Southern Africa. Vol. 6No. 5

1 May1991 Battle Scars: Angola, South Africa, Mozambique

I A N G 0 1L A SOUTH AFRICA M OZA M B I Q U E What Way Out The High Costs Refugees, of the of Renamo and Quagmire? Stalemate Reconstruction price: $3.50 a10jNC~tR8ZM ctdgmVol. 6 No. 5 REPORT May 1991

Contents

Editorial: Battle Scars ...... 1

Angola's Quagmire: What Way Out? ...... 4

The High Costs of Stalemate: Dan O'Meara on South Africa ...... 10

Mozambique's Beleaguered Children: Southern Africa Legacy of a War ...... 14 REPORT Mozambican Refugees: The is produced 5 times a year by a Mosaic Dossier ...... 17 volunteer collective of the Toronto Committee for the Liberation of Refugees, Renamo & Reconstruction: Southern Africa (TCLSAC) An Oxford Workshop ...... 427 Bloor St. W. Toronto, M5S IX? Stop the Press? Tel. (416) 967-5562 The Media Struggle in Zimbabwe . . . 23 Submissions, suggestions and help in production are welcome and invited. The U. S. and South Africa: ISSN 0820-5582 What Next? ...... 27 SAR is a member of the Canadian Magazine Publishers Association. Significant Differences: Debating Gender in South Africa .... Subscriptions Southern African Notebook: Annual TCLSAC membership and Credit Where Credit Is Due? ...... 32 Southern Africa Report subscription rates are as follows: SUBSCRIPTION: Individual (1 year) $18.00 Individual (2 years) $36.00 SAR Collective Institution ...... $40.00 MEMBERSHIP: (includes subscription) Sue Baldwin, Lois Browne, Margie Bruun-Meyer, David Cooke, David Galbraith, Dave Hartman, Regular ...... $35.00 Lisa Horrocks, Carole Houlihan, Mary MacNutt, Linzi Manicom, Unemployed Judith Marshall, Alberto Mourato, Colleen O'Manique, Leora Rissin, Student ...... $18.00 Senior Otto Roesch, Joel Rosenbloom, John S. Saul, Lauren Swenarchuk, Joe Vise, Barbara Willey Sustainer ...... over $100.00 Overseas add $8.00 Cover design by Art Work Cover photo by John Liebenborg/Afrapix Second class mail registration No. 7844 by Union Labour at Action Print Printed by Union Labour at Action Print ,Oew Second class mail registration No. 7844 0 0En

ozambican refugees, newly arrived in 5outh African "'homeLana" rejugee camp Battle Scars

In southern Africa these days cer southern Africa than more typical their country. Dan O'Meara, re porting on a recent trip to South tainties are difficult to come by: issues of SAR, ones structured self Africa, flags the danger of chaos the transition in South Africa in confidently around one central shap a possible Lebanonization - that creasingly blurred, the promise of ing theme or another. the unresolved legacies of apartheid genuine liberation elsewhere in the Contradictions and confusions? and the uncertainties of transition region severely compromised. We In this issue, Frank Luce probes in South Africa might yet bring. cast about, looking for straws in the the scars left by siege (and self Bill Martin, reporting from Wash wind, auguries in the entrails. Here destructive tendencies) on Angola's ington, suggests ways in which the darkness prevails, there a glimmer of ruling MPLA and, by extension, U. S. anti-apartheid forces may be light can be seen. The present eclec on a badly battered Angola, while suffering from weaknesses of their tic issue, in its very range and di Naomi Richman helps underscore - the very moment when versity, may therefore capture more the psychic scars that are part of own at a new level of subtlety and resolve of the contradictions and confusions the legacy of Mozambican children in their efforts is called for. And that define the present moment in from South Africa's war against

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ill indeed. Yet far too few stood menacingly over all these cost, for example, to the credibility hovering up against this grisly sub-text of the southern African battlefronts is the of the United Nations security sys tem, used like a Kleenex tissue by Gulf War while it was in progress shadow of another war - that in the even the United States and then thrown just as too few are prepared Persian Gulf - and the shadow, too, has away - can even begin to be totted now to state that the Emperor of what we identify, nervously, as Patriot up. no clothes (however many "the post-Gulf syndrome." missiles he may be wearing!) * * * indicated above, However, as Nor is this way of reading the southern African activists will be es For even though it is some dis resonance of the war profane knowl pecially preoccupied with the costs tance from the Gulf, it's hard not to edge. For example, from a quite dif of U. S. victory, broadly, to the feel that southern Africa - and, by ferent perspective and at its most Third World. Not that the global extension, southern Africa support obscene it can be found in the rant reach of capitalism is something workers in Canada and elsewhere ings of British right-wing columnist new. Moreover, it was apparent will be suffering the fall-out from Peregrine Worsthorne (who also had well before the Gulf events that in the recent war for years to come. In his innings on the CBC's Commen the post-Cold War epoch the impe this regard, the specificities of the tary!): "It is beginning to look as if rial centres of the international econ war are a lot less important than Saddam Hussein has given the West omy were becoming more, not less, its broader implications for the tex a chance once again to establish greedy and assertive; witness the ture of future relationships between its unchallengeable pre-eminence in sidelining of the positive possibili "the West" and the "Third World," a manner impregnable at once to ties inherent in discussion of a "New southern Africa included. It is this obloquy and military resis International Economic Order," the moral fact that seems to demand from us tance. Not only will our arms have overbearing impositions of the IMF some further reflection on the war in in a most spectacular fash and the World Bank, the western prevailed the present editorial. ion. So will our ideals [sic]. Noth sponsored distortions of the GATT ing is forever. Sooner or later the True, the Gulf action was not negotiations, and the like. This is a Third World will throw up other an absolutely typical western inter pattern we know well from recent de challenges. But if the Gulf War ends vention in the Third World. Sad velopments in southern Africa, and as it has begun, there can be no dam is a villain (although, truth one that holds virtually no promise doubt who are the masters now be told, not much worse than any of long-term socio-economic trans at any rate for another generation. number of U. S.-sponsored satraps formation for countries there or else We have the laser beams and they around the world, including most of where. Nor is the tendency to mil have not. And the 'we' who matter our "democratic allies" in the Gulf itarize this kind of western con are not the Germans or the Japanese itself). And his invasion of Kuwait trol over the Third World a new or the Russians, but the Americans. was, indeed, unacceptable (although phenomenon (as a reading of, say, Happy days are here again. Bliss is no more so than such "acceptable" Gabriel Kolko's, magisterial Con it in this dawn to be alive; but to be interventions, in southern Africa and fronting the Third World: United reactionary is very heaven." elsewhere, as the U. S. destruction States Foreign Policy, 1945-1980 an old Even Worsthorne could not have got of Nicaragua and Angola, the South should remind anyone who cares to of African reduction of Mozambique to know). away with using quite this kind chaos, the Indonesian invasion of language a few short months ago. East Timor). Yet the escalation of No, the new reality here is the unfortunately, is Wors war, pre-empting the testing of any added charge the war has given, Nor, ar thorne's mindset a million miles legitimate time-frame for the effi quite self-evidently, to American away from that of George Bush and cacy of sanctions to be felt, remains rogance and assertiveness in carry colleagues. Thus the Toronto an obscenity by any standard: com ing out its global activities. The his Star's Richard Gwyn - no left looney pare how reluctantly even the most greatest casualty of the Gulf War the underlying logic of modest of sanctions were imposed - and in saying this we do not he - writes of war (beneath the headline "War upon a country like South Africa, mean to trivialize the passing of all the a stern lesson to Third World," for example, and how patiently we those, Kuwaitis and Iraqis in par is 1991) in the following were expected to wait for them to ticular, who died needlessly in the February 24, syn "... the object lesson taught have effect! The extraordinary, and war - is the "post-Vietnam terms: to the Third World will, most prob continuing, costs to the people of drome." There can be little doubt ably, be well learned. In essence, the Iraq - themselves prisoners of Sad that the new "post-Gulf syndrome" of United States is sending out a mes dam's dictatorship - of using "max - increasingly the ideological glue sage: 'There will be no more Viet imum force" are only just begin George Bush's "New World Order" nams.' Any Third World countries to become apparent. It will be and of the world-wide recolonization ning that challenges it can anticipate be- some years before other costs - the process that is upon us - bodes very

REPORT may 19911991 Southern Africa REPORT ing dealt with in the same way gola, Luce's piece also identifies on ence in South Africa that she reports first by being softened up by a pre going popular initiatives that sug upon - on the front of gender-related cise, high-tech aerial blitz, then by gest both the resilience of the An assertions in that country. being smashed by an overwhelming golan people - and possible points of Of course, any such advances ground assault. Look, therefore, for entry for our continuing support of are themselves only to be made on the Third World countries to come their efforts. Richard Saunders iden hotly contested ground, in a con to terms with American hegemony. tifies a vitality to the Zimbabwean text fraught, as argued above, with ... None of this has got anything to media that he senses, similarly, to contradictions and confusions. Un do with liberating Kuwait. Instead be heralding the insistent resonance der such circumstances, it is indeed it's got everything to do with cre of democratic claims upon the lead tempting to ask whether the promise ating a post-Cold War, Pax Ameri ership in that country. And Shireen of struggles to be won is likely to cana. It's clinical and hard and cal Hassim identifies signs of advance outweigh the scars of struggles lost? culating. But it's a fact." not quite drowned out by the "di Unfortunately, there is no easy an Gwyn is correct; it's a fact. alogue of the deaf" that all too of swer to such a question. But have other than to engage And attendant upon that fact is the ten characterized the proceedings of we any choice brutalization of political discourse a recent landmark women's confer- - and see? ("Desert Storm" trading cards, yet) we have witnessed in the media and the racism we have witnessed on our own streets (anti-Arab - viz. Adri enne Jones' article, "Manipulating the Arab Image," The Globe and Mail, March 14, 1991 - but read ily generalizable, we fear, to other Third World peoples and projects). It is incumbent upon all of us to re sist the wrong lessons being learned, by the Canadian government (faint hope?) and by the Canadian peo ple, from the "success" of the Gulf War. Certainly, for us, the lesson is clear: any space lost to the "post Gulf syndrome" is room for manoeu vre lost by those seeking openings for humane development in southern Africa. In short, the struggle against the Gulf War, by southern Africa ac tivists amongst many others, must continue.

Still, we spoke at the outset about glimmers of light as well as areas of darkness in southern Africa. And indeed a whole host of smaller struggles for humane development in southern Africa are indeed going on there. Alongside the articles and is sues already mentioned that are to be found in the present issue of SAR, there are others that survey posi tive signals emerging from southern Africa, signals that can help relieve the gloom of the post-Gulf moment. Thus, even as it conveys something of the chaos of contemporary An-

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 ~} v~Th~i TA-1 C0r0)TLF,,Tt1=

Destroyed bridge at Xangongo, across the Kunene river Angola's Quagmire: What Way Out? BY FRANK LUCE eration Desert Storm. Unita's suc Frank Luce is a Toronto-based labour to a specific date for a cease-fire. round cess in the north contradicts the lawyer who has recently returned from The failure of this sixth of Portuguese-mediated talks illus tribalist analysis that it is strictly a study tour in Angola. trates the unfortunate reality that Umbundu-based, and suggests that Angola's national ruling party, the peace is beyond the control of the a class analysis would better ex MPLA, has had a three-pronged ap Angolan government. The initiative plain the current balance of forces proach to trying to maintain state for peace now lies with Unita and in Angola. Prior to the Gulf War, power - through peace initiatives, its American sponsor, which must Unita had already entrenched itself the restructuring of the economy, somehow fit Angola into the New in the Kikongo-dominated northern and the creation of a coalition of World Order. provinces; it has a strong presence in patriotic forces to prevent a take Uige province, especially outside the over by Jonas Savimbi's U.S.-backed Not only would Unita not agree urban areas. It's also a myth to sup Unita. to a cease-fire; it has actually in pose that Unita is the MPLA's only The peace process stumbled in creased its military activity dramat opposition. The Zaire-backed Front February earlier this year because ically since mid-January, when the for the Liberation of the Enclave of the MPLA insisted that Unita agree Bush Administration launched Op- Cabinda acts relatively openly in the

