Report from Rome by Leonardo Servadio

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Report from Rome by Leonardo Servadio Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 17, Number 14, March 30, 1990 Report from Rome by Leonardo Servadio Communist Party, the new 'thing'? Gorbachov in February 1989. They The PCI wants radical plastic surgery on its Achilles' heel-70 discussed that the PCI should change, become a new "thing," and build new years of close association to Bolshevism. alliances, especially with the Greenies and the Socialists. Cooperation be­ tween PCI and Brandt's SPD (the Ger­ man Social Democracy) has been up­ T he "thing" (cosa) was the interim the PCI is now trying to acquire the graded. Next, Occhetto went to New name chosen by Italian Communist look of a "pluralistic" and "democrat­ York-the first time for a PCI secre­ Party (PCI) general secretary Achille ic" party. One of the internal opposi­ tary-where he met establishment Occhetto in November, when he an­ tion leaders, Tortorella, has been figures like Edgar Bronfman and Da­ nounced he wanted to change the par­ named party president, as a way of vid Rockefeller and lectured at the ty and generate out of it a totally new signaling how pluralistic the once mo­ New York Times and the Council on "thing" capable of ruling Italy, in alli­ nolithic "thing" has become. Foreign Relations. Then he was feted ance with other left forces. While Oc­ But is it really changing? Two ele­ at Washington parties with CIA and chetto searches for a new name, wick­ ments are important: 1) Among the State Department representatives. ed tongues have referred to it as "Cosa final resolutions of the congress was Out of the Moscow and U. S. vis­ Nostra." the statement that the new unifiedGer­ its, the new "thing" was generated. It On March 8-11 the PCI held an many should stay out of NATO. 2) was clear that the PCI would become extraordinary party congress in its In an about-face, Socialist Party (PSI) in Italy the party of the "New Yalta," stronghold, Bologna, to discuss the leader Bettino Craxi greeted Oc­ just as the German SPD has this role proposal. With 67% of the delegates chetto's "change," announcing that in Germany. Occhetto wants a neutral on his side, Occhetto won the day. finally the "unity of the left" could be Germany, which can be better con­ The new PCI will emerge at an "ordi­ achieved. In short, Craxi said that trolled by Moscow in agreement with nary congress" a few months hence. with the Occhetto line he might aban­ the Anglo-American establishment. Against Occhetto's proposal was a don the ruling alliance with the DC to After all, the first recent leader to de­ "conservative" group, led by Aldo join in a new government with the mand a "neutralized" Germany was Tortorella and former party secretary PCI. The prospect is not immediate, not Gorbachov, but the SPD's Egon Alessandro Natta, who wanted to but in two years could become reali­ Babr. At a congress held in Rome in keep the status quo, and a small group ty-more or less the time frame set February, under the title "The Left, around Armando Cossutta, who has a by Socialist International boss Willy Security and Europe," PSI sociologist "Brezhnev-like" pro-Soviet bent. Brandt, at the SI's meeting in Geneva Tamburrano said: "Gorbachov and In his keynote, Occhetto called last November. Reagan, by taking away the missiles, for a total overhaul: statute, political Brandt, who is also at the center have brought the parties on the left orientation, name, and tradition of the process of recycling the Eastern closer to each other. " (Communists are good not only at European Communist Parties into so­ Craxi's PSI in the recent years has changing current strategy, but also at cial democratic parties, worked out a been totally Washington-oriented, transforming the past). Occhetto plan for the PCI to join the Socialist while the PCI has always been Mos­ more or less embraced the "free mar­ International within two years. In Bo­ cow-oriented. With the "New Yalta," ket," and this led to an burst of glee logna, Occhetto for the first time de­ the two parties are to bury the hatchet in those business layers, epitomized clared that the PCI wants to join the of their 1970s-80s quarrels, and join by De Benedetti of Olivetti, who hope Socialist International. At that point, in an alliance pivoted on the green, to see a new political constellation nothing stands in the way of the PCI, ecologist, anti-industrial policy. That formed around the PCI, as an "alter­ or whatever the "thing" will be called, is the instrument by which the two su­ native" to the Christian Democracy building a government with the PSI. perpowers want to control the world (DC), which has dominated Italy How did it come about that the in the 1990s. In other words, the PCI since World War II ended. PCI, which in the 1970s decided to has not changed, but has remained pri­ With the recognition of different be pro-NATO, is now taking an anti­ marily an instrument of foreign influ­ currents of opinion within the party NATO stand on the Germany issue? ence in Italy. It is the same old (a majority and two minority groups), Occhetto went to Moscow and met "thing." EIR March 30, 1990 International 55 © 1990 EIR News Service Inc. All Rights Reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without permission strictly prohibited..
