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PETRUCCI’S SONGBOOKS AND JAPART’S BIOGRAPHY

My argument is entirely speculative. I will not insist that my proposed identification of Jean Japart with the Frater Joannes de Francia, a singer active in Venice in 1499, smacks of certainty; nor will I insist that the possibility that Japart enjoyed a collegial relationship with Petrus Castellanus, music editor of Odhecaton A, is the only explanation for his (Japart’s) seemingly extraordinary representation in Petrucci’s trilogy of songbooks. Rather, I simply ask “what if”? We know the following about the career of Jean Japart:1 1) he was a singer at the Milanese court of Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza from no later than mid-April 1476 to February 6th, 1477, when he was one of twelve singers released from service in the wake of Galeazzo’s assassination some weeks earlier;2 2) upon leaving , he must have gone directly to the Ferrarese court of Duke Ercole I d’Este, where he is accounted for from March 1477 to early February 1481;3 3) a Milanese document of July 1476 shows that he was promised a benefice at that time, so we may be sure that

1 The most comprehensive discussion of Japart’s life appears in the Introduction to my forthcoming edition, Jean Japart: The Collected Works, which will appear in the series Masters and Monuments of the (New York: Broude Brothers Trust); see also, ALLAN W. ATLAS / rev. Jane Alden, “Japart, Johannes” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, rev. ed., ed. Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell (London: Macmillan, 2001), XII, 890-91; ATLAS, “Japart, Jean,” in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, rev. ed., ed. Ludwig Finscher (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2003, Personenteil) IX, cols. 935-36; RALPH W. BUXTON, “Johannes Japart: Fifteenth-Century Composer,” Current Musicology 31 (1981), 7-38. 2 On Japart at Milan, see PAUL MERKLEY and LORA L. M. MERKLEY (= Mattheus), Music and Patronage in the Sforza Court (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), 236, 242-43; “Josquin Desprez and his Milanese Patrons,” Journal of Musicology 12 (1994), 451-52; EVELYN S. WELCH, “Sight Sound and Ceremony in the Chapel of Galeazzo Maria Sforza,” History 12 (1993), 182; EDWARD E. LOWINSKY, “Ascanio Sforza’s Life: A Key to Josquin’s Biography and an Aid to the Chronology of his Works,” in : Proceedings of the International Josquin Festival-Conference, ed. Edward E. Lowinsky and Bonnie Blackburn (London: Macmillan, 1976), 41; CLAUDIO SARTORI, “Josquin des Prés, cantore del Duomo di Milano,” Annales musicologiques 4 (1957), 65; EMILIO MOTTA, “Musici alla corte degli Sforza: Ricerche e documenti milanesi,” Archivio storico lombardo, Ser. II, vol. 4 (1887), 323-24. 3 Japart’s Ferrarese period is documented in LEWIS LOCKWOOD, Music in Renaissance , 1400-1505 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), passim and 320-23; “Music at Ferrara in the Period of Ercole I d’Este,” Studi musicali 1 (1972), 119.

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he was a churchman;4 and 4) a 1480 Ferrarese payroll notice states that he hailed from Picardy.5 In all, the paper trail of biographical data is only four years and ten months long, from April 1476 to February 1481. Beyond this, all is speculation, of which there has been no shortage. Here I shall review just three instances, leaving aside those that conflate Japart with musicians named “Jaspar(e),” since that name must be read as a variant of Gaspar, as in, most often, Weerbecke.6 In terms of Japart’s post-Ferrarese activities, both Frank D’Accone and Howard Mayer Brown have suggested that Japart might be identified with the singer Jannes Piccardus who is recorded at the Santissima Annunziata at Florence in 1482.7 D’Accone further suggests, and reasonably so, that this Jannes Piccardus is the similarly-named singer active both at the Cathedral of Siena that same year and at St. Peter’s in Rome in 1478.8