may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT MMOPOODI

Cabinda strip, that area that cuts Where did the MPLA go the peoples who are following the into Zaire, one of Angola's northern wrong? same path." Now that most of these people have stepped off the neighbours. Unita now appears to The overwhelming desire of the An revolutionary path and the MPLA be positioning itself to enter the cap golan population is for a return to has started down the path of multi ital of Luanda through the province normalcy after thirty years of con (once of Cuanza Sul and/or to take con stant warfare. The war remains party democracy, both Neto revered as "The Immortal Guide of trol of at least one provincial capi as the primary impediment to eco the Angolan Revolution") and his tal (possibly Cuito in Bie) before a nomic progress, but it does not ex promise have been dropped from the cease-fire. plain the corruption and arbitrary masthead of the official daily news Savimbi has already indicated exercise of state power which has paper, Jornal de Angola. With that because of the continuing pres come to characterize Angola's sin promise of progress to ence of some 15,000 Cuban troops gle party regime. While Unita out Neto's wards revolution, what is left is cor in the Luanda region, Unita will not and its friends must shoulder the ruption and economic collapse. In agree to a peaceful entry into the blame for the ongoing warfare, the stead of a liberated Angola as the primarily responsible for capital following a cease-fire agree MPLA is fatherland of peasants and workers, ment and elections. The depar its own lack of popular support. the MPLA has created a system in in June of this After the electoral experiences of ture of the Cubans which a privileged segment of the the possibility that ruling parties in Eastern Europe, year leaves open petty-bourgeoisie clings to its con attempt to enter Lu Nicaragua and in Cabo Verde (an Unita will trol of the state apparati at all costs and former Por anda militarily, depending on the African neighbour and resists change in order to pro current vision colony whose leader, Arist Bush administration's tuguese tect its own narrow interests. The peace process. edes Pereira of the socialist-oriented of the Angolan forces of liberation are in retreat recently won less than 25% PAIVC, from the current neo-colonialist on of the popular vote), it should come The danger of a Unita victory slaught to a large extent because as no surprise that, after more than Although a Unita victory now looms they have been co-opted by this fifteen years in power, the MPLA as a serious possibility, Unita it segment, which Joachim perhaps enjoys less popular support privileged self remains relatively unknown. To de Andrade, a former hon in Angola than the Mulroney gov Pinto enjoy pop has what extent does Unita ernment enjoys in Canada. ourary president of the MPLA, ular support? What is its organi labelled the "lumpen-bourgeoisie." zational capacity in relation to the If the Angolan peace process (Joachim is now the president of demands of state power? What is were to culminate in fair elections, ACA, the Angolan Civic Associa its actual military strength as op including sufficient time for a third tion, founder of Angola's most likely posed to its ability to sabotage de force to organize, it's likely that nei third political force, the Frente para velopment efforts? Although Unita ther the MPLA nor Unita would be a Democracia.) has said little about what its policies elected. However, the various fac would be as a government, the inter tions of the Angolan political elite The "lumpen-bourgeoisie" phe national solidarity movement recog have begun to jockey for position nomenon is not unique to Angola, but it bears characteristics which re nizes Unita as a friend of apartheid, and at least seven new political par a friend of neo-colonialism, and an ties have declared themselves in An flect Angola's experience since in colo enemy of genuine democracy. gola during the past several weeks. dependence. The Portuguese Of all these groups, perhaps only nial system did not allow for the The political priority for those Unita may be able to claim a peas development of a national bour who support liberation in Angola at ant base, albeit of a dimension which geoisie. The liberation struggle was this conjuncture is to stop Unita, remains unquantifiable. led mainly by intellectuals who pop whether or not the MPLA maintains ularized the notion of Angolan na of the need for state power. However, the historical Some advocates tionalism but refused to embrace a third force in Angola oversim commitment of the international sol Amilcar Cabral's principle that they plify the situation with the slogan idarity movement to the MPLA as must commit suicide as a class in "Neither the Unita murderers nor the sole embodiment of Angolan lib order for the African revolution to the MPLA thieves." What has the eration is outdated. In view of the succeed. The formation of Angola's MPLA done to merit being labelled concessions that the MPLA has al "lumpen-bourgeoisie" is the product as thieves? The MPLA took power ready made towards the creation of of class politics in times of economic with the promise that, in the words a market economy and a multi-party scarcity. democracy, solidarity with the peo of Agostinho Neto, "We will make of After 1976, at the end of the Sec ple of Angola can encompass possi Angola the fatherland of the work ond Liberation War, against South ble third forces without abandoning ers and the revolution will continue Africa, the MPLA opted for oil critical support for the MPLA. its triumphal march at the side of

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 ni:2,M r4 V h M rather than agriculture as an eco cant minority of the petty bourgeois both from the vested interests which nomic base for the Angolan econ elite that controls state power in An profit from the current system and omy. The MPLA in power consol gola. from the forces of genuine libera its own class interests, and it tion. Both international capital and idated Attempted structural adjust reflects an the Angolan population as a whole did so in a manner which ment economic system in which informal agree with the official MPLA line process dominates formal process The MPLA is being held captive that the economy must be restruc and chronic scarcity and uncertainty by the privileged social class which tured. But the efforts of progres dominate distribution. Wealth and benefits from the existing economic sive forces to find viable alterna political power were merged into oil system. While the struggle contin tives to a neo-colonial model have revenue and were divorced from pro ues within the MPLA, many patri been sabotaged by the government's ductive activity. In the face of in otic and progressive elements have inability to break with the allure creasing scarcity, the distribution of abandoned the party or have been of its entrenched privileges, and in goods and services became the ex excluded. The MPLA strategy to the meantime, the IMF/World Bank clusive domain of those who wielded forge a coalition of patriotic forces works diligently to impose its vision power within the ubiquitous party against Unita risks being under of structural adjustment. state. They distributed first to mined by the MPLA's reluctance Two Angolan economies con themselves, then to their families, to dismantle the existing social sys tinue to exist side by side. The infor their clans and their friends, and tem, opposed not only by interna mal sector dominates a formal sec always in exchange for present or tional capital but also by the popula tor that is subject to artificial state future benefit. Whatever portion tion as a whole, including the work control. The formal sector serves of Angola's oil wealth was not con ers and peasants. Ironically, op mainly to provide access to hard cur sumed by war was squandered to position to the introduction of an rency and to consumer goods, ei guarantee the lifestyle of a signifi- unfettered market economy comes ther imported or produced by state

Africa REPORT may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT ro 0

enterprises, which can be marketed ernmental structure intact but ad ister of Commerce has been scape in the informal sector. The infor vocated devaluation, privatization, goated. The government's error was mal exchange rate of 750 New Kwan price liberalization, and foreign in in thinking that it could start to zas to the US dollar reflects real vestment to a degree which made restructure the economy by attack value much more closely than does the World Bank drool and secured ing the free-enterprise elite alone, the official rate of about 30. While Angola's entry into the IMF. A spe without destroying the privileges of prices are unstable because of the cial SEF squad was set up, un the bureaucrats. This experience chronic universal scarcity of goods der the protection of the President, has proven that it is the informal and services, the general price level whose members were given ministe economy which dominates the for reflects value, that is, the informal rial status to permit them to bully mal. By bowing once again to exchange rate. This system has recalcitrant ministries into compli the entrenched vested interests, the fostered a lifestyle of buying, sell ance. But although they had min MPLA has increased the risk that ing and scheming which leaves little isterial status, they were not minis a neo-colonial economic model will time for production. Wages in the ters: the "lumpen-bourgeoisie" was soon win out for lack of any alter formal sector, paid in New Kwan able to sabotage all efforts at change, native. The PAG has now been zas, are never enough and must be forcing the government to abandon revamped to incorporate the in supplemented by the right of access SEF in late 1990. put of economists from the various to marketable goods (obtained ei The government, recognizing the ministries, and an economic plan ther at controlled prices from the continuing urgency for economic re for 1991 was adopted in February state or at the hard currency stores), structuring, replaced the SEF with which includes a 200% devaluation and through time off work to permit the PAG (Programma de Accao do by the end of this year. The con scheming and exchange. This time Governo). The PAG initially by cept of a planned economy may be off, to the foreign observer, often ap passed the experts who had de doomed since the inter-ministerial pears to occupy the most potentially signed the SEF, and instead sought team which is now charged with the productive time. to co-opt the members of the bu elaboration of a plan for 1992-96 is reaucratic elite by including them in working in close cooperation with Two often inter-related social the restructuring process. This ap the World Bank and the UNDP. groups benefit from the misery proach led to the infamous "troca Whether or not the planned de which this economic system pro de moeda," or currency exchange, of valuation will be implemented, and duces: the champions of free enter September 1990. In a period of one whether or not the official exchange prise, who have managed to amass week, five percent of privately held rate will eventually be brought into their fortunes through dealings in cash Kwanzas were exchanged for line with the market rate, remains the informal sector, and the politi New Kwanzas; the remaining Kwan undetermined. cians and office-holders, who con zas were demonetarized and held by access to hard currency, con Constructing civil society trol the central bank as forced savings, sumer goods, and state-dispensed recognized in the form of a promis According to the MPLA timetable, privileges through their stranglehold sory note, redeemable at the option multi-party democracy will arrive in the bureaucracy. Those with ac on of the government. The popular Angola in April of this year, and cess to hard currency, including the view was that the government had free elections will be held within growing international aid commu stolen their money and would never three years. All aspects of govern nity, can consume at a comfortable give it back. With the currency ex ment policy should henceforth be level either by exchanging currency change, the MPLA sacrificed a large analyzed in terms of the MPLA's the free market or by buying on chunk of whatever goodwill towards electoral strategy. In an effort to goods at the hard currency stores it that remained among the popula build a coalition with the unarmed can then be exchanged for which tion without having gained any sub opposition, the MPLA has engaged New Kwanzas or local goods and ser stantial dividend. The market was in a series of public meetings in you break into the infor vices. Once briefly thrown into disequilibrium which it has opened itself up to mal market, goods and services are due to the brutal contraction of the public criticism. The government freely available at prices which ap money supply, but the pre-existing has formed a presidential advisory proximate their value. price structure soon prevailed. The Counsel of the Republic composed In 1987, the government PAG had promised that a 100% de of church and civic leaders, includ launched the SEF (Saneamento Eco valuation would coincide with the ing ACA and former adherents of nomico e Financeiro), a first attempt demonetarization, but to date the the "Revolta Activa," a group of in to rationalize the economic struc exchange rate remains unaltered. tellectuals within the MPLA who, tures. The SEF programme was The government has yet to admit just before independence, unsuccess an indigenous structural adjustment to the complete failure of this first fully challenged the party's direc programme which left the basic gov step in the PAG, although the Min- tion. Virtually all of the political

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 7 ffim POORMC

"6.. kUCb- - Vy U parties currently on the scene de gressive individuals have abandoned seeks to provide a simple answer to scribe themselves as social demo state and party politics, reflecting these rather complex questions. At cratic. However, not all present a world-wide phenomenon of disil this conjuncture, the international themselves as potential allies of the lusionment with the political pro solidarity movement should begin to MPLA, both because of the MPLA's cess. While neo-colonialist and anti seek answers in cooperation with a failure to break with the negative imperialist opinion can agree on the trio of fledglings who have recently aspects of its past record, and be pivotal role which the civil society left the MPLA nest.the trade union cause the Bush administration may will play in the evolution of the central, UNTA; the peasant organi well prefer an Angolan version of Vi multi-party system in Angola, they zation, UNACA; the women's orga oletta Chamorra, to replace the im differ on the type of non-government nization, OMA. While all three or age of Savimbi and his blood-soaked organizations which should be en ganizations must now face the fi contras. couraged and they will differ in nancial constraints which vex the The construction of civil soci creasingly on what type of activities viability and independence of non ety in Angola parallels the construc should be supported. government organizations through tion of a multi-party political sys UNTA, UNACA, and OMA out the world, and while all three tem. The impetus to construct Which organizations in Angola will are burdened by a political and orga civil society in Angola comes from best be able to represent the inter nizational past which may prove to three distinct sources. First, within ests of workers and peasants in the be their downfall, they occupy privi the IMF/World bank model, a civil inevitable transition to some form of leged positions and are best situated society independent of the party market economy? Which organiza to evolve into organizations which state structure is as much a com tions will be most effective in the de legitimately represent the interests ponent of a free-market economy livery of goods and services to work and wishes of workers and peasants as is multi-party democracy. Sec ers and peasants in partnership with in a process of liberation. ond, the MPLA sees the indepen international NGOs? How can the Existing labour legislation pro dence of certain currently party democratic participation of workers vides that all workers employed in dominated apparati as part of a and peasants best be encouraged in the formal sector are required to legitimation strategy in the multi the process of their own liberation? be members of an UNTA-affiliated party system. Third, many pro- The MPLA no longer provides or trade union and that UNTA is the

may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT ffimg0onmC:) only authorized trade union cen tion or the modern ideology of lib pend in part on whether or not they tral. Since union dues are compul eration. UNACA, the peasant orga will receive the benefits of interna sory, UNTA enjoys both a guaran nization, was formed in 1989 when tional cooperation. There are many teed membership and a guaranteed MPLA realized, with the encourage other candidates for international source of financing (at least in New ment of the FAO, that it needed to NGO dollars, including the Angolan Kwanzas). Whether or not UNTA re-establish agriculture as Angola's churches, and many potential An and its affiliates will continue to en economic base. It was founded golan NGOs waiting for a kick-start. joy a monopoly is a current sub through a genuinely representative The first Angolan organization to ject of debate between UNTA and process but most of the peasant as establish itself on the classic NGO the Ministry of Labour. Compulsory sociations it represents barely func model was the AAD (Accao An union membership and compulsory tion and are virtually without re golano de Desenvolvimento), which dues are not inconsistent with a mar sources. UNACA hopes both to has adopted a policy of collabora ket economy, as is evident from the speak on behalf of peasants and to tion with the state structures mainly Canadian situation. UNTA has ex deliver goods and services to the at the local level. The AAD ex perience organizing workers for mil countryside to encourage peasant perience underlines the advantages itant struggle more recent than that production, especially through a co which Angolan NGOs would enjoy of most unions in Canada. A tran operative movement of poor peas - access to development dollars, the sition from a party/state-dominated ants like those in other Southern capacity of Angolan NGO's to exe docile bureaucracy to a legitimate African countries. Unlike UNTA, cute projects, and the dependency of independent trade union movement UNACA has no direct source of NGOs on the Angolan state struc is possible under the present circum funds and no guaranteed member tures. The international solidarity stances. The determining factor in ship. It currently is promoting the network should ignore neither the the transition is not how UNTA ob passage of legislation which would churches nor Angolan NGOs such tained its membership, but the level protect peasant land, and lobbies as the AAD, but cooperation with of class struggle within the union. for government policies which will UNTA, UNACA and OMA should Any effort by the state to force encourage a return to the land af be a priority at this stage, in order UNTA members to de-unionize and ter a cease-fire agreement has been to support the idea that the role of then to re-organize would be a set reached. the state is crucial to development back as the economic circumstances OMA, the Organization of An and liberation remains its long term which face the membership begin golan Women, remains officially goal. to deteriorate in the face of even linked to the MPLA because it de The MPLA continues to deserve the modest steps towards structural pends on the party for financial sup our solidarity and support as long readjustment which the government port. At the last party congress, as it continues to stand against neo has taken to date. UNTA has been OMA protested publicly that the colonialism, apartheid and tribal active in drafting new labour legisla party had failed to provide access ism, and for liberation. It nei tion and it will provide legal repre for women to participate in MPLA ther wants nor deserves our uncrit sentation for its members before the affairs. At OMA's insistence, the ical support as the struggle within anticipated Labour Tribunal. It has, government recently created a Sec the MPLA continues against corrup however, been largely ineffectual in retariat of State for women's issues tion and exploitation. Now that the relation to the changing economic which will likely absorb much of concept of the one-party state has circumstances of its members which OMA's personnel. OMA will de been abandoned in Angola, and as have resulted recently in a number cide its own fate at its next congress civil society begi is to flourish, sol of wildcat strikes, and it is in this which will follow the MPLA ex idarity with the people of Angola area that it would benefit from the traordinary congress in April. It goes beyond a relationship with the experience of independent unions in may remain as the MPLA's women's MPLA and its family of mass orga other countries such as South Africa branch, in which case it would en nizations. As events unfold in An or even Canada. courage the formation of a federa gola, the broadest possible coalition to make the distinc In Angola, tion of Angolan women's organiza of forces will be required to oppose tion between workers and peasants tions of which it would be a mem Unita and the other organizations is very difficult. Urban areas are ber. which will inevitably come forward crowded with peasants displaced by UNTA, UNACA and OMA are in the service of neo-colonialism. If the war who may or may not re well situated to become legitimate international solidarity is to con turn to the land following a cease representatives of Angolan workers, tinue to play a constructive role in fire. Peasants remain organized, peasants and women, independent favour of liberation in Angola, then however, in traditional structures of their past reliance on the MPLA, it must remain open to include sol clans and tribes, which of families, but it is not possible at this point to idarity with the broadest possible do not fit within either the often predict their success, which will de- range of Angolan opinion. framework of international coopera-

