Seventy-five years on, the Battle of stifl holds a . proud place in anti-fascist memory, considered a decisive victory against the far right. In fact, far from striking a fatal blow, the event boosted domestic fascism and anti- semitism and made life far more unpleasant for its ' Jewish victims, explains Daniel Tilles.

THE MYTH OF CABLE STREET

n October 4th, 1936, following days of Anti-fascist protestors arrested, at least 73 police officers injured - but most frantic, last-minute organisation, a crowd behind a barricade in Cable importantly, the Fascists did not pass. of over 100,000 protesters congregated in Street as police attempt to The demonstration has come to be seen, particu- break it down to allow the OLondon's East End. Their single aim was to BUF through, October 4th, larly on the political left, as the moment 's prevent the passage of 5,000 black-shirted supporters 1936. working class united en masse to reject fascism's of Sir , the leader of the British Union hateful ideology once and for all: 'The spectacle of the of Eascists {BUF), who a week earlier had announced workers in action gave the Fascists reason to pause', plans to march through the area to mark the fourth claimed Ted Grant, a participant in the demonstration anniversary of his party's formation. Despite the best and later an influential socialist thinker. 'It induced efforts of the police to clear a path for the procession, widespread despondency and demoralisation in their the protestors stood resolutely firm. Left with little ranks ... [and] the East End Fascist movement other choice Mosley conceded defeat and disbanded declined.' Cable Street is still invoked in today's fight his followers. Around 80 anti-fascists had been against the extreme right, with the Unite Against www.historytoday.com October 2011 | History Today 41

Fascism pressure group describing it as a 'turning point in the struggle against Fascism in Britain'. The battle also holds a proud place in the collective memory of the Anglo-Jewish community', described by one historian as 'the most remembered day in 20th- century British Jewish history'. Like Mussolini's Fascist Party, upon which it was modelled, the BUF had initially paid little attention to what it described as the 'irrelevant' Jewish question. Although the movement contained individuals who favoured an antisemitic policy, Mosley's aim was to create an outwardly reputable political party. As such, he permitted violence only when it was 'defensive' and eschewed racial prejudice. His approach reaped some success, with party membership reaching 50,000 within two years. This all changed over the summer of 1934 when a wave of organised anti-fascist disruption struck BUF events around Britain, prompting a violent response. Disorder at a mass meeting in June at London's Olympia Hall, where Mosley's stewards brutally Mosley in 1934 at BUF headquarters in King's Road, Chelsea, with the new edition of his book The Greater Britain, first published In 1932. ejected hecklers, was especially damaging to the Blackshirts' reputation. With its façade of respectability stripped away and Britain's gradual recovery from the Great Depression rendering Mosley's sophisticated economic programme increas- Under a Star of David flag, Jewish protestors and sympathisers rally against mounting anti- ingly obsolete the BUF collapsed, its membership semitism in Nazi Germany, Hyde Park, London, April 2nd, 1933. The following year, in a bid to increase its appeal, the BUF adopted an antisemitic policy, a move that proved especially falling to around a tenth of its peak. The party was left successful with voters in the East End. in desperate need of a new ideological impetus. Following discussion with his senior lieutenants Mosley resolved to incorporate antisemitism into official policy, announcing the decision in late September. This proved particularly popular in the East End, a district with a long history of tension between Jews and gentiles. It had been the principal point of first settlement for the 150,000 or so Eastern European Jews who had arrived in Britain since the 1880s, increasing competition for housing and jobs in this deprived part of London. By the 1930s, with Britain's largest concentration of Jews still to be found in the area, it proved fertile territory for the BUF's racial incitement and between 1935 and 1937 the party committed the majority of its resources to campaigning there. In addition to the offensive and inflammatory language employed by his street-corner orators Mosley's followers were also responsible for a growing number of physical attacks on Jews. Unsurprisingly local Jews felt compelled to retal- iate. They came to play a central role in Britain's anti- fascist movement through growing participation in existing organisations opposed to the BUF, such as trade unions and the (ximmunist Party, and via newly formed Jewish defence bodies, most prominent of which was the Jewish People's Council ( JPC), founded in mid-1936. Mosley's announcement of the October procession, which was to include many Jewish neigh- bourhoods on its route, caused particular outrage. With the Communist Party's leadership initially reluc- tant to support a proposed counter-demonstration for fear of association with the inevitable disorder- only relenting at the very last minute - much of the responsibility for its coordination fell on the JPC and other Jewish organisations.

