The Recurrence of Long Cycles: Theories, Stylized Facts and Figures, Lefteris Tsoulfidis and Aris Papageorgiou
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THE RECURRENCE OF LONG CYCLES Theories, Stylized Facts and Figures Lefteris Tsoulfidis and Aris Papageorgiou Lefteris Tsoulfidis (left), PhD in economics from the New School for Social Research, New York, is a professor in the Department of Economics of the University of Macedonia. He is particularly interested in the history of economic thought and political economy. Email: [email protected] Aris Papageorgiou (right), PhD, teaches political economy and finance courses at the University of Macedonia, Greece. His research interests include cyclical fluctuations and economic growth. Email: [email protected] Abstract: Basic innovations and their diffusion, the expansion or contraction of the level of economic activity and the volume of international trade, rising sovereign debts and their defaults, conflicts and the outbreak of wars, are some of the major phenomena appearing during the downswing or upswing phases of long cycles. In this article, we examine the extent to which these phenomena constitute stylized facts of the different phases of long cycles which recur quite regularly in the turbulent economic history of capitalism. The main argument of this paper is that the evolution of long cycles is a result of the long-run movement of profitability. During the downswing of a long cycle, falling profitability induces innovation investment and the associated with it “creative destruction” of the capital stock that eventually set the stage for the upswing phase of a new long cycle. Keywords: long cycles; innovations; profit rate; logistic curves Introduction The long cycle is a type of economic fluctuation with a duration ranging approxi- mately from 40 to 50 years. According to the most renowned proponent of its empirical existence, the Russian economist Nikolai Kondratiev, the long cycle commenced its motion with the dawn of modern industrial capitalism during the last quarter of the eighteenth century. The long cycle consists of two phases, its upswing phase lasting just about as much as its downswing phase. This cyclical phenomenon began to be seriously studied in the first decades of the twentieth WORLD REVIEW OF POLITICAL ECONOMY VOL. 10 NO. 4 WINTER 2019 416 LEFTERIS TSOULFIDIS AND ARIS PAPAGEORGIOU century and the reason behind this timing is that contemporaries did not fail to observe that what has been known by the economic historians as the “Great Depression” of the late nineteenth century, which lasted approximately from the early 1870s until the mid-1890s, had given its place during the mid- to late 1890s to a new and vigorous economic expansion. The long-cycle phenomenon initially occupied the interest of mainly, what would be today designated as, “heterodox” economists of the early twentieth cen- tury who challenged the widely accepted view that the so-called “industrial cycle,” with a duration ranging from 7 to 11 years, was the sole cycle characterizing capi- talist economies and argued that such a cycle was only part of a longer cyclical movement that deserved to be studied on its own terms. The most important among these pioneering economists was Nikolai Kondratiev who during the 1920s made a series of contributions shedding additional light on the phenomenon under investigation and also offered, for the first time, a statistical examination of some relevant economic variables to support his thesis.1 It is for this reason that, during the 1930s, Joseph Schumpeter, perhaps the second most important proponent of the long cycle before the Second World War, gave the name “Kondratiev cycle” to this type of economic fluctuation. The remainder of the paper begins by referring to idealized long cycles and extends Kondratiev’s periodization to the present. The following section grapples with the major stylized facts of long cycles and provides additional evidence for their existence. The paper then discusses the details of the introduction of basic innovations in the economy and their effects. Next we argue that the movement of long-run profitability, and in particular the evolution of the real mass of profits, is the principal determinant of the long-cycle rhythm and its associated stylized facts. The final section summarizes and makes some concluding remarks about future research efforts. An Appendix presents and discusses the forms of the logis- tic curve used in this paper. Idealized Long Cycles The motivation to study long cycles lies in that they allow economic history to be conceptualized in such a way that different periods are linked and compared within a single theoretical framework. Thus, one would get a better sense of the current economic phase and its prospects if he was able to compare it with other periods of the past that belonged to the same long-cycle phase. From such a comparison it could