Summary German Constitutional Development in the 19Th Century
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Mitteilungen Für Die Presse
Read the speech online: www.bundespraesident.de Page 1 of 6 Federal President Frank-Walter Steinmeier at the inauguration of the Robert-Blum-Saal with artworks depicting Germany’s history of democracy at Schloss Bellevue on 9 November 2020 According to legend, the last words of Robert Blum were “I die for freedom, may my country remember me.” He was executed – shot – by imperial military forces on 9 November 1848, one day before his 41st birthday. The German democrat and champion for freedom, one of the most well-known members of the Frankfurt National Assembly, thus died on a heap of sand in Brigittenau, a Viennese suburb. The bullets ended the life of a man who had fought tirelessly for a Germany unified in justice and in freedom – as a political publicist, publisher and founder of the Schillerverein in Leipzig, as a parliamentarian in the Paulskirche in Frankfurt, and finally with a gun in his hand on the barricades in Vienna. To the very last, Robert Blum fought for a German nation-state in the republican mould, legitimised by parliamentary structures. He campaigned for a brand of democracy in which civil liberties and human rights were accorded to one and all. And he fought for a Europe in which free peoples should live together in peace, from France to Poland and to Hungary. His death on 9 November 1848 marked one of the many turning points in our history. By executing the parliamentarian Robert Blum, the princes and military commanders of the Ancien Régime demonstrated their power and sent an unequivocal message to the Paulskirche National Assembly. -
The German Fear of Russia Russia and Its Place Within German History
The German Fear of Russia Russia and its place within German History By Rob Dumont An Honours Thesis submitted to the History Department of the University of Lethbridge in partial fulfillment of the requirements for History 4995 The University of Lethbridge April 2013 Table of Contents Introduction 1-7 Chapter 1 8-26 Chapter 2 27-37 Chapter 3 38-51 Chapter 4 39- 68 Conclusion 69-70 Bibliography 71-75 Introduction In Mein Kampf, Hitler reflects upon the perceived failure of German foreign policy regarding Russia before 1918. He argues that Germany ultimately had to prepare for a final all- out war of extermination against Russia if Germany was to survive as a nation. Hitler claimed that German survival depended on its ability to resist the massive faceless hordes against Germany that had been created and projected by Frederick the Great and his successors.1 He contends that Russia was Germany’s chief rival in Europe and that there had to be a final showdown between them if Germany was to become a great power.2 Hitler claimed that this showdown had to take place as Russia was becoming the center of Marxism due to the October Revolution and the founding of the Soviet Union. He stated that Russia was seeking to destroy the German state by launching a general attack on it and German culture through the introduction of Leninist principles to the German population. Hitler declared that this infiltration of Leninist principles from Russia was a disease and form of decay. Due to these principles, the German people had abandoned the wisdom and actions of Frederick the Great, which was slowly destroying German art and culture.3 Finally, beyond this expression of fear, Hitler advocated that Russia represented the only area in Europe open to German expansion.4 This would later form the basis for Operation Barbarossa and the German invasion of Russia in 1941 in which Germany entered into its final conflict with Russia, conquering most of European 1 Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, trans Ralph Manheim (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1943, originally published 1926), 197. -
Speech in English (PDF, 48KB)
Translation of advance text. The speech online: www.bundespraesident.de Berlin, 24.05.2011 page 1 of 5 Federal President Christian Wulff marking the informational and contact-building visit of the Diplomatic Corps to Hambach Castle on 24 May 2011 What a pleasure it is to visit Hambach Castle together. The German people’s striving for democracy and participation has deep roots in this place. The Hambach Festival, which took place here in late May 1832, laid a very important part of the foundations for what the Ger¬man people eventually achieved with the Basic Law of the Federal Republic in 1949 and reunification in 1989/90: unity and law and freedom. Twenty to thirty thousand people came to the ruined castle here for the speeches and songs of the Hambach Festival. They were demonstrating against the Congress of Vienna decisions of 1815, which were intended to suppress national, liberal and democratic tendencies. The Festival made Germany part of the unrest that had been sweeping through Europe since 1830, from the French to the Belgians, Poles and others. In the Palatinate, the discontent among the populace gathered around Philipp Siebenpfeiffer and Johann Wirth, who campaigned through Fatherland Associations for freedom of the press. Their call to attend the Hambach Festival found resonance in all sections of the population. Women, too, were expressly included in the invitation, since it was “a mistake and a stain”, as the invitation itself has it, for women “to be disregarded politically within the European order”. They wanted the Festival to provide a powerful expression of the political objective behind it: a unified Germany of free citizens enjoying equal rights within a united Europe, surrounded by self-determined peoples. -
