaltaraliste.welter workers.Occupationalttlemen. etc.) Spanish Occupational English 'Underworld English 12
As can be seen above, at the top of the hierarchical structure comes language, represented byStandard American English and Standard
Mexican Spanish, as well as Indian tongues, Czech,Wendish, Arabic, spoken by smaller groups. Below this are at least two important dialects, the Northern New Mexico and Southern Colorado variety descendingdirectly from the speech of the 16th and 17th century
Spanish conquistadores, and a General SouthwestSpanish koind based on Mexican Spanish. This is followed by a little-studied Spanish -
English contact vernacular koind, used along the entire1,000 - mile international border, and often referred toderogatorily by such terms as "Tex-Mex."Finally, we identify the specialized codes or jargons, including vocational ones such asthose of cattlemen, agricultural and mine workers and a much-discussedlexically innov- ative "underworld-street koind."This variety, known variously by such terms as pachuco, tirilf, bato isused not only by felons, delinquents, contrabandists, prostitutes, narcoticaddicts and others outside respectable society, but enjoys ratherwide usage among younger males throughout theSouthwest as a street discourse and for
slang effect.
During and immediately after World War IIthe above-mentioned
street argot came in forinternational attention when groups of
teenage delinquents callingthemselves Pachucos migrated from El Paso,
Texas to Los Angeles, California wherethey warred with the local
Califas. A large bibliography exists on pachucospeech.3°The
field work of Lurline Coltharp on therelated tirili speech in South 31 El Paso is described in her book The Tongueof the Tirilones. 13
John M. Sharp, in his study titled "The Origin of Some Non-Standard
Lexical Items Observed in the Spanish of El Paso, "32 shows that this
koind is a composite of lexical elements from Golden Age Spanish
Romania, non-standard items from Mexico and other parts of the
Spanish-speaking world, direct loans and calques from English, and
new coinages following definite patterns. The diffusion of the lexical
core of this Southwest Spanish argot has indeed gone far beyond its
deviant origins, acquiring a certain amount of respectability in the
same type of socially upward trajectory that Partridge demonstrated 33 numerous originally underworld English lexical items to have travelled.
The point is that this street koind is no longer exclusively bound
to the lower socio-economic classes.
The itAlowing is a conversation in Southwest Spanish street argot that might take place particularly among urban youngsters of underprivileged background, with some lexical variation, almost anywhere in the Southwest: 14
CONVERSATION IN SOUTHWEST SPANISH STREET-KOINE
A. %Quehdbole, bato? How ya' doin', fellow? B. LEsele, qud pass? Hi there, what's new? A. `Pa' onde la llevas? Where ya' headin'? B. Me voy al chante. I'm goin' home. A. iPor qud no vamps a chutear Why don't we go and shoot a table una mesa de pool? of pool? B. Chale, voy a borrarme al monoNothin' doin', gonn' go scram Icon mi chavala. with my girl to the pictures. A. Orale pos, Pero puedes O.K. then, but can you lend me prestarme un tost6n? four bits? B. Aqui 'ta una bola. Tengo Here's a buck. I only got two. nomds dos. A. !Suave! Swell. B. Pos maDana no quieres it a Well, tomorrow d'ya want to go have pistiar unas birrias? a coupla' beers. Then we'll find us Despuds arreglamos unos some dates and take'm to a brawl. I ddtiles y llevamos a las feel like dancin'. jainas al borlo. Tengo gangs de tirar chancla. A. 'Ta suave. Pos nunca me That's swell, 'cause I never get ahuitop si puedo tirar bored if I can dance. Later if we chincla. Despues si nos got a lot of dough left, we can eat. queda buti jando, podemos Let the gals pay! They're real sharp. refinar. Que paguen las chavalas. Son buti al alba. B. Indalepues, di te huacho O.K. then, I'll see you tomorrow. maflana. GLOSSARY