Recommended publications
  • Rifondazione Comunista Dallo Scioglimento Del PCI Al “Movimento Dei Movimenti”
    C. I. P. E. C., Centro di iniziativa politica e culturale, Cuneo L’azione politica e sociale senza cultura è cieca. La cultura senza l’azione politica e sociale è vuota. (Franco Fortini) Sergio Dalmasso RIFONDARE E’ DIFFICILE Rifondazione comunista dallo scioglimento del PCI al “movimento dei movimenti” Quaderno n. 30. Alla memoria di Ludovico Geymonat, Lucio Libertini, Sergio Garavini e dei/delle tanti/e altri/e che, “liberamente comunisti/e”, hanno costruito, fatto crescere, amato, odiato...questo partito e gli hanno dato parte della loro vita e delle loro speranze. Introduzione Rifondazione comunista nasce nel febbraio del 1991 (non adesione al PDS da parte di alcuni dirigenti e di tanti iscritti al PCI) o nel dicembre dello stesso anno (fondazione ufficiale del partito). Ha quindi, in ogni caso, compiuto i suoi primi dieci anni. Sono stati anni difficili, caratterizzati da scadenze continue, da mutamenti profondi del quadro politico- istituzionale, del contesto economico, degli scenari internazionali, sempre più tesi alla guerra e sempre più segnati dall’esistenza di una sola grande potenza militare. Le ottimistiche previsioni su cui era nato il PDS (a livello internazionale, fine dello scontro bipolare con conseguente distensione e risoluzione di gravi problemi sociali ed ambientali, a livello nazionale, crescita della sinistra riformista e alternanza di governo con le forze moderate e democratiche) si sono rivelate errate, così come la successiva lettura apologetica dei processi di modernizzazione che avrebbero dovuto portare ad un “paese normale”. Il processo di ricostruzione di una forza comunista non è, però, stato lineare né sarebbe stato possibile lo fosse. Sul Movimento e poi sul Partito della Rifondazione comunista hanno pesato, sin dai primi giorni, il venir meno di ogni riferimento internazionale (l’elaborazione del lutto per il crollo dell’est non poteva certo essere breve), la messa in discussione dei tradizionali strumenti di organizzazione (partiti e sindacati) del movimento operaio, la frammentazione e scomposizione della classe operaia.