Final Copy 2019 11 28 Zhou
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from Explore Bristol Research, http://research-information.bristol.ac.uk Author: Tai, T Title: Visions of the Teuton Perceptions of Germany and the German in mid-nineteenth century England General rights Access to the thesis is subject to the Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International Public License. A copy of this may be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This license sets out your rights and the restrictions that apply to your access to the thesis so it is important you read this before proceeding. Take down policy Some pages of this thesis may have been removed for copyright restrictions prior to having it been deposited in Explore Bristol Research. However, if you have discovered material within the thesis that you consider to be unlawful e.g. breaches of copyright (either yours or that of a third party) or any other law, including but not limited to those relating to patent, trademark, confidentiality, data protection, obscenity, defamation, libel, then please contact [email protected] and include the following information in your message: •Your contact details •Bibliographic details for the item, including a URL •An outline nature of the complaint Your claim will be investigated and, where appropriate, the item in question will be removed from public view as soon as possible. Visions of the Teuton: Perceptions of Germany and the German in mid-nineteenth century England Tai Teng Zhou A dissertation submitted to the University of Bristol in accordance with the requirements for award of the degree of PhD in the Faculty of Arts, Department of Historical Studies, 2/6/19 78,007 words 1 Abstract This thesis examines mid-nineteenth century perceptions of Germany in the minds of English thinkers, writers, and journalists. -
The German Bundestag in the Reichstag Building
The German Bundestag in the Reichstag Building The German Bundestag in the Reichstag Building 6 Foreword by the President of the German Bundestag, Wolfgang Schäuble Hans Wilderotter 9 “Here beats the heart of democracy” Structure and function of the Bundestag 10 The ‘forum of the nation’: the Bundestag at the heart of the German Constitution 14 “Representatives of the whole people”: the Members of Parliament 22 “The President shall represent the Bundestag”: the President of the Bundestag, the Presidium and the Council of Elders 32 “Permanent subdivisions of the Bundestag”: the parliamentary groups 40 “Microcosms of the Chamber”: the committees 48 Strategy and scrutiny: study commissions, committees of inquiry, the Parliamentary Oversight Panel and the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Armed Forces 54 “The visible hub of parliamentary business”: the plenary chamber 62 “Federal laws shall be adopted by the Bundestag”: legislation and legislative processes 76 “Establishing a united Europe”: Bundestag participation in the process of European integration Content Hans Wilderotter 83 The long road to democracy Milestones in Germany’s parliamentary history 84 “... the real school of Vormärz liberalism”: parliaments in Germany before 1848 88 “We will create a constitution for Germany”: the German National Assembly in St Paul’s Church, Frankfurt am Main 106 A “written document as the Constitution of the Prussian Kingdom”: the constituent National Assembly and the Prussian House of Representatives in Berlin 122 Democracy without parliamentarianism: -
IB History Study Guide
Notum sit universis et singulis, quorum interest aut quomodolibet interesse potest, potest, interesse quomodolibet aut interest quorum singulis, et universis sit Notum postquam a multis annis orta in Imperio Romano dissidia motusque civiles eo usque usque eo civiles motusque dissidia Romano Imperio in orta annis multis a postquam increverunt, ut non modo universam Germaniam, sed et aliquot finitima regna, regna, finitima aliquot et sed Germaniam, universam modo non ut increverunt, potissimum vero Galliam, ita involverint, ut diuturnum et acre exinde natum sit bellum, bellum, sit natum exinde acre et diuturnum ut involverint, ita Galliam, vero potissimum primo quidem inter serenissimum et potentissimum principem ac dominum, dominum dominum dominum, ac principem potentissimum et serenissimum inter quidem primo Ferdinandum II., electum Romanorum imperatorem, semper augustum, Germaniae, Germaniae, augustum, semper imperatorem, Romanorum electum II., Ferdinandum Hungariae, Bohemiae, Dalmatiae, Croatiae, Sclavoniae regem, archiducem Austriae, Austriae, archiducem regem, Sclavoniae Croatiae, Dalmatiae, Bohemiae, Hungariae, ducem Burgundiae, Brabantiae, Styriae, Carinthiae, Carniolae, marchionem Moraviae, Moraviae, marchionem Carniolae, Carinthiae, Styriae, Brabantiae, Burgundiae, ducem ducem Luxemburgiae, Superioris ac Inferioris Silesiae, Wurtembergae et Teckae, Teckae, et Wurtembergae Silesiae, Inferioris ac Superioris Luxemburgiae, ducem principem Sueviae, comitem Habsburgi, Tyrolis, Kyburgi et Goritiae, marchionem Sacri Sacri marchionem Goritiae, -
The Kingdom of Wurttenmerg and the Making of Germany, 1815-1871