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 The High Costs of Stalemate: Dan O'Meara on South Africa

Dan O'Meara, well-known South main the best guarantors of progress Thus, the warlord system that is African writer and activist who now in South Africa. so much a part of the infrastructure presence in the teaches at the Universit6 de Qu~bc Violence of Inkatha's brutal A Montr6al, recently revisited South Natal squatter camps and beyond first-hand Africa after a fifteen year exile. A long O'Meara supplied graphic has begun to reproduce itself else time collaborator with SAR, O'Meara anecdotes to support his fears, cit where, with even some of the "young black ANC briefed our editorial working group on ing Bheki Mlangeni, a lions" of earlier stages of popular his impressions of the current moment lawyer active in securing testimony resistance turning, in the present in South Africa in the course of a speak before the Harms Commission on uncertain moment, into "comtsot ing trip to Toronto shortly after his re sis" ("Comtsotsi" is an amalgam, in turn. His was a sobering account, all the popular lexicon, of the words "comrade" the more forceful for the broad histor and "tsotsi" [criminal] ical perspective his own extensive re and means, basically, "bandit"). In this and other ways, the bill for the search and writing on South African iV developments enabled him to bring to apartheid-fostered breakdown of so bear on recent events. cial cohesion in African communi notable in the sprawl Change is in the air in South Africa. ties (most Dan O'Meara was very far from un ing squatter camps of the peri derestimating the significance, real urban areas) is coming due. A and potential, of the overturning of thuggish power-brokering premised core apartheid legislation over the on force and on mafia-style patron past year. Yet he placed at the very client relationships has emerged and heart of the several presentations he threatens to preempt a new politics made in Toronto the consequences of premised on genuine community re the fact that change has not gone newal. The challenge to the ANC anywhere near far enough. The of keeping alive the process of bring main consequence: an escalation in ing order and renewal to this poten the level of violence - both counter tially chaotic situation is, therefore, revolutionary violence and the vio considerable. lence that accompanies an upsurge This is all the more evident when one considers that the most un of sheer criminality - inside South Dan O'Meara Africa, a level of violence only hinted savoury elements in the black popu at even in the sometimes fevered re state violence, who told him that ev lation are egged on by sinister white cent coverage of South Africa pro ery night he returned to his Soweto forces - by rogue elements in the duced by our western news me home with the nagging feeling he army and police for example, as has dia. A reasonably straightforward would not live to come to work been well documented. These lat transition to a democratic South the next day. Two weeks af ter seem bent, in O'Meara's view, on Africa may yet be possible, argued ter his conversation with O'Meara turning black South Africa into an O'Meara, but the alternative possi this lawyer was killed by a par other Mozambique, this with an eye bility of an increasingly (and alarm cel bomb. O'Meara found, in fact, to playing on white South Africa's ingly) chaotic situation also looms that ANC/UDF activists in the Jo worst fears. Moreover, creeping large. The anti-apartheid move hannesburg area were being tar chaos feeds these fears on another ment in Canada needs to take this geted at an alarming rate, produc level: fuelled by large supplies of latter possibility seriously as one ing an extraordinary sense of dread firearms flooding back into South more pressing reason for revitaliz within the popular movement and Africa from Mozambique in the wake ing its efforts to help remove obsta even a sense that the moment of of Pretoria's military adventures cles to democratic transition and to maximum opportunity for positive there, social breakdown leads to a support those forces - notably the change might be beginning to slip rising rate of crime. And this in turn African National Congress - that re- away. leads, in O'Meara's first-hand ob-

may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT mmt2a ffizzAm

servation, to ever-heightened white of seeking stability through negotia ing their own culture and language, paranoia. Under these circum tions with the ANC. O'Meara argues of course, as well as more prosaic stances one might have expected that, in so doing, he has managed, concerns about defending important President de Klerk to be moving for the moment, to outmanoeuvre aspects of economic/racial privilege rather more rapidly along the road the ANC, placing it on the defen against any unchecked democratic to genuine change - the better to sive. And yet de Klerk, too, finds majority certain to be both poor and short-circuit a collapse into the kind himself in an unenviable position of black. of chaos from which few, either black his own, one that limits his ability How could de Klerk believe it or white, could expect to benefit in to secure a level of change in South possible that any such white veto the long run. Africa sufficiently dramatic to keep could be sold to the black popula things on an even keel. tion, by the ANC (even in the un De Klerk's agenda Partly, this reflects the limits of likely event that it should seek to Why then has the march forward his own vision of what such change do so) or by anyone else? Here to a new society - one that, in might look like, a point O'Meara O'Meara sees de Klerk as victim of the name of community and re argued in an extremely interesting the old Afrikaner fixation (shades newed social purpose, might counter way. For de Klerk and his colleagues of the mad scientist Verwoerd and such pulls towards social disinte quite simply will not commit them his Bantustan scheme) with "so gration - slowed down? A careful selves to the establishment of a non cial engineering." The new code attempt to decipher the contradic racial democracy. Thus, the consti word is "elite-pacting," the notion tions within de Klerk's own project tutional plan they have now bruited that "representative elites" can be is particularly crucial to our an about as their likely "offer" when brought together in negotiations to swering this question, O'Meara ar that stage of the negotiations pro cut a more or less private deal. A gued. Other options (Botha's to cess is reached, still provides for a fundamental misconception of the ken reformism of the late '70s/early strong white veto through the care nature of black politics, needless to '80s and the renewed repression of ful structuring of the proposed new say, yet one reminiscent to O'Meara the post-insurrection period) for de parliament's second chamber. This of the Afrikaners' similarly out-of fusing black resistance having failed, reflects deep-felt concerns on the touch overestimation of the electoral de Klerk has taken the historic step part of Afrikaners about protect- chances of a deeply compromised

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 ______.o IIIth1 ffi______

Bishop Muzorewa vis-a-vis Robert appointments - notably that of Gen True, O'Meara judges that de support Mugabe in Zimbabwe or of the vi eral Liebenberg to head the Defense Klerk still has majority ability of the various alternatives Force, the very man who, as chief within the whit community for his to SWAPO that they attempted to of the SADF Sp-.cial Forces Com reform agenda. Yet it is "soft says, hinged on the cobble together in Namibia over the mand, had presided over the mili support," he years. tary destabilizati,;n of Mozambique promise that de Klerk can deliver and some Complementing his own half and Angola - seems further to doc an end to uncertainty heartedness about risking real polit ument de Klerk's disinclination to respite from crisis. But if the vio escalate and the ical change, de Klerk is also look run too many risks in the interest lence continues to this sup ing over his shoulder, as suggested of change. Could a coup be in the economy to disintegrate, above, at the white right, and in par offing? Since the military's own pre port may merely withdraw from pol ticular at the army and the police. ferred alternative for dealing with itics - not necessarily moving to the Despite having dismantled the State crisis - brute repression - so visibly right but leaving a political vacuum, Security System, de Klerk still seems failed in years immediately preced one that could provide even less ba creative initia to treat Defence Minister Magnus ing de Klerk's coming to power, it sis for underwriting than does the Malan with kid gloves, failing to may not feel quite confident or clear tives from de Klerk seize a golden opportunity to dis enough about an alternative agenda current situation. Like Gorbachev Soviet miss him in the wake of the Harms to chance such a step. But in the in a rapidly disintegrating Commission's report and also cov meantime, even short of a coup, the Union, de Klerk too is running out ering up for his lies in Parliament. pattern of police and military ha of time. The one thing de Klerk re view, is Moreover, O'Meara emphasized the rassment of the ! opular movement quires most, in O'Meara's extent to which the pattern of recent is allowed to continue. an ANC sufficiently strong to broker

may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT BUMMA ffignim with him a restabilization of South all probability, armed struggle) and sition to a democratic South Africa African politics. At one level de popular mobilization as a necessary is the ANC. Yet the realization of Klerk knows this. How ironic that backdrop to successful negotiations any such transition is severely jeop he seems bound, simultaneously, to are less well-placed to deliver any ardized. Therefore a primary task undermine the very ANC he needs such mobilization than one might of the international support network so much! hope. This is not merely because must be to back more effectively of the challenges to organizational than ever the ANC, both in terms A tight corner for the ANC coherence itemized above. Here of bolstering its image abroad and in For who, in the black community, again O'Meara underscored the cru assisting it to strengthen its organi can believe in the good faith of cial importance of the all-pervasive zational capacity at home. O'Meara de Klerk under the present circum violence that currently stalks South did argue the case for simultaneous stances? And yet the ANC seems Africa. The capacity of ANC cadres international support for the beef as bound to de Klerk as he is to to mobilize popular pressure around ing up of various progressive ele them. Of course, there are some the negotiations is being sapped, in ments of an autonomous "civil so very good reasons for this, O'Meara many crucial areas of the country, ciety." These are necessary guaran suggested, notably all the pressures, by the necessity to fire-fight out tors, in general terms, of the long economic and otherwise that have bursts of violence, damp down (un run consolidation of democracy in driven de Klerk to the brink of derstandable yet unproductive) pop South Africa; in addition, they can change. Nonetheless, the fact re ular demands for vengeance and the help keep pressure on the ANC to mains that the ANC finds itself in like. itself remain democratic. Yet he felt blind us to a quite difficult position as it at Here lies the irony of the cur such a concern should not importance of helping the ANC tempts to adjust to the new terrain rent situation. Strong enough to the to get South Africa over "the first onto which government actions have resist repression and to now place hurdle" and to the realization of a catapulted it. There have been all itself in the middle of the negotia the very concrete difficulties of es tions process, the ANC-led popular new and just constitutional dispen tablishing tself organizationally as a democratic alliance is, simultane sation. mass political party in what have be ously, too weak to force de Klerk What of the urgent need that come unfamiliar surroundings - not to pay primary attention to its de ensuring a more egalitarian socio least the considerable financial de mands and yield to a genuine democ economic structure must accompany mands such an organizational trans ratization of South Africa. Indeed, a process of political democratiza formation involves. chances are that as negotiations pro tion in South Africa? Given that Moreover, there are significant ceed the ANC will find itself under a revolution is not immediately on gaps to be bridged between erstwhile growing pressure to yield key points the cards, O'Meara sees the essen exile leaders and other leaders who - to forego the establishment of a tial precondition for possible real have established themselves inside constituent assembly (rather than a ization of any such radical trans the country in more recent decades. mere "consultative process") in the formation to lie in ensuring that Gaps, too, even amongst those re first phase of transition, or, even the current drive towards political turning home, gaps that open up as more seriously, to accept a substan democratization not be derailed by the proximity and cohesion of exile tial "white veto" in any new con the forces of chaos. The high costs life gives way to a new diversity in stitutional set-up that might even of stalemate in the current moment the links ANC cadres are now estab tually be forthcoming. And yet need, first, to be preempted. Should lishing with various local constituen on such questions - especially on South Africa degenerate into an cies. Add to this such ideological dif the question of the proposed "white other Mozambique - something that ferences as now swim to the surface, veto" - neither the ANC nor its pop is more likely now than it was a reflecting diverse interpretations of ular constituency are able to com year ago - any prospect of ultimately what a new South Africa should ac promise. Too strong to lose, too mounting a well-organized, coherent tually look like now that it is, at weak (and perhaps weaker in this re egalitarian project will have been least, within reach. spect than it was twelve months ago) destroyed. In sum, O'Meara now to win: this is the ANC's contribu sees left activists as facing a bit Perhaps, too, there are differ tion to the current dangerous stale ter and ironic choice. As some ences of opinion about how seriously mate in South Africa. one who has always opposed the de Klerk should be taken as an inter revolution" It was by this route that notion of a "two-stage locutor of change: some ANC lead in South Africa, O'Meara now feels O'Meara returned to his main point, ers are probably more into an "elite that the first priority of "economic the one noted at the outset of this pacting," "conflict resolution" mode is to ensure a report. Despite its undoubted weak democrats" /socialists of negotiating the future than are to real political nesses, the only possible political ve peaceful transition others. But even those who see con democracy there. tinuing struggle (though not now, in hicle for overseeing an orderly tran-

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 Mozambique's Beleaguered Children: Legacy of a War