    [Show full text]
  • 23-64-Volume Primo Tomo 5 Parte
    SENATO DELLA REPUBBLICA CAMERA DEI DEPUTATI XIII LEGISLATURA Doc. XXIII n. 64 VOLUME PRIMO Tomo V Parte prima COMMISSIONE PARLAMENTARE D'INCHIESTA SUL TERRORISMO IN ITALIA E SULLE CAUSE DELLA MANCATA INDIVIDUAZIONE DEI RESPONSABILI DELLE STRAGI istituita con legge 23 dicembre 1992, n. 499, che richiama la legge 17 maggio 1988, n. 172 e successive modificazioni (composta dai senatori: Pellegrino, Presidente, Manca, Vice presidente, Palombo, Segretario, Bertoni, Caruso, Cioni, CoÁ, De Luca Athos, Dentamaro, Dolazza, Follieri, Giorgianni, Mantica, Mignone, Nieddu, Pace, Pardini, Piredda, Staniscia, Toniolli, Ventucci e dai deputati: Grimaldi, Vice presidente, Attili, Bielli, Cappella, Carotti, Cola, Delbono, Detomas, Dozzo, FragalaÁ, Gnaga, Lamacchia, Leone, Marotta, Miraglia del Giudice, Nan, Ruzzante, Saraceni, Taradash, Tassone) Decisioni adottate dalla Commissione nella seduta del 22 marzo 2001 in merito alla pubblicazione degli atti e dei documenti prodotti e acquisiti ELABORATI PRESENTATI DAI COMMISSARI Comunicate alle Presidenze il 26 aprile 2001 13 - PAR - INC - 0064 - 0 TIPOGRAFIA DEL SENATO (1200) Senato della Repubblica± III ± Camera dei deputati XIII LEGISLATURA ± DISEGNI DI LEGGE E RELAZIONI - DOCUMENTI INDICE VOLUME I, TOMO V PARTE PRIMA (*) Lettere di trasmissione ai Presidenti delle Camere . Pag. V Decisioni adottate dalla Commissione nella seduta del 22 marzo 2001........................... »IX Elenco degli elaborati prodotti dai Commissari. »XI Legge istituitiva e Regolamento interno. ......... »XV Elenco dei componenti . ..................... » XXXVIII Per una rilettura degli anni Sessanta (sen. Mantica, on. FragalaÁ) ................. » 1 L'ombra del KGB sulla politica italiana (on. Taradash, on. FragalaÁ, sen. Manca, sen. Man- tica) ................................... » 65 INDICE VOLUME I, TOMO V PARTE SECONDA (*) La dimensione sovranazionale del fenomeno eversivo in Italia (sen. Mantica, on.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER I – Bloody Saturday………………………………………………………………
    THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF JOURNALISM ITALIAN WHITE-COLLAR CRIME IN THE GLOBALIZATION ERA RICCARDO M. GHIA Spring 2010 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a baccalaureate degree in Journalism with honors in Journalism Reviewed and approved by Russell Frank Associate Professor Honors Adviser Thesis Supervisor Russ Eshleman Senior Lecturer Second Faculty Reader ABSTRACT At the beginning of the 2000s, three factories in Asti, a small Italian town, went broke and closed in quick succession. Hundreds of men were laid off. After some time, an investigation mounted by local prosecutors began to reveal what led to bankruptcy. A group of Italian and Spanish entrepreneurs organized a scheme to fraudulently bankrupt their own factories. Globalization made production more profitable where manpower and machinery are cheaper. A well-planned fraudulent bankruptcy would kill three birds with one stone: disposing of non- competitive facilities, fleecing creditors and sidestepping Italian labor laws. These managers hired a former labor union leader, Silvano Sordi, who is also a notorious “fixer.” According to the prosecutors, Sordi bribed prominent labor union leaders of the CGIL (Italian General Confederation of Labor), the major Italian labor union. My investigation shows that smaller, local scandals were part of a larger scheme that led to the divestments of relevant sectors of the Italian industry. Sordi also played a key role in many shady businesses – varying from awarding bogus university degrees to toxic waste trafficking. My research unveils an expanded, loose network that highlights the multiple connections between political, economic and criminal forces in the Italian system.