Te Kingdom of Württemberg and the Making of Germany, 1815-1871. Bodie Alexander Ashton School of History and Politics Discipline of History Te University of Adelaide Submitted for the postgraduate qualification of Doctor of Philosophy (History) May 2014 For Kevin and Ric; and for June, Malcolm and Kristian. Contents Abstract vii Acknowledgements ix List of Abbreviations xi Notes xiii Introduction 15 Chapter 1 35 States and Nation in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Century Chapter 2 67 Stuttgart and Vienna before 1848 Chapter 3 93 Te Kingdom of Württemberg and Early Kleindeutschland Chapter 4 123 Independence and South German Particularism, 1815-1848 Chapter 5 159 Te Years of Prophecy and Change, 1848-1849 Chapter 6 181 Counterrevolution, Reaction and Reappraisals, 1850-1859 Chapter 7 207 Six Years of Autumn: 1860-1866 Chapter 8 251 Te Unification of Germany, 1866-1871 Conclusion 295 Bibliography 305 ABSTRACT _ THE TRADITIONAL DISCOURSE of the German unification maintains that it was the German great powers - Austria and Prussia - that controlled German destiny, yet for much of this period Germany was divided into some thirty-eight states, each of which possessed their own institutions and traditions. In explaining the formation of Germany, the orthodox view holds that these so-called Mittel- and Kleinstaaten existed largely at the whim of either Vienna or Berlin, and their policies, in turn, were dictated or shaped by these two power centres. According to this reading of German history, a bipolar sociopolitical structure existed, whereby the Mittelstaaten would declare their allegiances to either the Habsburg or Hohenzollern crowns. Te present work rejects this model of German history, through the use of the case study of the southwestern Kingdom of Württemberg. -
Liberal Revolutions: Glossar
Liberal Revolutions: Glossar Alexander 1777–1825; Russian Tsar since 1801 Alexander I. Archduke John of Austria 1782–1859 Erzherzog Johann von Österreich Basic rights of the Grundrechte des deutschen German people Volkes Bicameral legislature Having two main parts of parliament to Zweikammerlegislative make laws Blanc, Louis 1811–1882; French historian with a strong socialist intention Brothers Grimm Jacob, 1785–1863, and Wilhelm, 1786– Gebrüder Grimm 1859. The brothers are best remembered for their collection of German folktales. Ernst Augustus of 1771–1857, king of Hanover since 1837 Ernst August von Hannover Hanover Frederic William IV of King of Prussia 1840–1861, strongly Friedrich Wilhelm IV von Prussia opposed liberalisation and the unification Preußen of Germany German National Nationalversammlung Assembly Greater German Solution The process of unifying Germany, it was Großdeutsche Lösung yet unclear which territories should be included. The greater German solution meant to include basically all areas with German–speaking people. Austria would have been a part of Germany in this respect. Hambach Festival Held at the ruins of Hambach Castle near Hambacher Fest Neustadt, Weinstraße, in May 1832. Imperial Vicar A prince charged with administering all Reichsverweser or part of the Holy Roman Empire on behalf of the Emperor Imposed Constitution A constitution which is not decided upon Oktroyierte Verfassung by the people, but which is simply given to the people by the monarch. Irregulars Troops not belonging to the regular Freischärler armed forces Leopold I, King of 1790–1865. As a compromise solution of Leopold I. von Belgien Belgium the major powers, the German prince Leopold George of Saxe–Coburg and Gotha was appointed king of the newly founded Belgian state in 1831. -
History 323-001: Modern German History Tobin Hall 204 – Tues-Thurs 11:15 Am – 12:05 Pm
HISTORY 323-001: MODERN GERMAN HISTORY TOBIN HALL 204 – TUES-THURS 11:15 AM – 12:05 PM INSTRUCTOR INFORMATION: Dr. Jon Berndt Olsen Office: Herter Hall 609 Department of History Telephone: 413.545.6767 University of Massachusetts at Amherst Email: [email protected] Web: http://people.umass.edu/jon Office Hours: Tuesdays 10-11, Thursdays 2-3 or by appointment Blog: http://blogs.umass.edu/jon TEACHING ASSISTANT: Tom Army is my Teaching Assistant for this course. Mr. Army is in charge of three discussion sections on Mondays and will be grading your quizzes, exams, and PaPers. If you have questions about the course, Please contact Mr. Army first. If you still need assistance, Please contact me. Teaching Assistant Email Address Office Office Hours Tom Army [email protected] Herter 713 Tuesday 1-3 OVERVIEW: ContemPorary historians of Germany tend to agree that the German state developed in a different manner than its western neighbors, such as France or Great Britain. Yet, historians remain divided as to which factors ultimately led to this divergent Path or whether certain alternative Policies might have steered Germany along a different develoPmental Path. Regardless of which side of this question one feels is more convincing, the fact remains that the formation of the German state came relatively late within the EuroPean context and that German nationalism was a root cause of both World War I and World War II. Indeed, overcoming nationalism and the Nazi Past has dominated German Politics since 1945. Our Primary concern in this course will be to look at the internal and external factors that influenced the develoPment of German nationalism and German national identity – what does it mean to be “German”? This is not to say that other important ideologies and issues will be ignored – quite the contrary. -