di-there ddtile-"datt"-(pseudo-calque ahuitarse-to get bored, excited from Eng.) (Max.) jando-"dough,!' money (4:Sp. bato-guy, fellow (etym. ?) 211:211g1k) birria-beer (4:Eng. bell) huachar-to see, look watch bola-"buck," dollar (fig.) (4 Eng. to watch) borlo-dance, brawl (s Eng. brawl) jaina-"gal" (4: Eng. Jane?) borrarse-"scram," get goin mono-pictures, movie (C animated carnal-brother (Nomin. of adj., carbons. "monitos". El Paso semant. special.) usage) chancla-slipper Nex.) nomds-only, just (Gen. Sp. Am.) chante-house, shaaty (1 Eng. shanty? pistiar-drink 44 Mex. pisto Nahuatl?) "swallow" chavala-girl (Penin. Sp.) refinar-to eat (fig. from ?) chutear-to shoot (4:Eng. shoot) suave-swell (Mex.) tost6n-four bits (Mex.) di te huacho-be seein' ya' al alba-"sharp," keen llevdrla-to be headin', go dndale-O.K. 6rale-0.K. chdle-Nix, nothin' doin' quehfibole-How ya' doin' dsele-hi' there tirar chancla-dance 15
It is germane to mention that interest in social dialects has
in general brought about a reconsideration of the idealized and
rigid concept of the "educated native speaker"upon which all linguistic
postulates used to be formulated. It has been pointed out that Daniel
Jones speaks of "diaphones" as varying phonic unitiesof different
varieties of the same language, while Stewart believes ina single
"common core" inventory and Fries and Pike in "coexistent phonemic 34 systems." There is of course no reason for limiting this concept
to phonology alone, as is suggested by Weinreich's term "differential description" and Haugen's "dialinguistics," which could include 35 grammatical and other components. More recently Troike attempts a largely Chomskian-type generative solution to this problem
involving, in phonology at least, the formulation of contrasting
"diaphonemic units" underlying the actual phonetic realization found 36 in any given dialect. Finally, De Camp unsatisfied with structural
taxonomy and Weinreich's diasystem approach, proposes that conversion rules be devised which in any grammar would automatically account for phonological and structural variants existing in social and other 37 dialects. Obviously the non-standard varieties of Spanish spoken in the Southwest need to be examined in this more liberal and flexible framework.
It needs to be emphasized that in dealing with the speech varieties of the Southwest it hardly appears profitable to apply "marble slab" linguistics in which data emerges as unchanging as was often thecase in traditional dialect atlases. Despite the relative stability of
Southwest bilingualism, there are social forces to be reckoned with 16
as a new generation of hispanos emerges, with some orientedtoward upward mobility, rejecting ethnic ties and striving to join the mainstream of anglo culture and language. Still others seek to maintain loyalty to native language and culture, yet acculturating themselves to a sufficient degree to attain economic and social success in a predominantly ,anglo power structure.
Together with Paul W. Goodman of our Department of Sociology a sociolinguistic questionnaire is beingdeveloped, with pretesting almost completed on 96 students. This elicits from the Subjects detailed information on socio-economic status, distributive functions of Spanish and English by bilinguals, language loyalty and preference, attitudes toward languages both standard and non- standard, as well as on cultural attitudes regarding conflicting hispano-anglo values, work ethic, life patterns and aspirations. The questionnaire is codeable and contains scales for rating attitudinal and other key factors.
In the language phase of our project "a language performance rating" is being sought for the skills of speaking, understanding, reading, and writing in both English and Spanish. The oral-aural part is being approached through tapedinterviews, while for writing
Subjects are being required to compose essays up to the limit of their ability, on selected topics which are identical for both languages.
If deemed desirable use will be made also of the MIA Proficiency
Tests or the Pimsleur Modern Foreign Language Tests. A panel of judges will rate the students both on fluency and on thedegree to which a commonly acceptable type of standard language is used. This
"language performance rating," reflecting both proficiency and variety of 17
language, as the independent variable, and all other variables will be related to this factor.
Technical linguistic data gleaned by elicitation, coupled with of examination/existing writings should result in descriptions of the main varieties both standard and non-standard of Southwest Spanish.