    [Show full text]
  • Rifondazione and Europe: a Party Competition Analysis
    Rifondazione and Europe: A party competition analysis Giorgos Charalambous Department of Politics University of Manchester [email protected] Paper prepared to be presented at the 58th Political Studies Association, Annual Conference, Swansea (UK), April 1-3. 1 Copyright PSA 2008 Abstract This paper adresses the attitude of Rifondazione Comunista on Europe (European Integration and the European Union) between 1992 and 2006. This is done through an analysis of its positions and institutional action in the Italian electoral arena and partly based on common assumptions and analytical frameworks of the prevailing literature; that is, party system analysis. Findings show that Rifondazione has achieved two things, that are almost in direct contradiction with each other. Firstly, it gradually increased the use of the issue of European integration to emphasise its radical identity, target the Eurosceptics and other radical sections of the electorate and differentiate itself as clearly as possible from the centre-left. Secondly, it underwent positional reallaignment towards a softer approach, mostly, throgh its voting behavior in the Italian parliament and its support for the centre-left governments. A broad discussion assesses the findings of this case study and illuminates larger questions about party attitudes towards European integration. 2 Copyright PSA 2008 INTRODUCTION Apart from being a study which attempts to provide insights into the tactical and strategic considerations of parties, when Europe is put on the agenda, a study of Rifondazione Comunista's electoral attitude towards European integration merits attention due to three main reasons. Firstly, Rifondazione Comunista's first fifteen years coincided with the 'intensive years' of European integration.
    [Show full text]
  • Reviews Marxism Today August 1982 41
    Reviews Marxism Today August 1982 41 longer simply a matter of East versus West, the international communist movement no longer exists as 'socialist' countries even fight each other militarily. Since the early 60s the PCI has taken repeated stands against the main direction of Soviet foreign policy: over Algeria, over China, over the PLO, over Sadat's visit to Israel, over Czechoslovakia, over NATO, over the EEC, over the Horn of Africa, over Cambodia, over Afghanistan and now . over Poland. So what is new? After Poland shows us what is new and it is, as Eric Heffer writes in the foreword 'a declaration of great significance for the future of socialism, both East and West'. The book consists of the text of the resolu­ tion on Poland issued by the PCI on 29 December 1981, Berlinguer's report to the impossible. But the Soviet Union is also subsequent meeting of the Central Com­ responsible in a more general sense: it was AFTER POLAND mittee, speeches by leading members of the not inevitable that the Yalta agreement Enrico Berlinguer PCI, an article by Armando Cossutta, the should be interpreted as the imposition of a Edited and translated by Antonio only member of the Executive Committee monolithic and Soviet model of socialism Bronda and Stephen Bodington and of the Central Committee to oppose the which took no account of national particula­ Spokesman 1982, £2.25 pbk resolution, the text of Pravda's attack on the rities. The power blocs must not be inter­ ISBN O 85124 342 8 Italian communists (which was published in preted as 'static and unmovable "facts of the PCI press) and the PCI's reply to it life", ideological-military camps, governed There are two distinct elements which can (which, however, was not published in the only by philosophy of power'.
    [Show full text]
  • Direzione Nazionale. Archivio Fotografico
    DIREZIONE NAZIONALE. ARCHIVIO FOTOGRAFICO FOTOGRAFIE CARTACEE 1. Nilde Guiducci. America Latina, docc. 27 (1) Immagini di manifestazioni, con molti ritratti. Altri ritratti realizzati da Nilde Guiducci in Chapas Fotografie B/N da 17,4x24 a 23,5x30; fotografia colore 10,5x15,5 Fotografie versate da Nilde Guiducci a Flavia Fasano. s.d. 2. Mexico, docc. 2 (2) Immagini di una manifestazione in Messico. Diapositive colore 5x5 Diapositive versate da Elisa Romagnoli s.d. 3. Giovane comunista, docc. 1 (3) Immagine di una giovane militante utilizzata per un manifesto dei giovani comunisti. Fotografia colore 10x14 Fotografia versata da Nunzia Lombardi. [ante 2001] 4. Lavorare tutti lavorare meno, docc. 46 (4) 5 fotografie rappresentano uno striscione con la scritta "Lavorare tutti lavorare meno. 25 settembre manifestazione naz.le p.zza S. Giovanni". Le restani 41 fotografie sono immagini con diversi soggetti che vanno dal paesaggio al ritratto. Fotografie B/N 10x14 ante 1998 5. Teatro Eliseo. Brancaccio. Palaeur. I Congresso e varie, docc. 44 (5) L'unità archivistica contiene immagini che documentano diverse fasi del Partito della rifondazione comunista: dai momenti antecedenti alla fondazione al I Congresso, alle manifestazioni di piazza. Molte fotografie documentano le attività dei circoli locali: dalle feste di liberazione, alle assemblee, alle elezioni comunali e regionali alle partite di calcio. Nelle immagini si riconoscono tra gli altri: Lucio Libertini, Armando Cossutta, Sergio Garavini, Dacia Valent, Nichi Vendola, Sandro Valentini, Luciano Pettinari, Giovanni Russo Spena, Ramon Mantovani, Walter de Cesaris, Alfio Nicotra, Abdullah Ocalan. Fotografie colore da 10x15 a 12,5x17,5; fotografie B/N da 12x17,5 a 14x19 Da materiale per l'Almanacco decennale, inviato perlopiù dai militanti dei territori a Flavia Fasano.