become possible to derive more definitive conclusions about the results of the policies pursued. In addition, the study of long cycles could help pinpoint the determinants of long-term economic performance, as well as improve the accu- racy of long-term forecasts. WRPE Produced and distributed by Pluto Journals www.plutojournals.com/wrpe/ THE RECURRENCE OF LONG CYCLES 417 Table 1 below presents an idealized periodization of the long-cycle rhythm. The chronologies up to the upper turning point of the third long cycle are based on Kondratiev’s periodization of the mid-1920s. We extend then the long-cycle periodization to cover the downswing phase of the third long cycle, the fourth long cycle and, finally, the (currently under way) fifth long cycle. It is important to point out that, in such an attempt to periodization, caution should be applied because not all advanced economies turn from a particular long phase to another simultaneously and the same holds true for the movement of important economic variables. It is for this reason that Kondratiev, studying mainly the economies of the UK, US and France provided a range of five to seven years for the turning “points” in his periodization of long cycles (Kondratiev [1935] 1998, 36). The turning points of each cycle must then be seen as attempts to an approximation and not as rigid points in time at which all relevant variables change their route. The periodization in Table 1 is more representative of the US and UK economies which pretty much move together and can be thought of as approximating the trends of the World economy. Each cycle in Table 1 is divided into its upswing Table 1 Idealized Long Cycles 1st Long Cycle 1790–1845 (55 years) Prosperity (the Industrial Revolution) 1790–1815 Stagnation 1815–1845 2nd Long Cycle 1845–1896 (51 years) Prosperity (the “Victorian” Golden Age) 1845–1873 Stagnation (the Long Depression of the Latter 19th Century) 1873–1896 3rd Long Cycle 1896–1940(5) (44 to 49 years) Prosperity (the “Belle Époque”) 1896–1920 Stagnation (the Great Depression of the 1930s) 1920–1940(5) 4th Long Cycle 1940(5)–1982 (37 to 42 years) Prosperity (the Golden Age) 1940(5)–1966 Stagnation (the Great Stagflation) 1966–1982 5th Long Cycle 1982–202? Prosperity (the Information Revolution) 1982–2007 Stagnation (the Great Recession) 2007–202? WORLD REVIEW OF POLITICAL ECONOMY VOL. 10 NO. 4 WINTER 2019 418 LEFTERIS TSOULFIDIS AND ARIS PAPAGEORGIOU phase of prosperity and its downswing phase of stagnation and every such phase is given a “title” according to the findings of economic historians of these par- ticular periods. The first long cycle, coinciding with the so-called Industrial Revolution and the absorption of its effects by British society, is the one for which the least empirical proof has been provided in the long-cycle literature but we should bear in mind that the further one goes into the past the more difficult it becomes to collect reli- able economic data. For the next three long cycles, there is a broad agreement among adherents of the long-cycle research program concerning their duration and their turning points. So, the second cycle commences sometime in the mid- to late 1840s and lasts until about the mid-1890s with a peak in the early 1870s while the third long cycle starts in the mid-1890s has a peak at some time following the end of the First World War (WWI) and then a downswing that lasts until the late 1930s. The fourth cycle begins with or after the Second World War (WWII) and lasts until the early to mid-1980s. Its upper turning point is located at some time in the mid- to late 1960s and forms the end of a period known as the “golden age of accumulation.” Finally, we have the fifth long cycle which started in the early to mid-1980s and has not ran its full course yet, though its midpoint, for reasons which we shall address shortly, seems to be located in the first years of the twenty- first century. Stylized Facts of Long Cycles Long cycles are associated with certain recurrent and systematically appearing phenomena which include the procyclical character of a specific index of prices that turns out to be very helpful in delineating the phases of the long cycle even in the absence of other information and the counter cyclicality of basic innova- tions which are introduced mainly during the downswing phase of the long cycle and whose diffusion during the long upswing gives eventually rise to techno- logical revolutions. We may also add the growth rate of the real GDP to the extent that this is available, the likelihood of sovereign defaults which, as expected, is higher during the downswing of the long cycles and also the social unrests and wars whose probability of occurrence increases during the upswing of the long cycle. Other phenomena associated with the long cycles include the procyclical character of the growth rates of the volume of international trade and of world industrial production.