This would include information on the distribution of phonological features, phonemic, allophonic and prosodic; inventories of grammatical features; lexical inventories with notations on semantic shift. In addition the special characteristics of bilingualism in the American
Southwest would be detailed, with attention paid to "dominance configuration" patterns among different types of multilinguals. Contrastive analysis of linguistic features would isolate leading Spanish-English interference phenomena. A "data base" could thus be constructed, capable of supplying specific linguistic information now lacking for teachers and text book writers engaged in remediation and general instruction of Southwest bilinguals.
The educational phase of the Project is to include the gatheriug of such information on each Subject as Student Achievement Test(SAT), high school record, college grade-point average, and if possible
Graduate Record Examination (GRE). Data from our counseling services as well as the testimony of the studentsthemselves will be consulted on the special problems encounteredby Mexican-American youth because of deficient language skills and clashing cultural factors. It is known, for example, that this group has a greatly lower rate of accept- ance to Graduate School thantheir anglo peers. 18
In the final or evaluationstage, modern statistical proce-
dures will be employed to correlatelinguistic performance including
the ability to function in standardlanguage varieties, with other
significant variables of performance in schoolsubjects. Thus it
is hoped to ascertain how language skills of bilingualsmay relate
to scholarship, Student Entrance Scores (SES),work ethic, and the
complex of factors makingup the profile of a student's progress at
college and his ability togo into graduate studies.
Finally, it should be noted that withMexican-Americans constituting
about 50 per cent of its enrollment, theUniversity of Texas-El Paso
represents the most heavily bilingual higher institutionin the continental
United States.As such it has a largely untapped potentialas a laboratory for the sociolinguistic study oflinguistic diversity in our American Southwest. Too little is still known about thenature of the specific problems facing the native-bornstudent entering our universities with weaker knowledge of English than ofSpanish or some other language, and often with no firm control ofany standard variety of either one. More information is neededon what sort of adjustive linguistic devicesare most useful for building upon previous knowledges of these languages. In conclusion, more understanding is essential of the students'own reactions to their bilingualism and biculturalism and the ways in which thesefunction as positive or negative factors for them. pr7,737{X.r.mr,r,,,er.r,
19
NOTES:
*Appreciation is expressed in particular to the followingindividuals for constructive suggestions: Edward L. Blansitt Jr., Lurline H. Coltharp, Charles G. Elerick, all of our Department of Englishiaswell as John M. Sharp, Department of Modern Languages.
1. Aurelio Espinosa, Jr., Estudios sobre el espaftol deNuevo MA ico (TraducciOn y notas por A. Alonsoy A. Rosenblat, Bibloteca de Dialecto- logia espaffola I), Buenos Aires; Institute de Filologia,Vol. I, 1930, Vol. 3, 1946.
2. I am indebted for this term to Dr. Edmund B.Coleman, who em- ployed it at a talk on his psycholinguistic research presentedbefore the University of Texas-El Paso Linguistics Club, April 13, 1969. In this he described the absence of "data bases" for linguistic phenomena,such as those which have been built up for such natural sciences as organic chemistry.
3. Jacob Ornstein, "Sociolinguistics and New Perspectives in the Study of Southwest Spanish" in Ralph Ewton, Jr., and J. Ornstein, eds., University of Texas-El Paso Studies in Languages and Linguistics, Vol. 1, El Paso: Texas Western Press, (in press).
4. Robert J. Di Pietro, "Bilingualism," in T.A. Sebeok, ed., Current Trends in Linguistics IV: Ibero-American and Caribbean Linguistics, The Hauge: Mouton, 1968, pp. 399-414.
5. William Bright, "Introduction," Sociolinguistics. Proceedings of the UCLA Sociolinguistics Conferences, The Hague: Mouton, 1964,pp. 11-15.
6. Einar Haugen, The Norwegian Language in America, A Study in Bilingual Behavior, 2 vols., Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1953; bilingualism in the Americas; A Bibliography and a Research Guide, (Ameri. Dialect Society, No. 26) Montgomery; University of Alabama Press, 1956.