    [Show full text]
  • The Failure of the Strategy to Support
    THE FAILURE OF THE STRATEGY OF COLLABORATION WITH BOURGEOIS GOVERNMENTS AFTER WW2. 0. Foreword The question of collaboration not only with governments, but also with bourgeois parties, is very complex and ultimately concerns the fundamental strategic problem whether, under what conditions, to what extent and for what purposes the workers' parties can participate in the institutions of the bourgeois state in the frame of bourgeois democracy. The general consideration on this question that our parties have to face is therefore very large and can not be finished herein. Because of this, in our contribution we will restrict our synthetic analysis to only the historical experience of Communists in Italy, distinguishing between collaboration with some bourgeois parties, participation in elective institutions in the context of bourgeois democracy and support, or worse still, participation in governments, i.e. the "business committees" of the bourgeoisie. 1. Historical and theoretical premises In the first ten years of its existence, within the CPI (it will be renamed as ICP after 1943) there was an even harsh debate among the various positions on these issues, sometimes in contrast with the positions of the Communist International. Bordiga and the majority of the central leadership till 1926 were standing on intransigent positions that wanted a "pure and uncontaminated" party, excluding any form of cooperation with other parties, as well as the participation in elections and the parliament. In this way the Communists' organized participation in the “Arditi del Popolo” (People’s Assault Troupes, armed anti-fascist groups composed of socialists, anarchists, revolutionary trade-unionists, republicans, non-party elements and communists in disagreement with Bordiga) was lacking, despite Lenin's, Comintern's and Gramsci's anti-sectarian recommendations, splitting the anti-fascist movement and severely compromising the capacity for resistance to fascism.
    [Show full text]
  • RIFORMISTI RIVOLUZIONARI E CANNIBALI [email protected]
    (Come il PCI si è mangiato la sinistra) a cura di Mario Giannelli Edizioni Dada Viruz Project www.dada-tv.org [email protected] Introduzione Questo opuscolo vuole essere un contributo per un dibattito storico politico con effetti per il futuro della sinistra. Non ripropone la vecchia diatriba novecentesca tra riformisti e rivoluzionari ma tra il cambiamento e la conservazione. Riformisti e rivoluzionari si sono, come ci insegna tutta la storia del ‘900, persi nel combattersi ma nel frattempo subirono l’attacco della reazione. L’attacco più pericoloso non è, però, quello frontale ma quello strisciante dell’inganno. Quello del falso amico che ti prende alle spalle. Il sincero riformista è un potenziale rivoluzionario perché, prima o poi, si renderà conto dell’impossibilità del riformismo. Colui che non lo farà sarà molto probabilmente un sedicente riformista. Salvatore Allende, nonostante i molti errori, morirà con le armi in pugno. Questa immagine più ancora del riformismo armato dell’EZLN in Chiapas è esaustiva di questo concetto. Riformisti e rivoluzionari se sinceri volevano cambiare l’ordine di cose esistenti e non conviverci, gestirlo e magari difenderlo come, invece, hanno fatto il PCI e lo stalinismo. Qualcuno dirà che è un opuscolo contro il PCI estremista e capzioso. La realtà è che il PCI si è messo contro chi lavorava per la trasformazione della società. Questo opuscolo è dalla parte di chi ha sempre sostenuto di volere trasformare il quadro esistente e quindi è conseguentemente anche contro il PCI, partito che definisco cannibale per la capacità di fagocitare tutto ciò che si muoveva a sinistra.