4 See LOWINSKY, “Ascanio Sforza’s Life,” 41, n. 30. 5 The notice is printed in my Jean Japart: The Collected Works (see note 1); my thanks to Lewis Lockwood for sharing the previously unpublished document with me. 6 On Jaspar(e) as a variant of Gaspar, see ALBERT DAUZAT, Dictionaire étymologique des noms de famille et prénoms de France, 3rd ed., ed. Marie-Thérèse Morlet (Paris: Larousse, 1951), 280, 341; ALBERT CARNOY, Origines des noms de familles en Belgique (Louvain: Editions universitas, 1953), 22. Conflations of Jaspar(e) and Japart are numerous: ROBERT EITNER, Biographisch-bibliographisches Quellen-Lexikon (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1900-1904), V, 278, from where it was surely taken over by both Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 5th ed., ed. Eric Blom (London: Macmillan, 1954), IV, 593, and Riemann Musik Lexikon,12th ed., ed. Wilibald Gurlitt (Mainz: Schott, 1959), I, 870; GERHARD CROLL, “,” Musica disciplina 6 (1952), 74-76; HELMUTH OSTHOFF, Josquin Desprez (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1962/1965), II, 154; my own article on Japart in New Grove/1, IX, 553; HANS JOACHIM MARX, “Neues zur Tabulatur-Handschrift St. Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, Cod. 530,” Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 37 (1980), 273; THOMAS WARBURTON, “Sicher’s ‘Johannes Zela zons plus’,” Acta musicologica 55 (1983), 75-78, 84; HANS JOACHIM MARX AND THOMAS WARBURTON, St. Galler Orgelbuch: Die Orgeltabulature des Fridolin Sicher (St. Gallen, Codex 530). Schweizerische Musikdenkmäler 8 (Winterthur: Amadeus, 1992), Nos. 114 and 356; RAINER BIRKENDORF, Der Codex Pernner: Quellenkundliche Studien zu einer Musikhandschrift des frühen 16. Jahrhunderts (Regensburg, Bischöflichen Zentralbibliothek, Sammlung Proske, MS C 120). Collectanea musicologica 6/1 (Augsburg: Bernd Wissner, 1994), I, 76. The conflations in Osthoff, New Grove/1, and Birkendorf confuse Japart with “Meestere Jaspare den sangmeester” of the chapel of the Guild of Our Lady in Bergen op Zoom in 1504-1508; it was Jeffrey Dean who first called my attention to this error, noting that the chapel rosters of the guild always refer to the singers by their Christian name; the other conflations involve Japart and Gaspar van Weerbeke. On “Meestere Jaspare,” see ROB WEGMAN, “Music and Musicians at the Guild of Our Lady in Bergen op Zoom, c. 1470-1510,” Early Music History 9 (1990), 234-35, 245. 7 FRANK A. D’ACCONE, A Documentary History of Music at the Florentine Cathedral and Baptistry During the Fifteenth Century (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1960), I, 194, II, 166; HOWARD MAYER BROWN, A Florentine Chansonnier from the Time of Lorenzo the Magnificent: Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Banco Rari 229, Monuments of 7 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), I, 50; see also, WENDY POWERS, The Music Manuscript Fondo Magliabechi XIX.178 of the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Florence: A Study in the Changing Role of the in Late 15th-Century Florence (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1994), II, 81-82, who cites the identifications. 8 FRANK A. D’ACCONE, The Civic Muse: Music and Musicians in Siena During the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 232; on Jannes Piccardus at St. Peter’s, see CHRISTOPHER A. REYNOLDS, Papal Patronage and the Music of St. Peter’s, 1380-1513 (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995), 334.