HistoryTix/ii.i' I October 2011 www.historytoday.com Battle of Cable Street

Mosley leads his Black- shirts away from the East End on October 4th, 1936. He is wearing a military- style uniform, which the BUF introduced earlier in the year.

Memoirs of the period attest to the pride felt has been steadily gaining ground in many parts of east among Jews at their participation in the occasion, a London'. Its sources suggested an influx of over 2,000 sense that they, standing side by side with their non- new recruits in the capital, a considerable boost given lewish neighbours, had driven the Fascists out of east that party membership in London had stood at less London: 'The sound-hearted British working-class than 3,000 earlier in the year. had given ... a clear message,' Morris Beckman, at the In the week after Cable Street the BUF 'conducted time a teenager living in Hackney, later recounted; the most successful series of meetings since the begin- Jews had shown 'they were sick and ashamed of ning of the movement', attracting crowds of thou- keeping their heads down'. Like Ted Grant, he remem- sands and little opposition. Mosley made an 'enthusi- bered that day as 'the high water mark of the British astically received' address to an audience of 12,000 at Union of Fascists' hubris and arrogance, the very Victoria Park Square, which was followed by a moment that... the tide began to recede'. Bill Fishman, peaceful march to nearby . By contrast the then a 15-year-old witness to the protests and subse- Communists' efforts to consolidate their victory had quently a prominent historian of East End Jewish life, 'met with a very poor response'. 'A definite pro-Fascist recalled that 'Oswald Mosiey's popularity began to feeling has manifested itself, the Special Branch report wane after his setback in Cable Street.' concluded: 'The alleged Fascist defeat is in reality a Fascist advance.' An immense impetus The reason the BUF was able to profit so hand- Yet such perceptions bear little relation to the actual somely from what had initially appeared a setback was repercussions of the event. Contemporary records, in that, at this stage, it thrived off the publicity that contrast to the romanticised recollections of those on violent opposition produced. The national media, the anti-fascist side, tell a diflerent story. Far from under pressure from the government, largely avoided signalling the demise of fascism in the East End, or reporting on Fascist activity other than when disorder bringing respite to its Jewish victims. Cable Street had occurred. A leading Mosleyite lamented the 'total quite the opposite effect. Over the following months silence' in the press when BUF events passed without the BUF was able to convert defeat on the day into incident, complaining that only after disruption by Ftom the Archive longer-term success and to justify a further radicalisa- opponents did newspapers show any interest. \ Oswald Mosley as tion of its anti-Jewish campaign. When such incidents took place the party was able / Entrepreneur J When money for Within days the party's newspaper, Blackshirt, was with some success to portray itself as a victim. It Oswald Mosiey's British boasting that the incident had given Fascism 'an claimed that its eftbrts to exercise free speech legally, Union of Fascists began to immense impetus'. The BUF regularly exaggerated the through organised meetings and police-approved dry up in the iate 1930s, he turned to novel schemes for strength of its support, but this particular claim was processions, were being systematically suppressed by fund-raising. James and more than spurious bravado. In its monthly report on left-wing extremists. Whatever the truth of such alle- Patience Barnes explain. extremist political activity Special Branch observed in gations - and it was certainly the case that anti-fascists www.historytoday.com/archive October 'abundant evidence that the Fascist movement were responsible for the majority of disorder, albeit www.historytoday.com October 2011 ] HistoryToday 43 Battle of Cable Street