7. Uriel Weinreich, Languages in Contact, New York: Linguistic Circle of New York, 1953.
8. Robert P. Stockwell, J. Donald Bowen, John W. Martin, The Grammatical Structures of English and Spanish (Contrastive S_Szugratres______. Series), Cnicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965; R. P. Stockwell, and J. Donald Bower, "The Sounds of English and Spanish," Chicago: Univ. of Chicago, Press, 1965.
9. Charles A. Ferguson, "Diglossia," Word, Vol. 15 (1959),pp. 325-40. 20
10. For discussions of native languages, styles, codes and levels, see particularly: Martin Joos, The Five Clocks, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1962 and H.A. Gleason, Jr., Linguistics and English Grammar, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965, pp. 354-57, et passim.
11. John J. Gumperz, "Linguistic Repertoires, Grammar and Second Language Instruction," in C.W. Kreidler, ed., Report of the Sixteenth Annual Round Table Meeting (Monograph Series on Languages and Linguistics, No. 18) Washington, D.C., Georgetown University Press, 1967, pp. 81-90;
, "On the Linguistic Markers of Bilingual Communication," in J. Macnamara, ed., Problems of Bilingualism (Journal of Social Issues, Vol. XXIII, April, 1967), pp. 38-57.
12. William A. Labov, "On the Mechanism of Linguistic Change," in
Kreidler, Report, pp. 91-115; , The Social Stratification of English in New York City, Washington: Center for Applied Linguistics, 1966.
13. William A. Stewart, Sociolinguistic Typology for Describing National Multilingualism," in J.A. Fishman, ed., Readings in the Sociology of Language, The Hague: Mouton, 1968, pp. 531-45.
14. Heinz Kloss, Des Nationalitgtenrecht de Vereinigten Staaten Von Amerika, Stuttgart; Wilhelm Braualler Verlag, 1963; "Bilingualism and Nationalism," in Macnamare, Problems, pp. 39-47.
15. Josd Pedro Rona, "The Social and Cultural Status of Guarani in Paraguay," in Bright, Sociolinguistics, pp. 277-98. For an opposing view see: D. F. Fogelquist, "The Bilingualism of Paraguay," Hispania, Vol. 33 (1950), pp. 23-27; Marcos A. Moriftigo, "Influencia del espaftol en la estructura lingUistica del guaranf" Filologia, Vol. 5 (Buenos Aires, 1959), pp. 235-24.
16. Joan Rubin, National Bilingualism in Paraguay, The Hague: Mouton, 1968.
17. Joshua A. Fishman, "The Measurement and Description of Wide- spread and Relatively Stable Bilingualism," in J.A. Fishman, Robert L. Cooper, Roxana Ma, eds., Bilingualism in the Barrio; The Measurement and Description of Language Dominance in Bilinguals, Final Report Contract No. OE C-1-7-0628-17-0297, Washington: Dept. of Heal'', Education, and Welfare, Office of Education, Aug. 1968, 2 vols, pp. 6-19.
18. Joshua A. Fishman, "Varieties of Ethnicity and Varieties of Language Consciousness," in Kreidler, Report, pp. 69-80.
19. Joshua A. Fishman, ed., Language Loyalty in the United States, The Hague Mouton, 1966; Fishman, Cooper, Ma, eds., Bilingualism in the Barrio, ed. cit. As the two volumes are difficult to secure, except by interlibrary loan, it is helpful to learn through a personal comm- unication from Prof. Fishman, dated March 15, 1969, that an ERIC summary will be obtainable from ERIC Clearinghouse for Linguistics, 1717 Massachusetts Ave., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036, and that a one-volume abridgement is now being prepared for publication via Indiana University's 21
Language Sciences, (T. Sebeok and C. Yoegelin, director and editor) should be available in early 1970. A number of the studies appear in the March and April issues respectively, Vol. LIII (1969), of the Modern Language Journal.