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Unfortunately, Japart cannot be drawn into this network of “Jannes” identifications: 1) Jannes Piccardus was known at both Siena and Florence as “Johannes Comitis,” a name for which there are no known ties with Japart; and 2) the singer at St. Peter’s in 1478 certainly cannot be Japart, since the latter is securely documented at Ferrara at that time. If, then, the Jannes Piccardus/Comitis documented at both Siena and Florence in 1482 is also the Piccardus active at Rome in 1478 Ð and this is likely given that all three places refer to their Jannes as a “soprano” Ð he cannot be identified as Japart. Finally, some might raise still another objection to the identification: Jannes Piccardus/Comitis was apparently a monk, but what impact such monastic status might have on an identification with Japart is a matter with which we shall wrestle presently. For the period prior to Milan, I have speculated Ð on the grounds of numerous musical “intersections,” both internal and external Ð that a youthful Japart might have enjoyed a student-teacher relationship with Antoine Busnoys prior to the latter’s having entered the service of Charles the Bold in 1466-67.9 And finally, to change chronological direction once again, there is that shadowy chanson, Revenu d’oultremonts, Japart, which Fétis claimed was addressed to Japart by Josquin.10 Though Osthoff doubted its very existence11 (Fétis, we should recall, was apparently the last person to see the song, at least with its poetic text in tact), Lowinsky accepted it (though for reasons that are no longer tenable),12 as has David Fallows, who has tentatively identified it with the recently-discovered Schanson de Josquin in the manuscript Herd 9820.13 And since Fallows dates the song from no earlier than 1510 on stylistic grounds, it would, if it is in fact Revenu, show that Japart was still alive about one full decade into the sixteenth century and once again living north of the Alps. To these three rounds of speculation I shall now add a fourth, though I must first establish its context, which centers around the transmission of the twenty-three works Ð all secular and with six having conflicting attributions Ð that sources of the period ascribe to Japart.

9 “Busnoys and Japart: Teacher and Student?” in Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music, ed. Paula Higgins (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 447-64. 10 FRANÇOIS-JOSEPH FÉTIS, Biographie universelle des musiciens, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1860-1880; reprint: Brussels: Culture et Civilisation, 1963), IV, 428. 11 OSTHOFF, Josquin Desprez, II, 154. 12 LOWINSKY, “Ascanio Sforza’s Life,” 41, n. 30; Lowinsky, of course, was writing at a time when it was thought that Japart and Josquin were colleagues at Milan in the mid-1470s. 13 DAVID FALLOWS, “The Herdringen Scores,” in Josquin: International Conference: New Directions in Josquin Scholarship, Princeton University, 29-31 October 1999 Ð Conference Packet, ed. Rob Wegman (Princeton: Princeton University Department of Music, 1999), 420-21 and 424-25 for a transcription; see also, CYNTHIA J. CYRUS, “Josquin in a Fishbowl: International Conference: New Directions in Josquin Scholarship, Princeton University, 29-31 October 1999,” Early Music 27 (2000), 147. For the sigla used to cite manuscripts and prints in both text and tables that follow, see the Appendix.

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Table I shows the overall distribution of pieces attributed to Japart, with a separate column for each of Petrucci’s three songbooks and a fourth column for all other sources. What is striking is Petrucci’s central Ð even dominant Ð position in the transmission of Japart’s works. To consider just the seventeen uncontested songs: 1) sixteen appear in one or another of the three collections; 2) fifteen bear an attribution to Japart; 3) as many as eight are unica; 4) one song makes its only polyphonic appearance in Canti C; and 5) at least one piece transmitted in multiple sources makes its earliest appearance in Canti B, while OdhA could claim another such piece if it (OdhA) antedates the manuscript Bol Q 17.14 In all, the three songbooks fall but one piece short of constituting a complete edition of the uncontested songs, and then go on to transmit four of the six works with conflicting attributions, all of this for a composer now Ð let me emphasize the now Ð considered somewhat of a minor figure.15