BY NAOMI RICHMAN Naomi Richman is a child psychiatrist working for Save the Children, UK, in the Mozambican Ministry of Educa tion. N. is 12 years old and lives in Zam bezia. He was kidnapped with his mother and cousin, and spent three years on a bandit base. While there he saw people beaten and killed, in cluding his cousin in a public execu tion. He and his mother managed to escape two years ago. This is the kind of child we are trying to help in our school-based programme run by the Ministry of Education, where I have been work ing for the past two years. As well as trying to promote a "therapeutic" climate within the schools, we have been looking at how the war has af fected perpetrators and victims of violence. Both children and adults have witnessed atrocities they find it hard to forget - relatives murdered, bru tal mutilations, rape; many have been kidnapped, terrorized and beaten. Psychological symptoms following such experiences are com mon, often persisting for years af ter the original events. Of the first 50 displaced children we talked with a quarter described disabling symptoms. These included recur rent "flashbacks" about particular events, nightmares, preoccupations about missing relatives, headaches and other somatic symptoms, sad ness and hopelessness. The teachers threatened again, and feels sad and erately dropped on her leg, crush we talk to describe similar reactions. alone because his father was killed. ing it. The leg had to be ampu N., the boy mentioned above, Gratuitous violence towards chil tated and now S. is living in de suffers from headaches and palpi dren is common - amputations of prived circumstances, looking after tations, and occasional nightmares the penis, an arm shot at close range four younger children, and getting about murder and kidnapping. He requiring amputation. For exam around on crutches. Yet she is also has recurrent thoughts about a ter ple, S., a girl of 15, was present managing to go to school. rifying incident when he was try when her parents were killed, and How can we respond to the needs ing to run away, was recaptured during the and attack a log was delib- of the tens of thousands of chil-

4A. may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT MON&=0 SQOW dren who have suffered in the war? tinuing to explore the social context Last year this army appeared in With the numbers involved, it is im of the children's lives and the ways Zambezia led by a healer, Manuel possible to provide individual treat in which family and community sup Antonio, who attributes his special ment based on Western models; nor port those who have suffered. powers to Jesus Christ. He pro are "treatment centres" the solu tects his followers, who are ordinary tion, since these separate the chil Many are hopeless about their men and women from the country dren from normal social life, are situation and do not think the war side, from bullets, using "vaccina expensive and could reach only a will ever end. This is especially so tions" with razor blades and plant small proportion of children. A for the displaced within and outside ashes. Without the use of arms they community-based programme, using the country who have no land and have penetrated into bases and res people who already know the chil no means of gaining a living, and cued the population, whilst their en dren and their society, would appear for those who have lost nearly all emy flees in fear. The activities of to be the most effective response. their relatives. The brutality of Re Neprama are coordinated by conven This is the kind of programme that namo has shaken confidence in the tional Frelimo forces. was initiated by the then Minister of possibility of constructing a "good Education, Graqa Machel, in 1988. society." One boy was even reluc In Gaza province the spirit tant to form a friendship in case con Mungoi has "created" a safe zone sensi The programme involves flicts arose and "then he might kill and is protecting thousands of peo emotional tizing the teachers to the me." Yet not everyone is resigned. ple. Following a Renamo attack needs of war-affected children and I have met mothers who braved a on the village, which contains the them. developing skills for helping bandit-controlled zone in order to grave of a traditional chief Augusto the capac Amongst these skills are rescue their children, teachers who Sidawanhane Mungoi, his spirit ap ity to give emotional support to chil led their pupils to safety after be peared to a medium and complained use of recreational and dren, and the ing kidnapped, or who continue to about the attack on his people. The creative activities, such as games, care for others in spite of their own medium went to the base to in drawing, dance and theatre. In the personal grief. Whenever conditions form the bandits that if they did first phase, training seminars were allow, people start cultivation. not return their prisoners and booty held at provincial and district level, they would suffer terrible punish aimed at reaching as many primary the What is it that helps people to ment. The bandits recognized teachers as possible. Now, in the power of Mungoi and complied. As second phase, we are attempting to cope in the face of humiliation and displaced in Zambezia the provincial struc improve our training methods for victimization? After being off handouts, they need to tures accept the legitimacy of the teachers, using our practical experi and living be in charge of their own lives and spirit medium who in turn works in ence of working in schools and with conjunction with them. individual children. economically self-sufficient in order to restore their self-respect. It is also How feasible is such a pro necessary to have beliefs that pro There are now calls for Frelimo gramme in a situation of war? Are vide strength for confronting their "to build a bridge between tradi we expecting too much of the teach situation. Currently there is con tional values and the demands of in ers? They too have suffered; they fusion about the political choices stitutionalized power" as the Sun work under difficult conditions - of available for dealing with the eco day paper Domingo put it last year. ten with two shifts a day and up to nomic and social crisis, and a pes To some extent this does seem to be 80 children in a class. Further con simistic tendency to view war as an happening. Curandeirosare open in straints are the lack of technicians to inevitable part of the human condi their activities, emerging from the supervise work in the provinces, and tion. In these times of stress it is obscurity imposed on them after in the effects of structural adjustment not surprising that people are ac dependence. They try to help clients on the Ministry's capacity. In spite tively adapting traditional beliefs as who are suffering from symptoms re of these difficulties, children are be a means of coping with their prob lated to traumatic events; they per ing helped, and in the long term, lems, and often use a variety of form ceremonies to propitiate the we hope that our innovations in beliefs concurrently. I talked to ancestors, integrate those who have teacher training will have an impact one woman who was a member of returned from the war zones, and on teaching methods and on con the Frelimo Party and a representa purify those who have been involved cepts about the role of the teacher. tive of the People's Assembly. At in fighting, adapting traditional cer emonies of reintegration. The third phase of our pro the same time she was a practis gramme will be to train technicians ing Catholic, and a believer in the Another source of spiritual com to work in the provinces and to in special powers of traditional healers fort comes from the religious groups, into teacher (curandeiros) and spirits, and of the troduce the programme whose membership has been increas- training colleges. We are also con- army of Neprama.

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 IA~'

ing rapidly in the past few years. As do some of the curandeiros. Such minimal provocation. Most of them well as the more orthodox churches ceremonies can have a powerful ther calm down after some months if they there are the fundamentalist sects apeutic effect on those who have have the opportunity to re-establish who distribute Bibles with their food committed violent acts, especially as normal social relations, and to be aid. Zionist sects are also numerous. it is widely thought that those who with an adult in whom they can The Mazionis in their long robes, have committed murder will go mad trust and confide, although the po tential for violent reactions probably remains. Martin-Baro, one of the Jesuit priests murdered in 1989 in El Sal vador, suggested that long-term con flict alters peoples' concepts about society and social behaviour. In order to survive, they develop a narrowing vision based on day-to day survival strategies, and can no longer envisage ways of resolving their problems. Social relations be come distorted, humane values are lost, and possibilities of reconcilia tion fade away. How far is this true of Mozam bique? Is a culture of violence firmly embedded and revenge more proba ble than reconciliation? Is the fear justified that the men and youths who are used to killing, will con tinue their violent behaviour when they return home? Maputo used to be one of the safest capital cities in Africa. Now the rates of violence, robbery, and murder are rising as more displaced can be seen every Sunday along the if they do not undergo a purification flee to the city, as the effects of PRE beach in Maputo, carrying out bap ceremony. The people we spoke to bite and the value of the metical (the tisms and providing healing to those in Zambezia all said that reconcili local currency) falls. The thousands who cannot afford either the expen. ation is necessary in order to put a of Mozambicans returning from the sive curandeirosor the health service stop to the violence, but that this bankrupt factories of East Germany charges imposed by the PRE (the will be difficult to achieve for those add to the jobless. Clearly the res Economic Recovery Programme). who meet the murderers of their rel olution of conflict will depend not atives. only on individual efforts but on the The role of the state is to pro economic and political climate, on vide a framework and mechanisms Some of the child victims of vio the possibilities of developing a ful for people to reconstruct their lives. lence, perhaps especially those who filling life. The efforts made to pass the highly are physically scarred, express a We have seen in Uganda that a controversial amnesty law, which al wish for vengeance, but on the whole strong government of national unity lows Renamo adherents to return they are not aggressive. This is in can begin to reconstruct the coun without prosecution, is an example contrast to the behaviour of boys try and to some extent contain vio of such a framework, as are the ef who return from bases where they lence, in spite of the long history of forts being made to achieve peace. have participated in violence as part bloody conflict. Will Mozambique The churches are more of less active of a bandit gang. Initially these have the chance to construct a so in promoting the government's pol boys, ranging in age from around 10 cial climate that facilitates reconcil icy of amnesty, and some of them to 16 years of age, are often with iation and allows individuals space encourage their members to confess drawn and suspicious, and capable to recover their equilibrium and re their sins in public or in private, as of extremely violent reactions with build their lives?

4 may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT MME 00 M(@ Mozambican Refugees: The Mosaic Dossier South Africa's direct involvement in * set up organizationallinks be Unfortunately, some important the war of destabilizationin Mozam tween South African and Mozambi planned events - a trip to refugee bique is well-known to readers of can organizations on a multilateral camps near the Mozambican border these pages. However, the docu and bilateral basis; by a high-profile delegation - did not ment that we reprint below is a po * campaign for a public inquiry take place for various reasons. And tent one, highlightingcertain dimen to investigate the sources of sup the South African government's re sions of South Africa's role that are port for Renamo from South Africa luctance to issue visas helped under too little known. Equally signifi and to associate Mosaic with the call mine attempts to forge links with cant, perhaps, is the source of this by Nelson Mandela that legislation Mozambican organizations. Indeed, "dossier." must be effected making it a pun with the pace of events inside South For it has been drawn up (and ishable offence to support Renamo; Africa itself picking up throughout fleshed 1990 and with solidaritywork there out in its original form with e assist in an information cam various informativeappendices that, fore tending to "take second place," paign to highlight the circumstances unfortunately, Mosaic witnessed, in its own words, we haven't the space and effects of the war; to publish here) by a support group "a lull in our activities in the second for Mozambique which now exists * liaise with organizations do halfof the year." It is currently con inside South Africa itself - MO ing relief work among Mozambican sidering ways to organize itself more SAIC, the Mozambique Solidarity refugees and in particular to cam effectively "so that any programme Action Interim Committee. Since paign for the tearing down of the we decide on can be carried out"! this committee represents a distinc electrical fence; tive and exemplary initiative being * involve national organizations Some of the themes Mosaic is undertaken by a wide range of South in campaigns affecting the region seeking to reactivate itself around African organizations, it is worth and Mozambique in particular. are spelled out in the dossier on saying something more about Mo Mosaic's first act was a response the status of refugees reprintedhere. saic by way of introducing the doc to the Mozambican initiative and One, in particular,is driven home in ument itself. took the form of a letter published in the letter to COCAMO (Coopera Mosaic was founded at the be various newspapers supporting the tion Canada-Mozambique) that ac ginning of 1990 (as reported, al call for peace. Subsequently the companied the dossier. This is the beit very much in passing, in SAR, committee did generatesome further contention that South Africa's de May, 1990) in response to an open publicity through articles in various portation of people back into what letter from journalists, intellectuals newspapers, distributed videos and is essentially a war zone in Mozam and artists in Mozambique request other materials to various groups bique is a contravention of custom ing "pro-liberation' South Africans and addressed several union rallies ary international law. Mosaic un to help end the war. The commit and the like; Mosaic also interceded derstands, of course, "that only one tee is made up of cultural work with Nelson Mandela to get him to state can take another state to the ers, journalists, intellectuals and speak about the situation in Mozam International Court of Justice re various individuals from mass-based bique in his speeches in Durban and garding a breach of international organizations.t Noting that "the Bloemfontein, subsequently printing law." But, drawing on the advice destinies of the people of Mozam a poster of one of these speeches. of, among others, Professor John bique are intimately linked through A solidarity week was organized in Dugard, regardingvarious aspects of a complex of cultural, economic, po April, and a meeting marking the internationallaw, Mosaic is request litical and social interdependency," 15th anniversaryof Mozambican in ing the United Nations High Com Mosaic pledged itself formally to: dependence was held in June. mission for Refugees to seek an advi- t The groups who formally partici- nization, South African Union of Jour- tivities and they include the National pate in MOSAIC are: Afrapix, Artists nalists, the Workers' Library, and the Union of Mineworkers, the National Alliance, Association for Democratic Working Group on International Rela- Union of Metalworkers of South Africa Journalists, Congress of South African tions. Members and Officials of vari- and the Transport and General Work Writers, Film and Allied Workers Orga- ous unions have also participated in ac- ers Union.