    [Show full text]
  • Dipartimento Di Scienze Politiche Cattedra Di Teoria E Storia Dei Movimenti E Dei Partiti Politici
    Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche Cattedra di Teoria e storia dei movimenti e dei partiti politici Il Partito Comunista Italiano nella storia della Prima Repubblica: dalla solidarietà nazionale alla scissione del 1991 RELATORE Prof. Andrea Ungari CANDIDATO Armando Pedone Matricola 074162 ANNO ACCADEMICO 2015 / 2016 Indice Introduzione.……………………………………………………………………………………..2 1. Il Partito Comunista Italiano dall’inizio della segreteria Berlinguer agli anni del pentapartito.…………...……………………………………………………………………........4 1.1 La strategia di Berlinguer e il governo della “non sfiducia”…………………………...........4 1.2 La solidarietà nazionale…………………………………………………………………........7 1.3 I governi di pentapartito e la fine della solidarietà nazionale…………………………..........9 1.4 Il governo socialista…………………………………………………………………….........15 2. Verso la Seconda Repubblica………………………………………………………………..19 2.1 Le elezioni del 1987: voto del Sud e “voto di appartenenza”………………………….........19 2.2 Gli anni che preannunciarono la crisi ……………………………………………………....21 2.3 Il lungo travaglio comunista ………………………………………………………………...22 2.4 La fine della Prima Repubblica……………………………………………………………...23 2.5 L’ultimo atto…………………………………………………………………………………26 3. La fine del Partito Comunista Italiano……………………………………………………..30 3.1 L’evoluzione ideologica all’interno del Partito Comunista Italiano………………………...32 3.2 La transizione tra PCI e PDS………………………………………………………………..35 4. Appendice……………………………………………………………………………….........38 4.1 Intervista all’Onorevole Luciano Violante…………………………………………………..38 4.2 Intervista all’Onorevole
    [Show full text]
  • Evoluzione Politica Italiana Dal P.C.I. Al Pd
    EVOLUZIONE POLITICA ITALIANA DAL P.C.I. AL PD di Alessio Marchetti - [email protected] 1 INDICE DEGLI ARGOMENTI TRATTATI 1. BREVI CENNI STORICI 2. NASCE IL PCI 3. IL RUOLO NEL CLN E CON I PARTIGIANI 4.1944-1948: AL GOVERNO PER LA TRANSIZIONE 5. LE CORRENTI 6. IL DUALISMO CON IL PSI 7. A SINISTRA POCHI PARTITINI 8. 1989-1991: DAL PCI AL PDS 9. RIFONDAZIONE COMUNISTA 10. L’ULIVO 11. NASCONO DS E PDCI 12. PD: TROPPI “EX” E POCHE CONVERGENZE APPROFONDIMENTI: 13. I SEGRETARI DEL PCI 14. BIOGRAFIE 15. RISULTATI ELETTORALI PCI – PDS – DS – PD – PRC – PDCI 16. FORSE NON TUTTI SANNO CHE… 17. COSSUTTA: IL PCI ERA SPIATO (tratto da La Repubblica, articolo del 2010) 2 1. BREVI CENNI STORICI A inizio ‘900 la giovane Italia unita attraversa un periodo molto difficile: all’ordine del gior- no ci sono scioperi e proteste, il movimento operaio sta iniziando a costituirsi (con l’appoggio del PSI) e i governi cadono uno dopo l’altro. Giolitti dichiara illegali gli scioperi dei ferrotranvie- ri e scoppiano rivolte, spesso molto accese. Il nord è schiacciato dall’improduttività, nonostante le fabbriche crescenti, mentre il sud è dilaniato tra controrivoluzionari e brigantaggio (sfociato poi nella forma attuale di Mafia), per non parlare del fisco (prima dell’Unità il sud Italia domi- nato dai Borboni viveva esentasse), tanto che, già pochi anni dopo il 1861, in Sicilia venne im- posta dal governo di Roma una carica straordinaria di Governatore, chiamato Dittatore di Sici- lia, poiché l’isola, per le cause elencate, era considerata molto difficile da reggere e la legge italiana era di fatto pressoché inapplicabile.