financed the anti-fascist movement and used their wealth and influence to turn the media and government often in the face of Fascist provocation - the Black- Police dismantle a makeshift against the BUF. It had also become clear, Mosley alleged, shirts elicited a degree of sympathy in certain quarters. barricade erected by anti- that lews were the power behind Fascism's two chief After the Olympia meeting, for example, although fascist protestors to adversaries: international finance and (x)mmunism. prevent Mosley's march respectable supporters abandoned the BUF in droves, along Cable Street. By adopting an anti-Jewish stance, therefore, the there was also a short-term influx of new recruits BUF was simply taking up 'the challenge thrown down angry at attempts to silence Mosley. by Jewry'. Moreover it was doing so on behalf of the real British people, who were also suftering at the A propaganda advantage hands of Jewish economic and political oppression. In many ways the Fascists came to rely on the interac- Such claims were of course disingenuous; some Jews tion with their opponents to sustain interest in the had been involved in the early anti-fascist movement, movement. One member in the south-west expressed but the vast majority were not, while a handful even his optimism that, 'now we have active opposition in joined the BUF. But they became a self-fulfilling Exeter I think we shall make great progress there'. In prophecy: the Fascists' growing antisemitism this context Cable Street simply thrust the BUE back prompted an increasingly hostile response fi-om the into the limelight after two years of relative national Jewish community, which was in turn used to vindi- obscurity and provided it with a stage on which to cate and harden the BUF's position. play out its claims of victimhood. This, Mosley (]able Street - the most substantial manifestation argued, had been a perfectly lawful procession, sanc- of Jewish anti-fascism to date - fitted the BUF's narra- tioned by the authorities. The East End housed the tive perfectly. The internal publication mentioned core of his supporters. They had every right peacefully above noted with satisfaction that 'the impudent use to express their political beliefs, yet had been forcibly of violence ... to deny east Londoners the right to walk prevented from doing so by a disorderly mob. This through their own part of London ... [had[ sent a wave portrayal of events clearly struck a chord with many of anti-Iewish resentment' through the area. Speakers locals. In an internal document the Fascists observed were advised that propaganda should take advantage that the 'strong sense of local patriotism' in the East of this fact. End had been 'gravely oftended by the rioting of Jews The demonstration was immediately branded by the and Communists last October... [which] was felt as a BUF as 'Jewry's biggest blunder', while the police were disgrace to the good name of east London'. accused of'openly surrender[ing] to alien mobs'. It was The reference to Jews was particularly telling, for their claimed that 'financial democracy' and 'Soviet-inspired prominent involvement at Cable Street was also eagerly Communists' had colluded to inhibit legitimate activity exploited by the Blackshirts. Mosley's adoption of anti- Watdi onUne by 'British patriots' in the East End. As a result, the semitism in 1934 was from the outset portrayed not as I ^7~\5ee footage of district had in effect been 'handed over... as the Jews' ||-J7 y the Battle of Cable a choice but as a move forced upon him by Jews them- I ] Street on the own territory'. It was time, the BUF declared, for the selves. 'Small' Jews had attacked the Blackshirts in the History Today website true British people to reclaim their land. Such appeals street and invaded their meetings, while 'big' Jews wwwitistorytoday.com/cable5tHiOt were well received. Special Branch recorded that among