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 17 M(D)NE 0 00ma sory opinion from the court regard a number of political, legal, and this issue in Canada and elsewhere. ing both jurisdiction and the sub special interest groups to take up We hope that by creating an interna stance of the issue. the issue of the status of Mozambi tional and local campaign the plight As the Mosaic letter continues, can refugees and their welfare. We of the refugees will be raised." The "in the meantime we have contacted would request that COCAMO raise dossier itself follows. Dossier on Mozambican Refugees Mozambique Solidarity & Information Committee (MOSAIC)

Mosaic, which represents a number for junior police officers and customs The laws and their vigorous of organizations in the Transvaal, officials to deport anyone they "sus method of implementation are what is extremely perturbed at reports pect" of being an illegal alien. makes forced labour and slavery pos that refugees from Renamo's war sible in South Africa. They are in Mozambique are being subjected The law states specifically that: the ultimate sanction that harsh em to various forms of exploitation and "No court of law shall ...have any ployers and slave owners use. If slavery on the Reef and the Eastern jurisdiction to review, quash, re there are any complaints or reports Transvaal. verse, interdict, or otherwise inter of bad conditions by the labourers fere with any proceeding, act, order, or slaves, they are threatened with We are also concerned with the or warrant of the minister, a board, increasing evidence that Renamo arrest and deportation to Mozam an immigration officer or master of bique. members are directly involved in the a ship ...issued under this Act." violence that has swept the Reef The lack of legal protection and It also stipulates: "The onus rests status for refugees exacerbates the and Vaal townships in the past few upon the person to satisfy that he is They have no identity, no months. problem. not a prohibited person in respect official record of their existence, and There are also indications that of the Republic (of South Africa) no recourse to normal procedures many of the weapons used by right or that his entry into, or presence of justice to deal with the abuses wing elements in the townships are within the Republic, is not unlaw against them. derived either from Renamo connec ful." tions or from refugees who bring The war in Mozambique handguns and AK47s across the bor In the case of the Mozambicans, The other root cause of forced der with them for sale in South the most cursory check of evidence labour and slave trade is the wax Africa. is relied upon including the check in Mozambique. The horror of Re ing of vaccination marks on peo namo's atrocities, said to be worse Sanctuary and status for ple's wrists, where Mozambican doc than that of the Khmer Rouge in refugees tors administer the vaccine. South Cambodia, is well-documented. It is common to hear refugees saying Mosaic believes that one of the root Africans are vaccinated on their up per arms. There are cases of refugees they would prefer living in near-slave causes of the slave trade in Mozam conditions than to be sent back to bican boys and girls that now ap who regard their vaccinations as the "mark of Cain" often inflicting Mozambique. pears to thrive in the Transvaal is in the South Africaii government's re juries on themselves or asking local The role of the homelands fusal to grant sanctuary and status doctors to remove their marks. The only authorities in South Africa to refugees. that provide recognition and assis These laws violate the most basic tance to refugees from Mozambique Instead of providing this aid and human right and the principle that are those that govern the tiny home protection, South African police and people are innocent until proven lands of KaNgwane and Gazankulu. customs officials conduct a vigorous guilty. These laws are implemented These homelands, however, suffer campaign to arrest and repatriate as so vigorously, indiscriminately, and shortages of land, schools, and many Mozambicans as possible. harshly that South African citizens health services, and other basic re The South African legislation re have been arrested, imprisoned, and sources. The refugee populations in lating to illegal immigrants is the deported as aliens to Mozambique. both homelands have now reached most draconian in the world. The The Black Sash has a number of saturation levels and are contribut Illegal Entry of Persons into the Re these cases on record with support ing to tensions with the local com public Act and th Aliens Act allow ing affidavits. munities.

Africa REPORT may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT 0 M(D)NE 0 0

Other homelands where refugees tional law and is advised that South A note of warning have settled, Bophutatswana, Kwa Africa's refusal to protect refugees, With regard to the movement of Zulu, and Venda offer no official sup and active efforts to deport them arms across the border - either port. In KwaZulu there are active constitutes a violation of interna via formal links between Renamo attempts by the KwaZulu police to tional law as laid down in the 1951 and Inkatha or through refugee net arrest and deport refugees. Convention Relating to the Status of works - it is clear that the war Refugees. in Mozambique is spilling over into The electrified fence South Africa and destabilising local Rights for refugees are further communities. Mozambique's pre The South African government has entrenched in the Organisation for mier poet Jos6 Cravereinha, who erected a lethal electrified fence African Unity's Convention Govern helped inspire the formation of Mo along the border between the East ing the Specific Aspects of Refugee saic, warned of this long before the ern Transvaal and Mozambique's Problems in Africa of 1969. current wave of violence on the Reef. Maputo province. Official figures He said "Mozambique and South put the death toll as a result of Africa are bow and stern of the same the fence at over 100, more than Although South Africa is not ship. It sails the same waters. It the number of people trying to cross a signatory to the conventions, shares the same storms. And it will the Berlin Wall before it was pulled lawyers argue that these standards mo down. are now enshrined in customary share the same peace." At the international law and that South ment we are sharing the same war. The legal situation Africa is bound, not only morally Mosaic, therefore requests your but legally, to respect these princi support in its campaign to promote Mosaic has contacted local lawyers ples in its treatment of the Mozam peace in the region and protect the working in the field of interna- bican refugees. interests of refugees.

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 0h '

Refugees, Renamo & Reconstruction An Oxford Workshop BY OTTO ROESCH a considerable number of the approxi December 1990) and its obstruction In the previous issue of SAR we re mately 150 people in attendance were ism at the negotiating table. As a ported on solidarity conferences held, from the solidarity movement, while paper presented by Alex Vines of late last year, in Paris and London. still others came from applied develop York University (U.K.) persuasively Recently, Otto Roesch of the SAR ment and emergency relief backgrounds argued, Renamo's ceasefire viola editorial working group attended an with NGOs, governments, religious or tions and its unwillingness to nego other, somewhat more academically ganizations, and multilateral agencies tiate a political settlement with the defined one-day workshop on 'Mozam and this made, as Roesch reports be Mozambican government stem from bique: Contemporary Issues and Cur low, for a lively mix during discussion Renamo's recognition of its lack of rent Research' at Oxford University. periods. popular support inside Mozambique. Organized by the University's Refugee Peace or war? Not surprisingly, Rather than face the humiliating Studies Programme and the Standing much of the discussion and debate prospect of an electoral loss in up Committee for African Studies, the focused on the fitful nature of the coming national elections scheduled workshop was primarily a scholarly current peace process, and specifi for later this year, Renamo contin gathering concerned not so much with cally on both Renamo's violations of ues (Vines contended) to seek pre questions of solidarity as with actu the ceasefire provisions of the Rome texts for violating the ceasefire and ally analyzing social processes and cur Agreement (signed between Renamo delaying a negotiated settlement rent events in Mozambique itself. Yet and the Mozambican government in for example, Renamo's recent and

may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT MON& 0 O'MG unsubstantiated charges that Zim ment on the ground inside Mozam the fact that the Renamo rank-and babwean troops continue to be sta bique. Based essentially on an econ file combatants accept the magico tioned outside of the rail corridors omy of pillage and heavy taxation of religious premises upon which the in violation of the Rome Agreement. the peasantry, Renamo's military ef cults are based and consequently re Its hope: that a continuation of the fectiveness and capacity to hold ter spect the wishes of the local ances war will further weaken an already ritory is highly constrained by logis tral spirits (speaking through local debilitated Mozambican government tical factors. As long as the areas it spirit mediums) that they leave the to the point that it will be obliged to captures are able to provide it with local people in peace. In the case concede some sort of power-sharing food and loot, Renamo is able to of the Neprama cult in Zambezia arrangement. Only on this basis can sustain military operations and hold this success has been nothing short Renamo's leaders hope to gain any the captured territory. But once an of spectacular, with unarmed, but share of state power in Mozambique. area has been completely looted and magically protected, devotees charg In the meantime, Renamo is fever stripped of resources, Renamo's ca ing Renamo bases and forcing their ishly engaged in re-writing its own pacity to sustain military effective defenders to flee in fear. According history in an attempt to shed its past ness and hold territory rapidly col to Ken Wilson, of the Refugee Stud image of brutality and foreign con lapses. ies Programme of Oxford University, trol and construct a new organiza The Zambezia and Gaza case who presented the paper on the war tional and political identity for itself. studies also served to illustrate the situation in Zambezia Province, the importance of African religious tra Neprama cult has succeeded in driv Roots of Renamo ditions in both Renamo's mobiliza ing Renamo out of large areas of ru tional ideology and in the peas ral Zambezia. Other papers probed behind the antry's own ideological responses to headlines in even more dramatic the war and Renamo violence. Al Refugees and reconstruction ways. Particularly striking were most since its inception Renamo has In the absence of such strategies of three case studies of the regional sought to win popular support and ideological resistance, however, the dynamics of the war at the local legitimacy for itself by claiming that Mozambican peasantry has had lit level. The studies focused respec it has the support of the ancestral tle alternative but to flee to gov tively on Zambezia, Tete and Gaza spirits in its war against Frelimo. ernment held areas or neighbour provinces and spoke directly to the However, for the war-weary Mozam ing countries in order to escape ongoing debates around Renamo's bican peasantry that has had to bear Renamo terror and the horrors of grassroots organizational character the brunt both of Renamo abuses war. Mozambique's refugee prob and the nature and extent of peas and of the fighting itself, this mes lem, in fact, is of enormous propor ant involvement in the war [see SAR sage has become increasingly less tions. For most people in the West vol. 6, no. 3 (Dec. 1990)]. All three convincing. In a fascinating counter the nature of this problem is rarely case studies underscored the impor use of the same symbols and tradi understood in any but purely sta tance of local social and economic tions that Renamo has sought to use tistical terms: between one quar processes for understanding the na in its bid to win popular support, ter and one third of Mozambique's ture of peasant involvement in the the peasantry of some of the most population has been displaced and conflict and for understanding Ren war-torn areas of Mozambique has over one million Mozambicans are arno's varying degrees of success in begun to give rise to a number of living in refugee camps in neigh different parts of the country. In new religious cults in which the an bouring countries. But what is this regard the evidence presented cestral spirits are making it perfectly life like for Mozambicans in refugee made it clear that to generalize from clear that they do not support Re camps in Malawi, Zambia, Zimba regionally specific experiences or to namo and want only that their de bwe, South Africa and Swaziland? explain the escalation of the conflict scendants (the local population) be How do they live? What relations simply (or even primarily) in terms left in peace. do they have with the rural popu of a backlash against Mozambican Thus the religious cults of lations of their host country? Are government rural development poli the refugees eager to return to their be facile and misleading Semantaje in Manica Province, cies would Mungoi in Gaza Province, and homes or do they wish to become in the extreme. Neprama in Zambezia Province are immigrants in their host countries? The Zambezia and Gaza case all examples of this new peas What implications will the whole studies also offered considerable doc ant strategy of ideological resistance question of repatriation and reset umentary evidence of the essentially that has proven highly effective in tlement of large numbers of refugees military and predatory character of neutralizing Renamo violence and have for rehabilitation programmes Renamo as an organization, and of creating islands of relative peace in and national development after the its corresponding failure to establish the areas where the cults are prac war is over? Clearly the answer itself as a genuine political move- tised. Their success stems from to such questions varies according

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 M(D)E 0 0 to the region of Mozambique from health services all have to be bal trajectory. which the refugees come and accord anced against, and integrated with, A final issue that generated con ing to the particular country host both local and national level rehabil siderable debate during a work ing them. But it was precisely itation and development priorities. shop session on the current socio to such questions that a workshop The related debate that already economic situation in Mozambique panel on displacement and repatria is beginning to take shape inside was the blanket condemnation of tion of Mozambican refugees sought Mozambique centres, in the words foreign NGOs in Mozambique as to address itself, focusing attention of one of the papers presented at agents of neo-colonialism by author on the real human and political di mensions of the plight of Mozarnbi can refugees.

Many of the presentations on this panel pointed to the creativity of refugees in trying to solve their own material problems and establish a modicum of normalcy in their lives, not infrequently in the face of the incompetence of relief agencies and the outright hostility and corruption of government officials in host coun tries. Refugees are not passive or idle but actively forge economic sur vival strategies for themselves, inde pendent of the emergency assistance they receive and usually in agricul tural and informal sector activities. Such novel strategies often involve complex processes of ethnic redefi nition and identification with host rural populations as well. More over, when permitted to do so by host governments and relief agen cies, refugees also take an active role in organizing and administering camp life and in resolving problems of collective concern. 0 Of course, many Mozambican refugees in neighbouring countries never end up in refugee camps at all, the Oxford workshop, on "whether Joe Hanlon. Hanlon's by now famil but simply cross the border and take people can be allowed to settle iar assertion that the standard NGO up residence on the other side, of where and how they choose with practice of working outside of state ten with relatives amongst the host infrastructure and service develop structures weakens and discredits populations. Whereas some of these, ment facilitating and responding to the Mozambican state, thus play like some in the camps, abandon any them, or whether population distri ing into the foreign destabilization idea of returning to Mozambique, bution should be controlled as part of Mozambique, was met with hos the majority of all refugees plan to of technically managed development tility and sharp criticism from par eventually return home. In fact, the projects (mostly aid agency-funded) ticipants, many of whom were from repatriation of refugees has been an and as a labour force for commer past or present NGO backgrounds. ongoing process, with people simply cial endeavour (largely as foreign in The ensuing debate covered much picking up and moving back to their vestment)." Accordingly, the pro the same ground covered in the ear homes in Mozambique, with little or cess of defining a resettlement strat lier solidarity conferences in Paris no assistance from governments or egy for Mozambican refugees over and London with which SA R readers aid agencies, once they feel it is safe the next few years will inevitably will be familiar [see SAR vol. 6, no. 4 to do so. Yet this produces prob be closely linked to both the tech (March 1991)]; there, too, Hanlon's lems: the needs of returning refugees nical and ideological dimensions of baldly over-stated position elicited for land, homes, roads, schools, and Mozambique's overall development considerable scepticism.

may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT Stop the Press? The Media Struggle in Zimbabwe