20. Dell Hymes, "Models of the Interaction of Language and Social Setting," in Macnamara, Problems,pp. 8-28.
21. William F. Mackey, "The Description of Bilingualism," Canadian
Journal of Linguistics, Vol. 7 (1962) 416 51-85; , "The Description and Measurement of Bilingualism," Linguistic Reporter, Vol. 9 (Oct. 1967), pp. 1-3.
22. For a concise discussion of these, see C.E. Osgood and T.A. Sebeok, eds., Psycholinguistics: A Survey of Theory and Research Problems, Bloomington; Indiana University Press, 1965, particularlypp. 139-46 and 205-71. Current research appears in a variety of linguistic and psychological journals and abstracts.
23. Leon Jakobovits and W.E. Lambert, "Semantic Satiation Among Bilinguals," Journal of Experimental Psychology, Vol. 62 (1961),pp. 576-82.
24. Susan M. Ervin Tripp, "An Analysis of the Interaction of Language Topic and Listener," American Anthropologist, Vol. 66 (1964), pp. 86- 102.
25. See Wallace E. Lambert, "A Social Psychology of Bilingualism," in Macnamara, pp. 91-110.
26. Elizabeth Peal and W. E. Lambert, The Relation of Bilingualism to Intelligence, Psychological Monographs: General and Applied, 76 (1962), No546; Nancy T. Darcy, "The Effect of Bilingualism on the Measurement of Intelligence of Children of Preschool Age," Journal of Educational ,Psychology, Vol. 37, (1946), pp. 21-44.
27. John Macnamara, Bilingualism and Primary Education, Edinburgh:
University of Edinburgh, Press, 1966; , "The Effects of Instruction in a Weaker Language," in Macnamara, Problems, pp. 121-135.
28. A forthcoming book, still in draft form surveys this subject exhaustively. It is: Theodore Andersson and Mildred Boyer, Bilingual Schooling in the United States (A Draft), Austin, Texas, Southwest Educational Development Laboratory (Commodore Perry Hotel), April, 1969.-
29. Haugen uses the term "dynamic," See his Bilingualism in the Americas, p. 117. Many other characterizations have been proposed, describing various aspects of this phenomenon, such as Diebold's "Incipient Bilingualism." See Richard A. Diebold, "Incipient Bilingualism," Language, Vol. 37 (1961), pp. 97-112. 22
30. See especially George C. Barker, Pachuco: An American-Spanish Argot and its Social Functions in Tucson, Arizona, University of Arizona, Bulletin WI, (Soc. Sci. Bull. 18) 1950;, "Social Functions of Language in a Mexican-American Community," Acta Americana, Vol. 6 (1947) Vol. 17, No. 1-2 (Nov.-Dec. 1951) pp. 17-32; Articles of pachuco and similar topics are to be found in such journals as American Speech and Orbis; Baldeen Braddy, "The Pachucos and Their Argot," Southern Folklore Quarterly, Vol. XXIV, (Dec. 1960) pp. 255-71; Rafel Jesds Gonzalez, "Pachuco: The Birth of a Creole Language, Arizona Quarterly, (Nov. 1968),pp. 343-56.
31. Lurline Coltharp, The Tongue of the Tirilones. A Linguistic Study of a Criminal Argot, University: University of Alabama Press, 1965.
32. John M. Sharp, "The Origin of Some Non-Standard Lexical Items Observed in the Spanish of El Paso." Accepted for publication in Ewton and Ornstein, eds., University of Texas-El Paso Studies in Languages and Linguistics, Vol. I, El Paso: Texas Western Press (in press).
33. See Erich Partridge, A Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English, 5th Edition, New York: Macmillan, 1961.
34. See Di Pietro, "Bilingualism," p. 401.
35. See Uriel Weinrich, "Languages in Contact," (Excerpt) in S. Saporta, ed., Psycholinguistics, New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1961, pp. 382-83, et passim; Einar Haugen, "Language Contact," in Proceedings of the VII International Congress of Linguistics, Oslo: University of Oslo Press, 1964, pp. 777-80.