    [Show full text]
  • The Death of Social Democracy: the Case of the Italian Democratic Party
    Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 1, No. 2, 2009, 347-70 The Death of Social Democracy: The Case of the Italian Democratic Party Davide Vampa University of Oxford Abstract: This article tries to explain why Italy is the only Western European country where a social democratic party no longer exists. It will be argued that the historical weakness of the socialist tradition, due to the peculiarities of the Italian party system, prevented the emergence of a strong social-democratic alternative to the Christian- democratic government during the First Republic. Moreover, the attempt to create a modern socialist party after the collapse of the PCI and PSI completely failed. So far the new Democratic Party has not been able to broaden the support for the centre left and still lacks a defined identity. This perhaps demonstrates that it is still difficult to build a valid centre-left alternative to social democracy in Europe. The Italian case, however, cannot just be dismissed as an anomaly. In fact, it well represents a general crisis of the European moderate left. The debate that is taking place in France shows that other traditionally weak socialist parties might follow the Italian example. Keywords: Social democracy, party system, catch-all party, cartel party, Democratic Party, Italian anomaly. Introduction With the birth of the Democratic Party (Partito Democratico, PD), social democracy has officially ceased to exist in Italy. This may be regarded as an anomaly, since in all the other Western European countries there still exist important political forces belonging to the socialist family. Yet this anomaly is more apparent than real.
    [Show full text]
  • The Italian Communist Party and the Birth of Il Manifesto: Languages and Cultures of a Conflict (1966-1970)
    THE ITALIAN COMMUNIST PARTY AND THE BIRTH OF IL MANIFESTO: LANGUAGES AND CULTURES OF A CONFLICT (1966-1970) Roberto Colozza (Università di Firenze) The present chapter is all about a major event in the history of the Italian Communist Party (ICP), that is the exit of its leftist wing in 1969 and the birth of a group which was named il manifesto after the monthly journal giving voice to the related minority network. The foundation ofil manifesto, in June 1969, was not authorized by the ICP’s leading entities and was the casus belli of a conflict that burst out after a long-lasting creeping antagonism between the party establishment and the minority. This contrast revolved around some relevant issues concerning geopolitics, ideology and, most of all, the party’s internal democracy, and was subsequent to the death of the general secretary Palmiro Togliatti in 1964, who had assured a solid and unifying leadership until then. The birth of il manifesto, which will become one of the most influential actors of the European Left in the 1970s, is a good representation of the clash between orthodoxy and heterodoxy in the post-1968 ICP, thus marking a watershed in the handling of com- munist dissidences. With respect to traditional procedural solutions that were mostly based on the punishment of the dissent, the manifesto affaire shows an evolution towards a negotiating model, in which the administrative disciplinary treatment of the minority group coexists with informal interactions between the two factions. Actually the final expulsion of the undisciplined militants was the endpoint of a complex and intense debate involving the party as a whole.
    [Show full text]