BY RICHARD SAUNDERS while, only to break down later with For Zanu in 1980, the aim of Richard Saunders is a Canadian doc the surfacing of social contradictions a new information policy was to toral researcher and freelance journalist it sought to mask. revamp the media structures most based in Harare. closely associated with colonial rule. South African interests con Priority was given to making control trolled the media of the national press indigenous - a A new round of public debate and move which would be quite at home activism focused on the role of the Up until independence in April 1980, in Canada and most other mass media in Zimbabwe is threat the Rhodesian media was dominated western countries. ening to turn the country's current by the same forces which supported bout of "democratic fever" into an the white supremacist state of Ian epidemic. If this happens, the ruling Smith for 15 years of UDI. The Nationalizing the press Zanu-PF may be in danger of losing country's only newspaper chain, the But in Zimbabwe, just after the de the tight control it has had in deter Rhodesian Printing and Publishing feat of white Rhodesia, the problem mining the country's social policy. Company (renamed Zimpapers in was to discover a model of press "na Political observers are now won 1980), was controlled by the South tionalization" that would solve the dering aloud whether the country is African-based Argus Media Group. question of South African ownership without provoking the flight of white witnessing the beginning of the end The impact of white ownership of Zanu's attempt to construct an ef (however "liberal" it pretended to skills and capital anxious about the society. fective hegemony in Zimbabwean so be) was unequivocal. Before 1980, transition to black-led ciety - or just the end of the begin editorial policy was consistently sup The "solution" was found in the ning in private society's discordant portive of white Rhodesia's embat form of the MMT, a public trust efforts to reform the social status tled rulers, and during the Smith set up under the personal guid quo. In all of this, the national me Muzorewa interregnum of the late ance of then-Minister of Informa dia have played a central role in the 1970s, Argus' white editors were in tion Nathan Shamuyarira. With the deepening of debate, both as a cru structed by management to be first help of a US$5 million donation from cial terrain of public criticism and as in line to sing the praises of the "In Nigeria, all South African sharehold an object of contention between the ternal Settlement." Moreover, se ers (or 44 percent of all stock, 42 state, the ruling party and civil so nior management and editorial posts percent of which was held by Ar ciety. were largely reserved for whites, a gus) were bought out by govern fact reflected in the chain's cadet ment. The shares were immediately This struggle has broken out handed over to the newly-created while Zimbabwe is marking ten years training schemes in which blacks were represented in token Trust, which was given the tasks of what government terms a "unique numbers and destined for lowly reporting of acting as a buffer between the experiment" in public media man publicly-controlled Zimpapers (and agement. The Zimbabwe Mass Me tasks, or worse. A similar situa Ziana) and government, launching dia Trust [MMT] was established by tion existed at Zimbabwe's only na a journalist training programme for the state in 1981, a move designed to tional news agency, the Inter-Africa blacks, and planning and imple remove the main national press from News Agency (lana, later renamed Ziana), also controlled menting a new media policy in har South African control, and reorient by white lib eral South African mony with government's own de it to serve the new needs of majority interests. signs for national development and Against such a background, it rule society. But like so much else of transformation. Zanu's reform package implemented was not difficult for the new gov in the early 1980s, the MMT was a ernment of Robert Mugabe to make The Trust was formally placed careful political patchwork. It was mild reforms in the national media outside of government control, and destined to change the appearance appear as major accomplishments, a Board of Trustees of black and of inherited social structures more particularly when this infrastructure white members "representative of than their content. And like other (including many senior editorial and the national community" was estab instances of post-1980 restructuring, management personnel) was inher lished as its Directorate. From then the tinkering seemed to work for a ited lock, stock and barrel. on the Trust was meant to func-

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 nambo mlowa tion independently of government. nalist school, and gained little from In 1983 Farayi Munyuki, ed The state heralded the Trust as a Zimpapers dividends while the early itor of Zimpapers' flagship daily, "unique experiment," combining po 1980s recession cut into the newspa Harare's Herald, was squeezed out; litical autonomy with national con per chain's commercial viability. he was followed two years later by trol - or "freedom with responsibil Sunday Mail editor Willie Musarur ity," as Zanu became fond of repeat Standing in the background was wa, who was openly accused of "not ing. the Ministry of Information - with toeing the government line" its access to the state treasury by Rusike. In 1987, Musarurwa's It wasn't too long before others and a full complement of policy successor was pushed after then did not see it that way. In the in and planning personnel. It was only Prime Minister Mugabe complained terim, a host of financial, admin a matter of time before the Min of an article on the deportation of istrative and political tensions had istry's growing financial influence at Zimbabwean students from Cuba (a eroded the firm ground on which the the Trust seeped into the realm of story which, as it happened, was MMT had been created, on paper at the latter's political role as press never disproved). Underneath these least. guardian. It was a dynamic has provocations, junior journalists were It is certainly the case that some tened by heightened political ten subjected to persistent intimidation necessary changes were made in the sions in the country, and by discreet and veiled threats by the state, the immediate aftermath of the MMT developments within the media un ruling party and the replacement ed take-over. At Zimpapers, white der the Trust's jurisdiction. itors. editors of the two national dailies based in Harare and Bulawayo and The Matabeleland crisis of 1982 three weeklies were soon replaced by 1983, which simmered up to the Media become government in blacks with links to the national time of the Zanu-Zapu Unity Ac struments cord in December 1987, offered Zanu ist movement. A fledgling journal As a consequence, the MMT media, the stick of "national security" with ist training school, the Zimbabwe In with few exceptions, had become which to silence political opponents stitute of Mass Communication, was government instruments by the end and public debate. This process ex set up to prepare blacks for a range of the 1980s. At the same time, fi tended into the space of the press, of mediajobs. And the Trust started of a usually silently, but sometimes - as nancial constraints and the lack to tackle the question of how to go planning infrastructure meant that with the banning of reportage on about extending the media to the 75 real possibility of sustained ex Matabeleland disturbances in 1983 any percent of the population living in pansion into the rural areas was pre openly. In the context of an endan the rural areas. empted. The "peoples' media" had gered "national unity" and under become popular neither in form nor Money troubles dominated Me the rule of Emergency Powers, the content. dia Trust MMT stood by and watched. The precedent had been set for future Yet, as in other spheres of the But it soon became apparent that fi cases of political interference from Zimbabwean state's relations with nancial and political insecurity were a ruling party periodically troubled civil society, the failure of the pub to weigh heavily against the full im by bouts of insecurity and prone to lic to impose its will on the private plementation of such initiatives. A over-reaction when dealing with crit was eventually to erupt on the sur large part of the problem was that ics. face of political life, bringing with the MMT had spent all its money it a set of effects disruptive of the before it opened its doors. The share Changes within Zimpapers man agement were to exacerbate the ruling party's overarching social au buy-out of Zimpapers and Iana and thority. This was even more so the of Zimco left little capi Zanu infiltration. In 1984 Elias the creation case in the instance of the public me tal for the day-to-day running of the Rusike, a long-time Zanu partisan, dia, whose political value to Zanu a result, the part-time was made Managing Director of the body. As lay in the opportunity presented for Trustees, none of them media ex chain. He soon set about doing the the portrayal of the "partisan" as perts, spent much of their time de party's dirty work inside the com the "newsworthy fact." liberating bank loans and finances, pany, allowing Zanu to effectively and virtually no time at all planning by-pass any remaining formal obsta For some time, the formal struc for the new media order. Moreover, cles presented by the Trust. The ture of the MMT had facilitated the structural integrity of Zimpa pattern of the new political admin popular belief in the illusion of the pers blocked any significant admin istration in the national press was "independent press" which had been istrative intervention at the chain. soon established by a series of edi made of smoke and mirrors. The The MMT slipped quickly into debt; torial firings, undertaken by Zimpa maturation of Zimbabwean civil so it carried on its shoulders invest pers without consultation with the ciety finally put an end to the ruling ment costs in Ziana and the jour- MMT. party's magic.

24 may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT NAMMTn______

People's organizations emerge tellectuals, trade unionists and rene cratic sensibility" now pervasive at The emergence in the 1980s of a gade Zanu "born-again democrats." the Zimbabwean grassroots. Wil range of popular organizations in With its rich diversity and ability lowgate (a political scandal involv civil society - from trade unions and to reach unionist and businessper ing car imports and the suicide of co-operatives, to women's groups son, peasant and commercial farmer, a senior government official), the es tablishment of Edgar Tekere's ZUM, and radical intellectuals - revealed the domain of the private press the disturbances at the University of the gradual consolidation of a coher stood as a powerful, if disaggre and more ent, progressive political conscious gated, social institution. But it Zimbabwe, union-bashing recently, the slow introduction of ness. In the latter half of the decade, was an institution with which Zanu Zanu's homegrown structural ad this process was generally fortified never really came to terms. justment programme, have all pro by the impact of accelerating eco vided talking points for the private nomic decline, and by the resurgence Media discredited sector media in their "capturing" of of critical social debate in a period As economic decline and social un the popular imagination. of "glasnost" following the Unity Ac rest became more apparent at the cord of December 1987. Crucially, end of the 1980s, the ruling party's Bizarre linkages some media played a key part in this inability to grapple with both these dynamic. problems was matched by its failure At times, the process involved the to shore up grassroots support and construction of bizarre cross-class Such media, however, did not fall linkages: business papers rose to under the domain of the Trust, but maintain control over popular dis society. A central the defence of students demonstrat rather comprised the large terrain of course in private reason why this was no longer possi ing for socialism; trade unionists the Zimbabwean private press. The called for broad support for national public-private cleavage, one which ble was the discredited status of the instruments Zanu came to rely on to capitalists. On both points, the cuts so deeply across the face of the perceived arbitrary authority of the social formation, was nowhere more relay its image and programme to the people: the MMT media, and state and ruling party bore the brunt evident than in the realm of the of the attack. print media. the parastatal Zimbabwe Broadcast ing Corporation. Here, Zanu's ma Importantly, such campaigns At the end of the 1980s, the jor error was its decision (made by have begun to yield concrete gains. private press in Zimbabwe included default) to cede the channels of le In 1990, pressures from below led about 150 publications, from busi gitimate popular discourse to those directly to Zanu's scrapping of the ness and trade magazines, newspa outside the party. Institutionally, one-party state and the lifting (after pers and newssheets, to radical jour these came to be represented not by 26 years) of the State of Emergency. nals and popular leisure monthlies. the MMT structures, but by the pri None of this would have happened if One magazine that is a leading ex vate press over which there was no it had not been for the contributions ample of the positive changes which formal or substantial informal juris from a wide spectrum of the private have taken place in the local me diction. media. dia and political scene in the last ten years is Parade. In 1980 it was Just as the public media had It is only now that Zanu is catch a tired and trashy monthly with a grown into a tight working relation ing on to what is at stake in this 20,000 print run and declining sales. ship with Zanu, the private press quiet struggle for political authority. Four years later, under new (white) was to develop something of a sym But the question is: is it too late to management, the magazine got a biotic relationship with various ele close the floodgates? ments standing outside the party in face-lift, a new editor interested in While all the official talk in Zim civil society. While social factions increasing sales by pushing politi babwe these days is of trade liberal coalesced and, increasingly, defined cal features and local news, and not market of goods themselves in contradistinction to ization and the free page three girls. Today, Parade's and ideas, it is clear that any clamp Zanu and aspects of its programme, circulation of 110,000 is limited only down on political debate (particu the private media responded by ar by newsprint supply. Its readership larly after the scrapping of Emer - the highest of all publications in ticulating their views - thereby as emergence as discreet gency Powers) would only worsen Zimbabwe with nearly two million sisting in their social identities. the problems of the ruling party in readers monthly, most of them in the the long term. rural areas - continues to expand. The whole process of this Zanu reforming the media The periodical now serves as an im "counter-hegemonic" coalition portant forum for debate and crit building has been punctuated by a Zanu is instead now embarking on icism of government, and attracts series of social and political crises, a different tack aimed at minimizing regular contributions from Zimba which have led to the crystallization future damage by introducing minor bwe's leading liberal and radical in- of a common-denominator "demo- reforms in its obedient MMT me-

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 dia appendages. Recently, as the It remains to be seen whether prevented this as a reasonable alter climate of criticism has heated up such tactics will allow Zanu to force native in the short term. and focused on the public media its way back into the good books of In the meantime, the cause of in a series of public seminars and the private media and popular con popular democracy is still ascen workshops, the party has let it be sciousness. It may be that the forces dant, and is likely to increasingly known that the more obnoxious el calling for real reform have grown shift public attention to the fight ements in its media infrastructure too strong to be sidetracked by ma over the implementation of trade lib notably the slavishly partisan editor noeuvres from a discredited state. eralization. This emerging strug of the Herald, Tommy Sithole - will For in the shadows, standing behind gle will serve as the latest test of no longer be considered the sacred the various workshops and seminars strength of the media-masses coali cows they once were. which now call for a rethinking of tion, as it flexes it muscles in defence media, education, health and other of the remaining popular gains won There is talk by the MMT of a policies, is the vague presence of a in the early years of Zimbabwe's in new media council, with representa new political entity still in forma dependence. tives of all the media, advising the tion. Trust on matters of policy. And If this "historic bloc" of aligned social forces achieves a victory or there have been a string of "mea A new political presence culpas" from MMT and government partial victory on this count, it is alike, admitting some of the politi If a new political presence does es sure to target the state media infra cal excesses of the past. (These were tablish itself, and if it poses a po structure again as another possible amplified by the revelations of Zim litical challenge to Zanu, then the site of participatory democratic ac papers defector Elias Rusike, who in party might be tempted to revert to tion. And if that is the case, it might a new book launched in February di a more standard approach to bolster not be too long before the Mass Me rectly implicated the Ministry of In its own flagging hegemonic presence dia Trust experiment is put back formation in the political undermin in private society. But time is run onto the track from which it fell dur ing and - as he sees it, failure - of ning out, and the current dynamism ing the turbulent political weather of the Trust experiment). of civil society might already have the 1980s.

ma 91 SotenAriaRPR may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT The U.S. and South Africa: What Next?