36. Rudolph C. Troike, "Overall Pattern and A Generative Phonology," Typescript of paper accepted for publication in Harold B. Allen, ed., Readings in American Dialectology, New York: Appleton-Century-Crafts, 1969.
37. David De Camp, "The Field of Creole Language Studies," Latin American Research Review, Vol. III, No. 5, (Summer, 1968)pp. 40-42. ADDITIONAL RgFERENCES
Braddy, Haldeen, "The Pachucos and Their Argot," Southwestern Polklore Quarterly, Vol. XXIV (1960) pp. 255-71.
Briere, Eugene J. A Psycholinguistic Study of Phonological Interferences, The Hague: Mouton, 1968.
Burma, John H. Spanish-Speaking Groups in the United States, Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1954.
Carroll, John B. "A Factor Analysis of Verbal Abilities," Psychometrica, Vol. VI (1941), pp. 279-307.
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Carter, Thomas P. The Mexican American in School, (Accepted for publication by Free Press, Glescoe, Ill.)
Christian, Jane Macnab and Chester Christian, in Joshua Fishman, ed., Language Loyalty in the United States, Mouton: The Hague, 1966, (Professor Chester Christian of University of Texas-El Paso is now engaged in elaborating an approach, based largely on literary writings, for analyzing foreign, and particularly Latin American cultures).
Cline, Marvin, "Achievement of Bilingualism in Seventh Grade by Socio- economic Levels," Dissertation Abstracts, Vol. 22 (1962) p. 3113.
Diebold, A.R., Jr., "A Laboratory for Language Contact," Anthropological Linguistics, Vol. 4, No. 1 (1962) pp. 41-51.
, "Incipient Bilingualiam,"J.anguase, Vol. 37 (1961)pp. 97 - 112.
Gaarder, Bruce A., "The Challenge of Bilingualism," in G. Reynalds Bishop, Jr., ed., Foreign Language Teaching: Challenges to the Profession, Princeton: Princeton University Press, and N.E. Conferenceon Teaching Language, 1965, pp. 54-101.
, "Organization of the Bilingual School," in Macnamara, ed., Problems of Bilingualism, pp. 110-120.
Garvin, Paul L. and M. Mathiot, "The Urbanization of the Guarani Language - -A Problem in Language and Culture," in A. F. Wallace, ed., Men and Cultures: Selected Papers of the 5th International Congress of Anthropological Sciences, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1960, pp. 784-90. Gleason, Henry A., Jr., Linguistics and English Grammar, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965, pp. 354-357.
Gonzdlez, Rafael Jesds, "Pachuco: The Birth of a Creole Language," Arizona Quarterly, (Nov. 1968) pp. 343-56.
Greenberg, Joseph H. "The Measurement of Linguistic Diversity," Language, Vol. 32 (1956) pp. 109-15.
Hall, Robert A. "Pidgin and Creole Languages," Ithaca, N.Y., 1965.
Hayden, Robert G. "Spanish-Americans of the Southwest; Life Style Patterns and Their Implication," Welfare in Review, (April 1966) pp. 14-25.
Heiler, Barbara (Saavedra), An Investigation of the Causes of Primary Stress Mislocation in the English Speech of Bilingual Americans, (Master's Thesis) Univ. of Texas, El Paso, 1966.
Hensey, Fritz. Livramento/Rivera: The Linguistic Side of International Relations, (University of Texas Institute of Latin American Studies, Offprint Series No. 36) Austin: University of Texas, 1966.
Joos, Martin. The Five Clocks, Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana Univ. Press, 1962. (Indiana Univ. Research Center in Anthropology, Folklore and Linguistics Publications, 22).
Lambert, LE., Anisfeld, M., and Yeni-Komshian, Grace, "Evaluational Reactions of Jewish and Arab Adolescents to Dialect and Language Variations," Journal of Personality and Social Ps chol Vol. 2 (1965), pp. 84-90.