14 CRAIG WRIGHT, “ and Patronage at Paris,” in Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Patronage, Sources and Texts, ed. Iain Fenlon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 52, n. 38, argues that the presence in Bol Q 17 of Antoine Brumel’s three-voice Ave Maria provides a terminus post quem of 1500 for the manuscript. In the end, we can probably say no more than the two sources are very close contemporaries. 15 To put this into perspective: of the twenty-eight other polyphonic sources that contain music attributed to Japart, eighteen contain but a single piece, while four others transmit two pieces. Six sources contain three or more pieces (serial numbers correspond to those in Table I, with numbers in italics signifying pieces with conflicting attributions): Fl 229 = Nos. 1, 5, 8, 11, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23; Bol Q 17 = 15, 18, 19, 20, 23; Fl 178 = 5, 8, 19, 21, 23; Rome XIII.27 = 5, 8, 19, 21, 23; Fl 107bis = 5, 19, 20, 23; Rome 2856 = 16, 19, 22 (this manuscript written at Ferrara, possibly while Japart was active there). These manuscripts transmit no unica, concentrate largely on the most well-circulated pieces (especially Nos. 5 [four of the six manuscripts], 19 [all six of the manuscripts], 23 [five of the six manuscripts]), and involve twenty conflicting attributions within their total of thirty-one redactions. None of them, then Ð including the Ferrarese (and thus “home town”) Rome 2856 – is a particularly rich source for Japart. We may also note that, even with his nine pieces (including the four with conflicting attributions) in Fl 229, Japart ranks only seventh in terms of representation in that manuscript, trailing Agricola (31/8 conflicts), Isaac (29/7), Busnoys (26/8), Martini (22/3), Caron (13/5), and Compère (13/7).

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PETRUCCI’S SONGBOOKS AND JAPART’S BIOGRAPHY SG 530 Ver 757 Ver SG 530 (keyboard intabulation) SG 530 (keyboard Tractatus de contrapuncto); Tractatus Fl 107bis; 178; 229; Rome XIII.27; Schöff = Japart (T only) Schöff = Japart Japart; Schöff = Japart (T only); Schöff = Japart Japart; Fl 229 = Jannes Japart; Japart; Fl 229 = Jannes Fl 27 = Japart; (S & CT I only) SG 463 = Japart Rome XIII.27 = Japart; Fl 229 = Jannes Fl 178 = Japart; SG 461 = Japart; Japart; Fl 229 = Jannes intabulation) (keyboard Iappart Rome 2856 = Jo. I ABLE T Jo. Japart OdhA Canti B Canti C Other Sources The distribution of Japart’s music in Petrucci’s songbooks and other sources music in Petrucci’s of Japart’s The distribution Questa se chiama armé L’homme chasceray gans (= Questa) fet un cop apres) (Se je vo Johannes baptistae/Ora pro nobis fet) (B lacking; Se je vo Vray dieu d’amours/Sancte 1. Cela sans plus2. De tous biens plaine3. un poco = Famene 4. d’un gran tempo Fortuna 5. Helas, qu’elle est à mon gré6. Anon. Il est de bonne heure né/ Japart 7. J’ay pris amours [I]8. J’ay pris amours [II]9. Je cuide/De tous biens plaine Japart Jo. Japart Jo. Japart Japart Japart (= Famene) Sev/Par Japart Jo. Japart intabulation) SG 530 (keyboard (S only); Egen 10. ung carpentier Loier me fault mia11. Nenciozza 12. Pour passer temps/Plus ne13. Prestes le moy14. Se congié pris Japart 15. bien mi son pensade Tam 16. estoient filles Trois Japart17. Japart Jo. Japart Jo. Japart Jo. Japart T only); Cort/Par Bol Q 17 (S & 16664 ( 15123; Par Par A. Pieces with uncontested attributions (sources other than Petrucci with attributions to Japart are in bold type) are to Japart with attributions other than Petrucci (sources A. Pieces with uncontested attributions