BY BILL MARTIN does not believe an elected con When President George Bush met with F.W. de Klerk last September Bill Martin is Co-Chair of the Research stituent assembly is necessary for he stressed he would not allow anti Committee of the Association of Con drawing up a new constitution, he apartheid activists to "move the goal cerned African Scholars. said. The U.S. position is apparently similar to the South African gov posts" on sanctions. ernment's own proposal that an all After decades of support for minor Those goal posts that George party congress draw up a new con ity rule in South Africa, U.S. pol Bush is so worried about protect stitution that would then be subject icymakers are now faced with the ing are set out in the 1986 Anti to a referendum for approval. prospect of a transition to major Apartheid Act which stipulates that be lifted until five ity rule. The question is thus posed: And the U.S. hasn't been shy sanctions cannot what road forward? about defining the key players in conditions are met: (1) all political are released; (2) the state South Africa. Assistant Secretary prisoners Assistant Secretary of State Her of emergency is lifted; (3) political Cohen told Congress that the Pres man Cohen in early March hearings there is ident has met with and remained parties are unbanned and before the U.S. Congress was quite freedom of political expression; (4) straightforward: "U.S. policy is to in contact with de Klerk, Nelson Mandela and Chief Minister Gatsha the Group Areas Act and the Popu encourage broad-based negotiations repealed; Buthelezi over the past few months lation Registration Act are on the establishment of a non-racial, good "to keep them apprised of develop (5) the government enters into multi-party democracy." Again and negotiations with representa ments in U.S. policy and to seek faith again over the last few months policy South Africans. Under their views." This view was given tive black makers here have defined negotia law, if the political pris further reinforcement when the ad the U.S. tions as the primary goal of U.S. pol are released and four of the ministration asked Congress to allo oners icy. five other conditions are met then cate $3.7 million to the ANC and $1 But the U.S. seems to have a million to Inkatha out of funds ear the President may lift some sanc clear idea of what they think before the final condition fairly marked by Congress for "promoting tions even to be negotiated as well. This ought democracy in South Africa." (As of is met. House offi past January a top White late March distribution of the funds The administration's Herman cial making the rounds in Johannes was still being blocked by conserva Cohen maintains that with the lift was pressing ANC leaders to burg tives in Congress who felt Inkatha ing of the state of emergency, the un demand for a democrat drop their should get at least as much money banning of political parties and the ically elected constituent assembly. as the ANC.) beginning of negotiations all that re According to ANC sources, White With many Frontline state lead mains is for the political prisoners to House National Security Council be released and then Bush can begin staffer Bob Frasure, in meetings ers and even elements with the ANC now apparently considering lifting sanctions. Administration of with Mandela and other top ANC ficials were thus suggesting in early leaders, was "leaning very very heav dropping the demand for a con stituent assembly, the U.S. is hardly March that direct flights between ily" on the ANC to drop both the de be alone in this view. This makes South Africa and the U.S. could mand for a constituent assembly and restored by May 1, with the ban the campaign of mass action. The U.S. intervention all the more criti cal, and U.S. policymakers are mov on imports of South African agricul desired alternative is quite clear: a tural goods lifted shortly thereafter. brokered deal behind closed doors, ing quickly indeed to shape the tran with full Western influence brought sition in South Africa and the even Many others don't agree. to bear. tual outcome. Congressman Ron Dellums, who wrote the original draft of the 1986 Contacts with a State De The Sanctions Debate partment official confirm that the bill, circulated a letter in late Febru U.S. government had come out The immediate policy debate here ary arguing that none of the condi against the demand for a constituent is over the question of sanctions tions outlined in the law have been fully met. The two Washington- assembly. The U.S. government and specifically when to lift them.

Southern Africa REPORT may 1-9-91 mn a o wmtgh based anti-apartheid lobbies, Trans In meetings with the Congres with Zairian leader Mobutu, which Africa and the Washington Office on sional Black Caucus, the delega developed after Dymally helped bro Africa, have both circulated reports tion was told that progressives in ker some lucrative business deals be detailing why the conditions in the Congress would fight any lifting of tween the Zaire and a few powerful 1986 law haven't been met. All of sanctions and the House leadership black businessmen in the U.S. these reports note that the law re also reiterated its opposition to any In addition, Dymally has ap quires that South Africa must have lifting of sanctions "before apartheid pointed an entirely new staff at made "substantial progress toward is ended." But key members also ac the Africa Subcommittee, includ dismantling the system of apartheid knowledge that there doesn't seem ing staff director Adonis Hoffman and establishing a non-racial democ to be much constituent pressure on whose resume includes past work racy" before sanctions can be lifted. this issue at the present time. as a lobbyist for UNITA in the Certainly SAR readers will have United States. The staffer respon no trouble believing these condi In addition, Congressman sible for South Africa, Marva Camp, tions haven't been met, but the Howard Wolpe, who chaired the is working quickly to make up for 1986 legislation runs to her lack of background some 70 pages and is a knowledge and is orga confusing and in some nizing hearings on sanc places even contradic OLE S025S lMpwiTy G IFACTURER OF f"ACK MIPPLZ CLA5 tions for April 30. tory, jumble of clauses 5USINE.5MeN & OTHER_ It is unclear how and counter clauses. A Hoffman's past support whole team of lawyers for UNITA will affect could probably be kept Congressional efforts to busy arguing about the curtail U.S. covert assis bill for many years. tance to Savimbi which The issue may be is currently estimated at less whether Congress some $60 million a year. will lift sanctions, than Last year the Congress whether Congress will voted down a bill offered be willing to put up by Rep. Ron Dellums a public fight against (and supported by Dy the lifting of sanctions. mally) that would have George Bush has said ended aid to UNITA. he will not act without But the Congress did consulting Congress and pass by one vote a much many observers believe weaker amendment to he will not move to lift the Intelligence funding sanctions if there is sub bill. This was to have stantial opposition on Capitol Hill. House Africa Subcommittee for the suspended military aid to the An The administration is particularly last ten years, has relinquished his golan rebels if the MPLA established concerned about further alienating position in favour of a committee a timetable for elections, agreed to a the black community, which was post that will allow him to direct ceasefire and the U.S.S.R. suspended outraged last year when Bush vetoed more attention and more tax dol military aid to Luanda. Even this an important piece of civil rights leg lars back to his home state of Michi weak language was apparently too islation. gan. The new chair is Congress much for President Bush, who ve To help keep pressure on Cong man Mervyn Dymally, a California toed the entire legislation rather ress, the New York based Africa Democrat who hasn't been a leader than let it become law. The mere Fund organized a high profile del on this issue. fact that Congress approved legisla egation of civil rights, entertain Dymally takes over tion on the issue is, however, seen as ment and religious leaders to meet a victory for opponents of U.S. aid with the House leadership in early Dymally isn't known for his force to UNITA. March. Under the theme that sanc ful advocacy on African issues, and tions should stay in place until there many Congressional insiders believe is a constituent assembly, film maker he is more interested in promoting The debate over Angola policy Spike Lee, civil rights leader Joseph black American investment in Africa is sure to resurface this year, par Lowery, and about half a dozen than in maintaining principled po ticularly because in February House prominent black preachers visited litical positions. As evidence they Speaker Thomas Foley appointed Capitol Hill on March 12. point to Dymally's close relationship well-known UNITA opponent Con-

28 may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT m1oo, W&Ui______gressman Dellums to the House in the U.S. Whether the ANC's re started a business council on South telligence committee. cent recommitment to sanctions will Africa. Joe Labonte is proposing to But the end of the cold war has hold, and whether U.S. activists' help establish black-owned construc also raised the possibility that the work will succeed, thus remains un tion companies in South Africa and U.S. and the U.S.S.R. may move to certain. give them the money to build an ini gether to impose a solution on An tial 1,000 homes. The profits from gola. Soviet Foreign Minister Ed Toward a Free Market sales of these homes would then be uard Shevardnadze suggested in a But even in the medium term, sanc ploughed back into these new busi nesses enabling them to continuing letter to some U.S. Congressmen tions will not be the main ele building and expanding. last August: "Your views on what ment of U.S. policy. "I anticipate ought to be done in order to ensure that America's interests in the fu progress toward national reconcilia ture South Africa will be focused on The President of the Rockefeller tion in Angola concur, by and large, the economy," Ambassador William Corporation, Peter Goldmark, has with our own thoughts. We, natu Swing wrote in Business Day in early also begun developing a Develop ment Bank for South Africa that rally, support and approve the idea March. And Assistant Secretary Co of a mutual termination of arms sup hen has even spelled out what type would fund investments in a post plies to Angola by the Soviet Union of economy the U.S. would like to apartheid South Africa that would and the United States." see. It is our belief, he said, "that help establish new black-owned com It is worth remembering, how a pluralistic political system, with panies. ever, that in the U.S. many see no a market-oriented economy based There is little doubt that these contradiction between support for upon equal opportunity, is the great projects could materially help to ad Savimbi and support for sanctions est guarantor against authoritarian dress some of the pressing problems against South Africa. While Dy rule and racial discrimination." In of housing, employment and edu mally's new staff may pose serious that same testimony in early March, cation that the new South Africa problems for Angola work in this Cohen went on to lament that "the will face. But such well-financed country, the subcommittee's inexpe ANC still seems wedded to the no efforts will surely affect the debate rience will probably pose more of an tion that it must somehow 'control' about the future economic direction obstacle than its ideology in the de the economy." in South Africa. For obvious rea sons, such moves will be especially bate on sanctions. There are few people in the difficult to counter in the United Dymally himself agreed in mid U.S. and even fewer in Congress States. March to introduce a non-binding who would question the notion that sense of the Congress resolution a market-oriented economy is the As this issue of SAR was going that would assert that sanctions best solution for South Africa. The to press, reports emerged of an even should stay until the leadership of U.S. government's $40 million aid more direct approach to influenc the democratic movement in South program includes substantial funds ing that debate. The Washington Africa call for them to be lifted. set aside to "broaden the under based Investor Responsiblity Re Anti-apartheid activists believe they standing of the free market system search Center is organizing a semi can use this resolution to rally Con and to help prepare black business nar with the University of Transkei gressional support for maintaining owners, managers, and employees on a new investment code for sanctions. for positions of leadership." South Africa. The ANC, COSATU, The degree to which U.S. ac As part of this effort the State NACTU and a host of business tivists can forestall the Bush ad Department has brought a stream of groups have been invited to this non partisan effort to help promote the ministration's effort to lift sanctions black businessmen to the U.S. (in debate on investment codes for a is further complicated by the tac cluding some with ANC support) tical debate over sanctions within to seek out investment and fran majority-ruled South Africa. the South Africa movement. Many chising opportunities. Out of these But wait a minute: as elsewhere, U.S. activists have long felt that exchanges a New Jersey company not all is as it appears on the sur with strong support from the move has even formed an association of face. Invitations to the conference ment, U.S. sanctions could be main black American and black South and most of the correspondence have tained (obviously European sanc African businessmen to foster coop all apparently gone out from the fax tions are a different matter). The eration and commerce between the machine at the American Chamber estimation late last year by some two countries. Picking up on these of Commerce in South Africa and ANC leaders that sanctions were a efforts to build up a black middle much of the organizing in the U.S. is lost cause, for example, threatened class, the former chairman of the being done by the U.S. Chamber of to undercut pro-sanctions work in sporting shoe company Reebok has Commerce. A coincidence?

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 Significant Differences: Debating Gender in South Africa BY SHIREEN HASSIM. together to call a separate meeting women's power to represent them Shireen Hassim, a South African femi was predominant:y black. I think selves. nist researcher based at the Centre for that's the split," said University of Academics presenting their re Social and Development Studies at the South Africa psychologist Kedibone search, on the other hand, felt that University of Natal, is one of the orga Letlaka-Rennert. This naming of they were being placed in a double nizers of the Conference on Women and intake bind. Progressive women academics Gender in Southern Africa. This article the issue produced a shocked expresses her personal view. of breath throughout the room. have been concerned to do research on black women in order to subvert Tension had been building from the An angry and emotional debate both the apartheid ideology and to beginning of that first day of the developed, with the conference orga correct left analysis which ignores a Conference on Women and Gender nizers being attacked on two often large proportion of the population. in Southern Africa held at the Uni conflated grounds: Now it seemed that the research was versity of Natal in Durban at the end 1) the conference was "too aca regarded as not just inadequate but of January. Now, the last session demic," had not consulted with or racist. Products of women's strug of the day, three hundred women ganizations, had no relevance to gles in the academy, such as the were gathered in the lecture the the lives of the majority of women Durban-based journal Agenda and atre to listen to a panel on "Con in South Africa. In particu the conference itself, were being un ceptualizing Gender." Within min lar, some women were angry that dermined. The argument that black utes, the intended discussion about the ANC Women's League "had women were under-represented at the theory of gender relations had not been invited." (The confer been swept aside by a spontaneous the conference because they were nu ence organizers had in fact con merically few within the universities overflowing of emotions, replaced by sulted a range of women's organiza caine across as weak and defensive. a live demonstration of the barriers tions, including the ANC Women's and differences which apartheid has Another issue was researchers' League. Dr. Zanele Dhlamini, of the "accountability" to "the created between women move of different Women's League, was scheduled as a races. ment." But to whom precisely? keynote speaker, but was unable to The diverse grouping of organiza Discussion in the morning ses attend at the last moment). tions that make up the women's sion, on feminism and nationalism, 2) the conference was "white" and movement? If so, which ones? Some had raised the equally thorny is reproduced "entrenched apartheid of the most creative insights into the sue of the relationship between ac relations." This was reflected in the complex nature of patriarchy, and of tivists and academics. By the end composition of the organizing com contradictions of women's strengths of the day, most of the panellists mittee (one out of six members is and weaknesses, emerge out of fem felt compelled to express their views black), and also in the dominance of inist readings of novels and poetry. on the political value of the exercise white women on the programme. Where would such work be placed of conceptualizing gender. When it in relation to the narrow demand for Other speakers pointed to the was announced that a small group accountability to a political line? of conference participants were call need to put more emphasis on race ing a larger meeting of activists, it and class divisions. As more than one person com mented, emerged that there was consider The politics of research the fact that the anger was able division as to articulated made the conference a how "activists" The anger which exploded on all were to be defined. Was the aca success. The question of racism sides of this issue was arguably the is one that feminists must confront demic/activist split a black/white most significant aspect of the con one? Several white women dis head on. The anger of black women ference. Women were confronting at the conference may have been agreed, insisting that they were also the debate about representation, ul activists. misplaced, but the anger is real. timately an argument about power. White researchers do have to con Also disagreeing, however, were Some black women claimed that the front their relative privilege. Their a number of black women, who ar conference was disempowering be access to the universities and their gued forcefully that the racial split cause their lives and experiences of mobility within universities has un was the real issue. "To ask who oppression had been appropriated deniably been facilitated by apart qualifies for the label of 'activist' by white women as "research ma heid. is a good question but the charac terial." White women, progressive On the other hand, reflecting on ter of the group of women who got or not, thereby suppressed black these exchanges it is clear that once