Loflin, Marvin D. "A Note on the Deep Structure of Nonstandard English in Washington, D.C.," Glossa, VOL 1, No. 1 (1967).
Lope Blanch, Juan, "Hispanic Dialectology," in T.A. Sebeok, ed., (B. Lado, et al asso. eds.) Current Trends in Linguistics IV: Ibero American and Caribbean Linguistics, The Hague: Mouton, 1968, pp. 106-157.
Macnamara, John, Bilingualism in Primary Education, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1966.
, "Effects of Instruction in Weaker Written Languages," in John Macnamara, ed., Problems of Bilingualism, pp. 121-135.
Mackey, William F. Bilingualism as a World Problem, Montreal: Harvest 1968. Half of this book (turned in the opposite direction is made up of a French translation of Odile Colemagne, and titled Le Bilinguisme Phdnomene Mondial.)
Moulton, William G., "Structural Dialectology," Language, Vol. 44, (1968) pp. 451-66. Nahirny, Vladimir C. and Fishman, Joshua A. "American Immigrant Groups: Ethnic Identification and the Problem of Generations," Sociological Review, Vol. XIII (Nov. 1965) pp. 311-26.
Nostrand, Howard L. Understanding Complex Cultures: A Language Teacher's Handbook, New York: Blaisdell Publishing Co., 1966. (Also see his "Describing and Teaching the Sociocultural Context of Foreign Language and Literature," in A. Valdman, ed., Trends in Language Teaching, N.Y.: McGraw Hill, 1966, pp. 1-25.)
Ornstein, Jacob, "Contemporary Patterns of Language Planning," Proceedings of the Washington Linguistics Club, Vol. I, No. 1 (Fall, 1963) pp. 7-10;
, "Africa Seeks a Common Language," Review of Politics, Vol. XXXVI (April 1964) pp. 205-14;
, "Patterns of Language Planning in the New States, World Politics, Vol. XVII, No. 1 (Oct. 1964) pp. 40-49;
, "Soviet Language Policy," Slavic and East European Journal, Vol. XVII, (1959), pp. 1-19;
, "Soviet Language Policy: Continuity and Change," in Erich Goldhagen, ed., Ethnic Minorities in the Soviet Union, New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1968, (Chapter 5) pp. 121-46.
Pietrzyk, Alfred, ed. Selected Titles in Sociolinguistics, Washington: Center for Applied Linguistics, 1964 (Available from ERIC Clearinghouse, 1717 Massachusetts Ave., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036).
Post, Anita C. Southern Arizona Spanish Phonology, University of Arizona Bulletin, Vol. V, No. 1 (Jan. 1, 1954).
Roeming, Robert F. "Forward; Bilingualism and the Bilingual Child- - A Symposium," Modern Language Journal, Vol. XLIX (March, 1965) p. 143.
Rosenberg, Sheldon, Directions in Psycholinguistics, New York: Macmillan 1965.
Royal Commission, A Preliminary Report of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, Ottawa, Canada: Quenn's Printer, 1965.
Rudnyc'kyj, Jaroslav, Review of Fishman, "Language Loyalty in the United States," in Language, Vol. 44 (1968), pp. 198-201.
Sanchez, George I., and Howard Putnam, Materials Relating to the Education of Spanish-Speaking People in the United States --An Annotated Bibliography, Austin: Institute of Latin American Studies, University of Texas, 1959. 26
Scott, Carmen Casillas, "Spanish Language Loyalty and Maintenance in El Paso-Juarez; Sociolinguistic Study of a Highly Bilingual Area," (Unpublished Master's Thesis), University of Texas, El Paso, 1969.
Shuy, Roger W., ed., Social Dialects and Language Learning, Champaign, Ill., National Council of Teachers of English, 1964.
Saporta, Sol, "Ordered Rules, Dialect Differences, andHistorical Processes," Language, Vol. 41, (1965).
Stoddard, Ellwyn R. "The U.S. Mexican Border: A Comparative Research Laboratory," (Accepted for publication by Journal of Inter-American Studies.)