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ALLAN W. ATLAS ); a3 ibutions Fl 229 = Fl 229; Lon 35087 ( Rome XIII.27; Rome 11953 Fl 2794; Reg C 120; Fl 2794; Reg ; Rome XIII.27; Fl 229 Fl 107bis = Japart Seg = J. Hobrecht; Schlick = isack Schlick Hobrecht; = J. Seg Fl 178 = Japart; Fl 229 = Japart; Fl 229 = Japart; Ber 40021; Bol Q 18; Cape 3.b.12; Ber 40021; Bol Q 18; Cape 3.b.12; a 3: Ver 757; Spin ( intabulation) Ver P. Congiet; Iserlohn = De Orto (partial S & T); Congiet; Iserlohn = De Orto (partial S & P. Japart Rome 2856 = Jo. (intabulation for voice and lute) (intabulation Bol Q 17 = A. busnois; Bol Q 17 = A. busnois; Bol Q 17 = Fl 178 = Josquin; only); SG 463 (index Bas F.X.1-4 = Pirson; Bol Q 17 = A. busnois; Bol Q 17 = = Pirson; Bas F.X.1-4 Japart; Fl 229 = Jannes Jappart; Rome 2856 = Jo. (“Joye” Joye Seg = Johannes = corruption of Japart) Bol Q 17; Fl 107bis; ) all a4 Odh AOdh Canti B Canti C Other Sources Isaac (1501) which, when there are multiple sources, Petrucci is the earliest (Nos. 4, 9, [15]) = 8 (Nos. 2, 6, 7, 10, 12, 13, 14, 3) for 17); plus 1 (No. 4) for which Canti C is the only polyphonic source; and 2 (perhaps even transmit 16 of 17 pieces (all but No. 16,transmit 16 of 17 pieces (all but fillesÈ) ÇTrois No. 1, to Japart = 15 (all but attributions ÇCela sans plusÈ) unica gard deshonneur que nostre argent dure/ Ilque nostre argent est de bonne heure né (B lacking); Fl 107bis; 178; Bruss/Tour Number of pieces = 17 Petrucci’s songbooks: 20. Et qui la dira/Dieu Anon. 18. Amours, amours Japart 21. J’ay bien nourri sept ans 19. molt tant/Tant Amours fait 22. Je cuide23. Tmeiskin (De tusche in busche) Anon. ( to other composers are in italics) to other composers are Sub-totals for pieces with uncontested attributions: Sub-totals for with attr in bold; sources are other than Petrucci to Japart with attributions (sources B. Pieces with conflicting attributions

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PETRUCCI’S SONGBOOKS AND JAPART’S BIOGRAPHY

Sub-totals for pieces with conflicting attributions:

Number of pieces = 6

Petrucci’s songbooks: transmit 4 of 6 pieces (Nos. 18, 19, 22, 23) attributions to Japart = 1 (No. 18) attributions to ÇotherÈ composer = 1 (No. 23 = Isaac), in OdhA 1501, but then omitted in subsequent editions

GRAND TOTALS: Number of pieces attributed to Japart = 23 Japart pieces (uncontested and contested) in Petrucci = 20 Attributions to Japart in Petrucci = 16 (with one challenged elsewhere) Japart unica in Petrucci = 8

Table II thickens the plot, as it shows Petrucci’s tendency to group Japart’s works in clusters. In fact, together with the more prolific and better-known Agricola and Compère, Japart is one of the three most heavily “clustered” composers in the songbooks.16

Finally, Table III tallies up Petrucci’s attributions themselves. Here too Japart ranks third, trailing only the same two composers, Compère and Agricola, and narrowly beating out Josquin by a single ascription.

16 As for clusters in the other six sources with three or more pieces (serial numbers again refer to those in Table I); italics for the serial numbers only again indicate a conflicting attribution; and I have named the composer to whom the manuscript attributes the piece: Bol Q 17: fols. 66v-67r No. 20, “Busnois” fols. 67v-68r No. 18, “Busnois” fols. 68v-69r No. 23, Anon. Fl 107bis: fols. 4v-5r No. 23, Anon. fols. 5v-6r No. 20, “Japart” fols. 6v-7r a non-Japart-related piece (though setting the same text as No. 20) fols. 7v-8r No. 19, “Japart” Fl 229: fols. 162v-163r No. 23, Anon. fols. 163v-164r No. 19, “Japart” Fl 178, Rome XIII.27, Rome 2856: no Japart clusters. Three things seem noteworthy: 1) every one of the Japart-related pieces involved in these clusters reaches us with conflicting attributions; 2) the scribe of Bol Q 17 thought that at least two of the three pieces in his cluster were by Busnoys; and 3) the scribe of Fl 107bis did not think it was inappropriate to interrupt what could have been an unbroken string of three back-to-back Japart-related pieces with a piece that sets the same text as the second of his three Japart-related songs but has no connection with the composer. In all, the Japart (better called the “Japart-related”) clusters in Bol Q 17, Fl 107bis, and Fl 229 are very different in nature from those in the Petrucci songbooks.