History7i)iiiiy | October 2011 www.historytoday.com Battle of Cable Street

From the Anduve the cohort of new Fascist recruits were a 'large number The 1905 Aliens Act Fascist lew-baiting and hooliganism'. Over the ^AnneKershen of gentiles with grievances against the Jews'. summer this developed into full-scale'terrorism discusses the roots which appears to increase week by week'. Numerous of antisemitism in the East Antisemitism intensifies End in her wider exploration lews were assaulted and shop windows smashed, anti- of British anti immigration I lowever Cable Street did not merely reinforce Black- semitic graffiti proliferated and Fascist speeches legislation. shirt antisemitism - it exacerbated it. Just as Jewish became more vitriolic. www.historytoday.com/archive involvement in anti-fascist activity had been exploited This fact was confirmed by the Commissioner of the to justify the introduction of antisemitic policy in , Sir Philip Game, who observed, 1934, so it was now used as an excuse to elevate it to a eight nK)nths after Cable Street, that the 'abuse of lews new, more radical phase. A source within BUF head- by Fascist speakers has shown a tendency to increase', quarters - who, appalled by the BUF's increasingly (x)mpounding the problem, the BUF now increasingly extreme direction, had hegun leaking information to held its events in localities inhabited almost exclusively the Board of Deputies, British Jewry's representative by Jews, meaning that even those who attempted to stay body - revealed that the party was intent on using the away were 'compelled to attend the meetings because events of October 4th as the basis from which to the loudspeakers used are such that every word spoken embark on 'a renewed antisemitic campaign'. This was percolates into the houses', as Neville Laski, the presi- in any case made abundantly clear in propaganda, dent of the Board of Deputies, complained to Game. which rapidly became saturated with crude anti- The focal point of this campaign was two sets of Jewish rhetoric. In the six months leading up to local elections in 1937. At the London County October, around 21 per cent of articles in Blackshirt Council polls in March Mosley put forward six candi- included antisemitic content; in the subsequent half- dates, all in East End constituencies. From the outset year the figure almost doubled to 39 per cent. this was advertised as a choice 'between us and the Even more worrying, words were increasingly Parties of Jewry' (meaning every other party), an being translated into action. In the immediate after- indication that the BUF's first ever election campaign math of Cable Street a Blackshirt speaker promised 'by would be fought on a primarily antisemitic platform. God there is going to be a pogrom ... [and] the people Its manifesto mentioned Jews or'aliens' 22 times in who have caused this ... are the Yids'. The very next two pages of text. Playing on the longstanding weekend saw the most serious antisemitic violence of antipathy towards Jews in the area, the BUF claimed the interwar period, as a gang of 200 youths, some that it had come seeking the 'expert opinion' of local armed with iron bars and hatchets, wrecked and residents as 'no one knows better than the people of looted Jewish shops, set alight a car and threw an east London the stranglehold that Jewry has on our elderly Jewish man and young child through a land'. It wished to obtain from them 'a mandate to window. This marked the beginning of a sustained carry through our National Socialist policy, especially period of harassment. The JPC noted with concern as it concerns the Jewish question'. that early 1937 had witnessed 'an intensification of That the party subsequently failed lo win a single Demonstrators are chased by police past East End shops daubed with anti- fascist and Communist slogans, October 4th, 1936.

www.historytoday.com October 2011 I HistoryToiffli' 45 Battle of Cable Street

seat at the election has often been cited as a sign of the Above: boarding up a shop BUF's post-Cable Street collapse. But in fact this osten- window to prevent damage before a BUF march sible failure masked a significant show of support. through Bermondsey, Standing against candidates from the three mainstream October 3rd, 1937. parties, the Blackshirts received votes from 7,000 resi- dents ( 18 per cent of the electorate) in , Right: a crowd of Mosiey's Limehouse and Shoreditch. This result was achieved supporters give him the Nazi salute at a rally in despite only ratepayers being allowed to vote, disenfi^an- Bermondsey, May 1st, 1938. chising many of the BUF's disproportionately young supporters. Furthermore a large portion of the elec- torate was Jewish (around 20 per cent of Bethnal Green's population, for example), meaning that the BUF may have won up to 30 per cent of non-Jewish votes in the constituency. The election indicated that the BUF could still claim the support of thousands in its East End heartland. Later in the year, at October's borough council elections, the party attained a similar proportion of the vote in the same districts.