^91 ma Suhr fiaRPR m'ay 1991 Southern Africa REPORT again the dominance of the race is cluding "Race, class and gender," ciety and social relations as a whole. sue had overwhelmed gender con "Culture and ideology," "Organiz Looking at the possibilities for cerns, postponing these to a distant ing women" and "Everyday life." feminist-oriented development future. There was never a discus A common perspective, not surpris strategies in South Africa, Michelle sion of how to conceptualize gender. ingly, was the necessity for women This illustrates once again the up to make interventions in policy for Friedman began to explore some of these international debates. Her hill struggle the women's movement mulation in the new South Africa. pa has to face in the new per highlighted the neglect of gen South Africa. Gender and development Not to mention the difficulties that der in rural development projects. lie ahead in transforming the slogan One arena where this was em Friedman concluded that the possi of non-racialism into reality, a point phasized to be especially impor bility of gender sensitive (let alone that was noted by several partici tant was in the development pro feminist) development depended on pants. cess. The conference began with the strength of women's organiza a keynote address by Dr. Naila tions "within communities, within Framing the questions Kabeer, from the Institute of De development agencies and NGOs, velopment Studies at the University within the state and within training Ironically, a discussion of how to institutions." conceptualize gender in South Africa of Sussex. She reviewed the de might have provided a framework bates on women and development, A paper by the Transvaal Rural for addressing the political concerns drawing out particularly the insights Action Committee showed just how raised at the conference. Analy from the United Nations Decade for difficult this would be to achieve. sis of women's position in South Women. Dr. Kabeer put the spot Although largely responsible for Africa has been dominated by the light on a debate that has become agricultural work, patriarchal tradi notion of triple oppression, which of increasingly important in southern tions denied women legitimate ac fers no way of understanding the sit Africa. In Zimbabwe and Mozam cess to land. Land was tradition uation of women who are not black bique, women have had long expe ally allocated to the male head of and working class. We need to de rience attempting to shift the male the household, and even when he bate new approaches towards under bias of development planning. They was away from the household, he re standing women's position in soci have begun to question the gov tained formal control. Thus while ety, ways which can take account of ernment's budgetary priorities and women take the major responsibil the very wide differentiation within the skewed allocation of resources to ity for the land, they have no formal the category "woman." Such a women. power to make decisions. However, conceptualization might give us the In South Africa, on the other some women have begun to chal tools to tackle questions such as how hand, the debate is in its infancy. lenge their exclusion from decision to structure a women's movement Thus far, people concerned with de making. In Mogopa, in the Western in South Africa (and how it might velopment have fallen into two cate Transvaal, women have fought for be structured differently from a na gories: (i) those who work "within and won representation on the kgotla tional liberation movement which the system" (such as Inkatha, the (the community decision-making fo mobilizes women). More specific Development Bank and the Urban rum, usually the domain of elderly problems could also be addressed, Foundation) who have supported men). This was made possible in such as the relationship between policies likely to preserve existing Mogopa because the land was held activists and academics within the gender relations and gender roles; communally. In the Trust lands, women's movement and the rela and (ii) those who work in small where the authority of chiefs has tionship between black and white independent, often progressive, de been entrenched, shifting power re women within universities. And velopment agencies (such as Plan lations will be a far more difficult on the level of research, what kind act, BESG and CORD), who have task. of feminist methodology is appro at least paid attention to removing Gendered state policy gender discrimination in resource priate in South Africa? If femi al The broader economic and politi nism is about subversion, as Cana location and exploitation of women's cal context within which these is dian participant Rosalind Boyd ar labour, though their overall impact sues have to be addressed was pro gued at the conference, then how are has been limited by their size. vided by an interesting set of pa we in South Africa subverting the Kabeer argued in favour of a pers. They ranged from a gen dominant forms of knowledge and of "holistic understanding of develop dered analysis of the state (Linzi knowledge production in the univer ment." Such a form of development Manicom) and the impact of reform sities? would take into account the links be and restructuring on women (Gen Overcoming the heritage of tween production and reproduction, der Policy Group) to women's access apartheid will require a lot more give weight not just to the outcome to housing (Alison Todes and Nora than the right theory, however. Sev of projects but also the process of de Walker) and housing subsidies (Sue eral critical threads ran though the velopment, and ultimately concern Parnell), and the significance of the 64 papers presented in themes in- itself with the transformation of so- notion of "community care" (Fran-

Southern Africa REPORT may 1991 0Th©J1,o______

cie Lund). These papers showed of research on the grounds that it is point out pitfalls for South African the importance of a gendered anal work for the struggle." women in the period of transition. of its vari Frances Chinemana's paper showed ysis of the state and Shared sexual oppression ous agencies, an area of feminist re how short independence had fallen search that is highly underdeveloped An important new development was in terms of women's demands (and in South Africa. Manicom argued the extent of interest shown in issues government rhetoric) in Zimbabwe. that "women, historically and to around reproduction and sexuality. Rosalind Boyd, from McGill Univer day, have been negligible in state In fact, it was the one plenary ses sity, examined the reasons for and structures, that state policy has sion which did not get bogged down impact of the high level of women's discriminated against women, op in narrow political issues. In the participation in the National Resis pressively so against black women, past, such issues have been regarded tance Movement in Uganda. This and that indeed, the historical de as "bourgeois feminist concerns." paper aroused a lot of interest as velopment of apartheid was predi This view was indeed expressed: one many women in community organi cated on state-enforced gender sub participant queried the legitimacy of zations are beginning to look more ordination." There is as yet a "talking about menstruation while closely at Uganda for lessons. very sketchy scholarship which ex our children are being killed in the from plores these connections, although townships." In the session on repro The contribution of women the stimulus provided at the con ductive rights and sexuality, how Mozambique was particularly in ference will, hopefully, inspire re ever, discussion ranged from child sightful. Drawing on the history of and the searchers. sexual abuse (Ann Levett) to abor the OMM and FRELIMO, tion (Helen Bradford), prostitution recent move towards greater auton Feminist representations and AIDS (Dori and Ros Posel) and omy of the OMM, they cautioned A very different set of papers ex sexual harassment (Carla Suther against placing too much faith in the plored the way in which women have land). This was one of the few ses post-liberation movement and par been represented in art, literature, sions at the conference where the ticularly in the state. At the same feminist journals and the theatre. notion of sisterhood appeared to time, the clarity and courage of their Various papers explored the way have some substance: there was a analysis illustrated the positive as in which patriarchy structures dis feeling of sharing common ground pects of Mozambique's experience of courses on women, whether it is be around these issues, there was broad independence. cause the dominant culture is an an and active participation from the The conference was not an easy drocentric one (Marion Arnold, Ce audience and disagreements were one to participate in (or to orga cily Lockett), imposing eurocentric calmly articulated. The room col nize!). Some of the conflicts which aesthetic criteria for assessing liter lapsed into laughter when Mary emerged had begun to heal by the ature (Annemarie van Niekerk), or Mkhwanazi from the South African end of the three days, but the issues because nationalist resistance often Domestic Workers Union pointed are ones which South African femi mobilizes around archetypal gender out that the real problem was that nists and South African women more stereotypes (as Carol Steinberg im men walked around all the time with generally will have to confront fre plies in her analysis of the play Asi a dangerous weapon in their pants! quently and painfully in the coming namali). years. Perhaps the most insightful contributions In a hard-hitting paper, Kedi International and encouraging view of the confer bone Letlaka-Rennert argued that Another breakthrough at the con ence was expressed by Shula Marks Agenda, a journal on women pro ference was the broad participation at the final evaluation session. She duced by a feminist collective in of people from outside South Africa. compared it to childbirth: the pro Durban, reflected a "pattern of Countries represented included Can cess was painful and bloody, but a white academic hegemony." Taking ada, the USA, Britain and Holland. baby had been born. This baby had this further, she argued that "on the Perhaps more important, however, come with an appalling heritage, but academic left, white women writers was the presence of women from sev the midwives could not be blamed use their research to legitimize and eral countries in southern Africa. In for this. Instead, the baby needed justify the dominant position they put from these women was really im to be nurtured, so that it could out hold over black women in the field portant because they were able to grow its heritage. Southern African Notebook: Credit Where Credit Is Due? How typical of Toronto's Globe and embassy official im London as the ministers' decision to maintain sanc Mail that it should present the nega- centrepiece of its front-page story tions on South Africa ("South Africa tive response of some South African about the Commonwealth foreign protests continued sanctions," Globe

32 may 1991 Southern Africa REPORT 21M, and Mail, February 18, 1991). Not on? And what, you're probably ask having given legislative form to his until page seven do we find Joe Clark ing, does Linda Freeman make of promises to lift oppressive statutes, saying "we think that if there is to be all this? To satisfy the thirst for as not yet having opened the door any relief to sanctions, that should enlightenment of those of you who, to really substantive constitutional be in response to particular actions like SAR's own editorial working negotiations. Moreover, at its De - not promises, not undertakings to group, can't wait for Freeman's an cember conference the ANC showed do something - but actual things nual dissection of Canadian south that it was once again getting its act that have been done to change the ern African policy in these pages (see together - after faltering earlier in system." Or the ANC's Thabo our December issue!), we phoned her the year - as a central protagonist Mbeki reiterating that "nothing has at Carleton University for a bit of in in the negotiations process. Under changed so significantly (as) to war stant expertise. As usual her obser such circumstances it is not surpris rant a change in the Common vations were crisp and firmly to the ing that Canada once again found wealth's position." point. itself helping the Commonwealth to stick (at least for the moment) with Michael She was quick to remind us, To his credit, the Globe's the sanctions' status quo. Valpy fingered effectively his own in the first instance, of how lim newspaper's one-sided set-up of the ited Canadian sanctions already are. Indeed, Freeman notes, Clark story in his column a couple of The most vocal interest groups that appears even to have played a quite days later ("There's reason to praise might stand to lose from sanctions active role at the London meeting South Africa decision," Globe and have already been amply accommo in developing a potentially promis Mail, February 20, 1991): "News re dated. Thus, all along, the gov ing new dimension of the Common ports tended to portray the Com ernment has quite simply refused wealth sanctions programme, one monwealth decision as perverse and to move against our important ex which advocates that any lifting of irrational. This newspaper gave ports of sulphur to South Africa sanctions be phased - in lock-step prominence on its front page to because of the big Alberta compa with concrete advances made inside South African government protests nies' political clout. On the import South Africa itself. Thus, with the against the decision, quoting a side, important lobbies have also op fulfilment of the Pretoria Minute South African diplomat as saying erated to keep inputs flowing from and the passing of clear legislation that it 'flies in the face of world South Africa (dissolving wood pulp revoking apartheid statutes cultural wide recognition of recent moves to for Courtauld's, certain key minerals and sport sanctions might then be end apartheid'. The Globe's report for the specialty steel industry). It expected to go; with the launching of termed the committee's decision a is small wonder, then, that imports real constitutional negotiations most 'snub' to South African President F. from South Africa have now climbed other sanctions, save those on mil W. de Klerk." back to their pre-sanctions level; itary supplies, would be lifted; fi small wonder, too, that the govern nally, with the structuring of an Yet, Valpy continued, "one ment has some space to manoeuvre interim government, even military man's snub is another man's under in keeping its existing rather modest sanctions might disappear. standable prudence" and noted that sanctions in place (note that there is It remains to be seen what will "the foreign ministers repeated the no talk about extending sanctions!) happen in the future to this appar original purpose of Commonwealth In such a context purely political ently judicious programme. Free sanctions - to bring the South calculations - the perception that man feels that Clark, who seems in African government to the negotiat Canada could retain the kudos it clined for now to take his cues from ing table and keep it there 'until fun had already reaped within the Com within the Commonwealth, will be damental and ii reversible change' monwealth merely by doing nothing importantly affected by what tran has been secured.' Valpy's perfectly more - counselled caution in moving spires regarding sanctions in the accurate observation: "This has not to reward de Klerk too quickly. Of U. S. Congress. Yet, for the mo yet happened." His conclusion: the course, this in itself represents some ment - and with all the requisite Commonwealth's move to maintain change from last fall's position, ar qualifications duly noted above sanctions "is a totally reasonable de gues Freeman. Then, in External, Freeman seems inclined, with Valpy, cision, and Canadians should ap there was a feeling that the situa to give the Canadian government plaud their government [although tion in South Africa had more or some credit for its stance. Yet she not the Globe and Mail - ed.] for less cleared up. But more recently is also quick to agree with SAR being part of it." the mood has changed, not merely editors in advising that, the anti apartheid movement, nonetheless, This is suggestive commentary in Canada but in many other west from Valpy, however galling it may ern capitals: de Klerk is increasingly keep its powder dry. The strug gle for a democratic South Africa is be to find anyone speaking well of seen as not yet having delivered on not over. Nor, we wager, has the a Tory foreign policy initiative in the Pretoria Minute (as regards the of its abysmal performance return of exiles and the release of last curlicue in Canada's southern the wake African policy been seen. in the Gulf. What, then, is going prisoners, for example), as not yet

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- a 7 6eie Askd qI'4 '_T~e-3 od Aixo 1'.oo -t4,.eTc.(,sAc J't')'b Z MAY W OR K S 6TH ANNUAL FESTIVAL OF WORKING PEOPLE AND THE ARTS APRIL 22 - MAY 12, 1991 - INFO 440-1652/1590 MAYWORKS is a project of the Metro Labour Council of Metropolitan Toronto and York region. This year, as in thepast, the full-colour MAYWORKS poster has been generouslysponsored by the United Steelworkers National Office. MAYVORKS gratefuy. acknowledges the support of: Ontario Arts C ounci, Department of Communications (Cultural Initiatives Programs), Toronto Arts Council. Metro Toronto Cultural Affairs Division, Ontario Public Service Employees Union. Canadian Auto Workers, Communication and Electrical Workers, United Steelworkers of America, Ontario Federation of Labour, Canadian Labour Congress, and many others. Presented by -"-fl