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ALLAN W. ATLAS ; ascribed to Isaac in OdhA 1501 Congiet in Fl 229; De Orto in Iser; it is likely that Iser Congiet in Fl 229; De Orto Iser; it is likely Busnoys in Bol Q 17; Pirson Bas F.X.1-4 Busnoys unicum unicum in Bol Q 17 Busnoys in Fl 229 to Japart attributed already in Fl 178 to Japart attributed already already appeared, in Fl 178, without attribution but Fl 229, Rome XIII.27 derived its reading for this piece from OdhA and that the scribe carried over its reading for this piece from OdhA and that the scribe carried over derived the attribution to De Orto from the previous piece to De Orto from the previous the attribution not ÇJapartÈ of ÇGaspar,È ÇJaspartÈ and ÇJasparÈ are variants to Obrecht in Seg (omitted in later editions) and Schlick; attributed TABLE II TABLE Anon. Anon. The Japart “clusters” songbooks in Petrucci’s Nenciozza mia Japart Je cuideJe Anon.J’ay pris amours [I] in Rome 2856; Japart Se congié prisAmours, amours, amours Japart Cela sans plus Japart Japart Tmeiskin Helas, qu’elle est Japart Amours fait molt/ Anon. in Rome 2856; Japart à mon gré que Tant Il est/ 9v-10r A DH No.O 1 Folios2 Composition 3v-4r3 4v-5r //////////// Maria Ave 6 5v-6r7 Attribution8 8v-9r Hors oires une chanzon//////////// Comments 20 J’ay pris amours Anon. 21 De Orto 10v-11r22 22v-23r plus Je ne fay 23 23v-24r 24 De tous biens plaine 24v-25r 25 Anon. 25v-26r 26 26v-27r 27 Hayne 27v-28r Anon. 28v-29r28 Rompeltier to ÇJaspartÈ; but attributed SG 530 transmits an intabulation 29v-30r 29 Alons ferons barbe30 30v-31r to Busnoys, attributions Compère, 31v-32r and Mureau Ung franc archier 32v-33r Compère dire L’oserai 32 Anon.33 Compère 34v-35r 35v-36r Nostre cambriere Anon. omitted in later editions to Obrecht in OdhA 1501; attribution attributed Accordes moy Anon. Anon. Ninot le Petit in Fl 2442 in Rome 2856 Busnoys 31 33v-34r (Pieces ascribed to Japart are in bold, are (Pieces ascribed to Japart comments pertaining to him.) as are

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APPENDIX:SOURCES CITED AND THEIR SIGLA already attributed to Japart in Fl 178, to Japart attributed already Fl 229, Rome XIII.27 Canti C is the only polyphonic source, in SG 530 intabulation keyboard but Japart Japart unicum JapartJapart unicum unicum Tam bien mi son pensadeTam Japart d’un gran tempoFortuna Japart De tous biens plaine passer temps/Pour Japart JapartVray dieu/ Sancte Iouannis/ unicum unicum le moyPrestes Japart Japart unicum unicum J’ay pris amours [II] cuide/De tous biens plaine Je d’un gran tempo Fortuna Loier mi fault ung carpentier armé Il est/L’homme Plus ne chasceray nobis Ora pro doulx regartTres Questa se chiama Anon. Japart un pocoÈ without attribution as ÇFamene in Sev/Par already 114v-115r 115v-116r B C ANTI ANTI 32 35v-36r Franc coeur qu’as tu/Vigne De No.3435 FoliosC 36v-37r 29 Composition 37v-38r3031 Le serviteur 32v-33r 33v-34r vous Et dunt revenis 34v-35r C Attribution3536 Compère 37 Anon. Comments 51v-52r38 52v-53r ///////////// seulement Fors 53v-54r 58 54v-55r59 omitted in subsequent editions in OdhA 1501; attribution Busnoys 60 J’ay pris amours 77v-78r 78v-79r Anon. En l’ombre d’ung bussinet 79v-80r 62 Anon. ////////////// Anon. 73 81v-83r74 Ghiselin in Fl 2439; Josquin SG 461 vous Eleve 94v-95r 95v-96r 75 Je ne suis morte7677 96v-97r////////////// 97v-99r 89 Quis det ut veniat Anon. 99v-101r Anon. 90 de ciel Royne Agricola Compère 61 80v-81r 91 116v-117 Serviteur soye Stockem