The drift towards Nazism Given that BUF membership had fallen as low as 5,000 in 1935, the idea that the aftermath of Cable Street This brought some relief to the Jews of east London, but marked a low point for the movement can be any benefits were more than oftset by an increase in dismissed. In fact it was a period of relative, if highly other forms of Blackshirt activity. In August to localised, success. Moreover the election results were December 1936, for example, 508 Fascist meetings were interpreted by the BUF as confirmation that the recorded in the East End; in the equivalent period a year people of the East End wished 'Mosley to proceed with later, the number grew hy a quarter, to 647. his anti-Jewish policy'. Consequently antisemitism The POA did introduce stricter directives on remained integral to BUF campaigns over the provocative racial language, which restrained Fascist remainder of its existence. rhetoric a little. But the new rules were inconsistently The movement did go on to experience a dip in applied by police and in any case were often circum- fortunes in late 1937 and 1938, which some have vented by the use of veiled terms such as 'aliens' or claimed as an indirect triumph for disruptive anti- 'Shylocks'. Additionally, these new legal restrictions fascism. 1 his was because Cable Street and events like it were used to substantiate further the Blackshirts' had ftjelled public debate on the problem of political claims of persecution, with the government once extremism, resulting in the passing of the Public Order more accused of'capitulation to lewish power'. Act (POA) designed to restrict such provocative activity. Rather than the POA or anti-fascism, it was finan- Yet its impact on the BUF was minimal. Though the cial difficulties that accounted for the BUF's tempo- 1 lome Office was now accorded greater powers to rary decline. I he secret subsidies it had received from prohibit political processions in the East End, this Mussolini had begun to diminish as Mosley drifted simply displaced BUF marches to other parts of the city. closer to the Nazis and their model of fascism over the

Histi)ry7í)ííii>' | October 2011 www.historytoday.com Battle of Cable Street

successors in the anti-lascist movement, have under- standably taken pride in their achievements that day. Yet far from signalling the beginning of the end for fascism in Britain, or even in the East End, the demon- stration yielded a significant short-term boost for the BUF, and did nothing to hinder it in the longer term. True, it succeeded in demonstrating the strength of hostility to Mosley, confirming that his political ambi- tions would never be realised. But this had long been clear. By 1936 the BUF was a local irritant but a national irrelevance and destined to remain that way. instead, C^able Street drew unnecessary attention and new adherents to the party. However laudable the motivation of the Jewish participants that day, the primary consequence of their actions was to make life significantly worse for their fellow Jews in the East End, with their involvement used to justify the mid- 1930s, finallydryin g up altogether in 1937. This Above right: audience commencement of the most intensive phase of anti- forced the party, in March ofthat year, to reduce members at a rally at Earl's semitic activity in modern British history. expenditure by 70 per cent and lay off a large number Court on July 29th, 1939. It attracted an audience of Daniel Tilles is a doctoral candidate at Royal Holloway, University of staft, including many leading figures. Inevitably, its around 20,000 and was part of London. He is co-editor of the collection Fascism and the Jews: ability to campaign suffered. Candidates standing in of Mosley's 'Peace Campaign' Italy end Britain (Vallentine Mitchell, 2011). October's elections, for example, did so with no assis- to prevent Britain from Further Reading tance from party headquarters. being dragged into a'Jewish war'with Germany. However, over 1938-39 the party's fortunes were Tony Kushner and Nadia Vaimam (eds), Remembering Cable dramatically revived. The growing prospect of war Street: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in British Society (Vallentine with Germany prompted Mosley to launch a 'Peace Mitchell, 2000) ('ampaign', arguing that Britain had no interest in Nigel Copsey, Anti-Fascism in Britain (Macmiilan, 2000) joining any European conflict. This tapped into Morris Beckman, The Hackney Crucible (Vallentine Mitchell, 19%) genuine public misgivings regarding the necessity of Thomas Linehan, East London for Mosley: The British Union of war, drawing thousands of new supporters to the Fascists in East London and South-West Essex (Frank Cass,l 996) party. Moreover, Mosley's claim that international Richard Thurlow, Fascism in Britain (IB Tauris.l 998) tensions were being stoked by Jews, who were Martin Pugh, 'Hurrah for the Blackshirts!': Fascists and Fascism attempting to engineer a 'war of revenge' against in Britain Between the Wars (Pimlico, 2005) Germany, guaranteed that antisemitism continued to play a prominent role in propaganda. For more articles on this subject visit www.historytoday.com/fascism The demonstrators at Cable Street, and their www.historytoday.com October 2011 | History7miiiy 47 Copyright of History Today is the property of History Today Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.