Pplybrkrulesexcerpt from the Speech of Johann Georg August Wirth At
Volume 3. From Vormärz to Prussian Dominance, 1815-1866 Johann August Wirth at the Hambach Festival (May 1832) In the south German states, political unrest in the wake of the Paris Revolution of 1830, restrictive measures against political expression, and increased tax burdens and tariffs led to large political demonstrations, such as the Hambach Festival of May 27-30, 1832, in which 30,000 people took part. In his speech, the radical democratic journalist Johann August Wirth (1798-1848) calls for the overthrow of the monarchies in Germany and for the establishment of democracy nationwide; he hopes that this will be followed by the democratization of all of Europe and close cooperation between the new democratic nations. Speech by Wirth The country that speaks our language, the country where our hope resides, where our love delights, where our joys thrive, where the secret of all our sympathies and all our longing rests, this beautiful land is being ravaged and plundered, torn and enervated, gagged and disgraced. Rich in all the resources of nature, it should be the home of joy and contentment for all its children; yet, its blood sucked by 34 kings, it is the domicile of hunger, misery, and poverty for the majority of its residents. Germany, great, rich, powerful Germany, should assume first place in the society of European states, yet robbed by traitorous families of aristocrats, it has been struck from the list of European realms and abandoned to mockery from abroad. Appointed by nature to be the guardian of light, liberty, and international legal order in Europe, German energy is actually being used for the very opposite purpose of suppressing the liberty of every people and founding an eternal empire of darkness, slavery, and raw force. -
Germany's Identity Problems As Reflected in Nineteenth- Century Literature
Working Papers in the Humanities Germany’s Identity Problems as Reflected in Nineteenth- Century Literature Hans-Joachim Hahn Oxford Brookes University Abstract This article asseses the reception of western concepts of nation as portrayed during the French Revolution of 1789, both in the literature of Schubart, Bürger, Klopstock and Wieland and in the philosophy of Herder and Fichte. The development of this concept of nationality during the wars against Napoleon and the policies of the Vormärz, up to the 1848 Revolutions is examined with special reference to the more collective, exclusive and authoritarian tendencies after 1848 and during a period of Realpolitik. Part two of the paper examines how literature and in particular popular histories of literature have reflected on these developments. The paper concludes that major elements of existing western concepts of national identity were not met by the establishment of the German nation state in 1871 and that these concepts were fulfilled only after Germany’s ‘second unification’ in 1990. This paper aims to re-examine Johann Gottfried Herder’s concept of Volk in accordance with his view of the French Revolution and concurrent statements by other writers on nation and patriotism. Since much of Herder’s work is not readily available in translation, scholars all too often regurgitate old accounts which tend to portray Herder as a Romantic and even a possible precursor of National Socialism.1 Even German scholars have for too long seen Herder and his contemporaries as nationalists and the paper will examine the extent to which literary critics, in the aftermath of the 1848 revolutions, perpetuated this misconception, thereby contributing to the failure in 1871 to establish a democratically inspired national identity in the new nation state. -
2. German Unification 1849–71 8 3
HISTORY History Historical Investigations and Interpretations Unit AS 1 Option 4: Italy and Germany 1815–71 Content Page Introduction 2 1. Germany 1815–48 3 2. German Unification 1849–71 8 3. Italy 1815–48 16 4. Italian Unification 1849–70 21 HISTORY Introduction In this option, students focus on the unification of Italy and Germany between 1815 and 1871. Students analyse the growth of liberalism, nationalism and cultural movements in the period 1815–48, concentrating, in particular, on the causes and reasons for the failure of the revolutions that broke out in Italy and Germany in 1848. The main focus is on the unification process in both countries. Students examine the contribution of individuals such as Bismarck and Cavour, economic developments and the favourable international situation. This option is assessed in a written examination lasting one hour 30 minutes. Candidates answer two questions. Question 1 is a short response question and candidates answer one question from a choice of two. Question 2 is a source-based question with two parts. In Question 2(a) candidates assess the usefulness of a primary and/or contemporary source to an historian studying a particular historical event or development. In Question 2(b) candidates assess which of two different interpretations of a particular historical event or development they find more convincing. Question 1 targets Assessment Objective AO1: the candidate’s ability to demonstrate, organise and communicate knowledge and understanding to analyse and evaluate the key features related to the periods studied, making substantiated judgements and exploring concepts, as relevant, of cause, consequence, change, continuity, similarity, difference and significance.