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TABLE III Attributions In Petrucci’s songbooks

(note that attributions included in OdhA 1501 and then omitted in subsequent editions are counted as Anon.) Composer Number of Attributions OdhA (96) Canti B (51) Canti C (139) TOTAL (286 pieces) Compère 15 5 4 24 Agricola 10 1 9 20 Japart 6 2 8 16 Josquin 6 3 6 15 Obrecht 2 4 4 10 Ghiselin 1 1 6 8 Stockem 4 - 3 7 Brumel 1 4 1 6 De Orto 2 2 1 5 Isaac 3 - 2 5 La Rue 1 2 1 5 Ockeghem 2 - 3 5 Busnoys 2 - 2 4 Hayne 3 3 - 4 De Stappen - - 3 3 Martini - - 3 3 Tadingham 1 - 1 2 Bourdon 1 - - 1 Bulkyn - 1 - 1 Caron 1 - - 1 Craen - - 1 1 De Vigne - 1 - 1 De Vuilde - - 1 1 Fortuila - - 1 1 Gregoire - - 1 1 Hanert - - 1 1 Infantis - - 1 1 Lannoy - 1 - 1 Lapacide - - 1 1 Lourdault (=Bracconier) -111 Mathurin - - - 1 Molinet - - 1 1 Ninot - 1 - 1 Philipon - - 1 1 Pinarol - - 1 1 Regis - - 1 1 Reingot - - 1 1 Tinctoris 1 - - 1 Vaqueras - 1 - 1 Vincenet 1 - - 1 Anon. 33 18 69 120

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APPENDIX:SOURCES CITED AND THEIR SIGLA

What, then, can all of this tell us about Japart’s biography? I can imagine three perfectly plausible answers, each located on a different spot along a continuum that runs from the cautious to the risky. Perhaps the cautious answer consists of a single word: nothing!, that is, that Japart’s representation in Petrucci is merely an “accident,” a function of what Petrucci and his editor (to whom I shall return in a moment) quite “accidently” happened to have available; further, the cautious answer might insist that our knowledge of just how and why specific groups of pieces were transmitted precisely as they were is still too sketchy to let us use patterns of transmission as evidence for tracing the whereabouts of a composer. A second, somewhat middle-of-the-continuum answer might hold that Japart’s representation in the songbooks seems exceptional only from our vantage point five- hundred years after-the-fact (mediated as it must be by the ebb and flow of scholarly thought), and that Japart may well have been far more highly regarded by his contemporaries Ð Petrucci and his prospective consumers included Ð than the slim biographical pickings and narrow focus of his output might lead us to believe today. Finally, the third answer Ð my own Ð goes out on a limb, and suggests that the very high percentage of Japart pieces in the songbooks, their frequent positioning there in clusters, and, especially, the eight unica all add up to an extraordinary, perhaps even personal, relationship between Japart on the one hand and Petrucci Ð or someone in his inner circle Ð on the other. But is there any further evidence to support such conjecture? Perhaps, though I admit at the outset that it is a longshot, an extreme longshot, indeed! Thanks to Bonnie Blackburn, whose research provides the springboard for my asking “what if?,” we know that Petrus Castellanus, the music editor of OdhA, was affiliated Ð at times as the choirmaster Ð with the Venetian church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo from no later than August 1486 through at least April 1513.17 But there was another singer at that church who might interest us: a “frater Joannes de Francia,” who, on December 8th, 1499, had his annual salary raised to ten ducats.18 The question, of course, is this: is there any chance that this could be Japart, who, as we know, came from France and was a cleric? Obviously, the possibility of their being one and the same is tantalizing, for not only would that place Japart in Venice less than one-and-a-half years before Petrucci issued OdhA (and “frater Joannes” may well have stayed there for a while), but it would mean that he was a colleague of the very man who edited the collection. Seen in this light, Japart’s exceptional representation in the three songbooks would have a ready explanation: thanks to his collegial relationship with Petrus Castellanus, Japart had a foot in Petrucci’s door. Now, let me deflect two objections to the identification of Japart with Frater Joannes by raising them myself. First, of course, there is nothing particularly singular about a singer named Johannes who came from France. More problematic, though Ð at

17 BONNIE BLACKBURN, “Petrucci’s Venetian Editor: Petrus Castellanus and his Musical Garden,” Musica disciplina 49 (1995), 15-45. 18 BLACKBURN, “Petrucci’s Venetian Editor,” 20, 44.

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least at first glance – is the designation “frater,” which shows that the Joannes who was active at Venice in 1499 was a member of a monastic order, probably a Dominican, the order with which the church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo was associated. It is a problem for two reasons: 1) those documents Ð from Milan and Ferrara Ð that unequivocally pertain to Japart never refer to him as being a friar; and 2) that Japart was promised a benefice at Milan in 1476 would, at least customarily, point to his having belonged to the secular clergy, for whose members there was no contradiction between benefices and the monastic’s theoretical vow of poverty. Yet here the ground gets at least a little bit slippery, since vows of poverty were sometimes just that Ð theoretical. I offer four observations in connection with the “mendicant” orders and the dispensation of vows of poverty: 1) already in 1425, Martin V, fully aware of past and present abuses of vows, absolved some Dominican houses from the strict prohibition against holding property, thus permitting them to have sources of income; in 1426, the master general of the order obtained papal permission to grant such indults himself; and on June 1st, 1475 (significantly, perhaps, one year before Japart was promised the benefice at Milan), Sixtus IV, in response to petitions from Leonardo de Mansuetis (master general, 1474-80), further liberalized the ruling by extending to the order as a whole the right to hold common property;19 did this “corporate” largesse extend to individual friars, and, if so, did it enable the individual Dominican to obtain a dispensation from his vows of poverty more easily, turning such dispensations into a “local” affair, something between the individual friar and his superior? 2) the Church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo belonged to the “conventual” Ð that is, the more spiritually relaxed Ð branch of the Dominican Order, relaxed enough, in fact, that a visitor from the Order’s “reformed” or “observant” Ð branch thought the friars there to be living in the “pomp of secular glory...”;20 3) on April 20th, 1455, Calixtus III granted the composer Joan Cornago, a Franciscan, a dispensation from his vows of poverty, which permitted him to become a rather wealthy man;21 and 4) as Richard Sherr has kindly pointed out to me, another Franciscan, Fra Felice de Nola, was granted benefices in 1504.22 No doubt, readers will know of other such instances. Finally, we cannot rule out the possibility that Japart entered the order only after we lose sight of him in February 1481. In the end, while the identification of Japart with the friar at SS. Giovanni e Paolo is a longshot, it should not be summarily dismissed.

19 WILLIAM A. HINNEBUSCH, History of the Dominican Order, 2 vols. (New York: Alba House, 1965, 1973), I, 258; The Dominicans: A Short History (New York: Alba House, 1975), 105; “How the Dominican Order Faced its Crises,” Review for Religious 32/6 (1973), 1312-13. 20 BLACKBURN, “Petrucci’s Venetian Editor,” 39-40. 21 ROBERT STEVENSON, “Spanish Musical Impact beyond the Pyranees (1250-1500),” in España en la Música de Occidente: Actas del Congreso International celebrado en Salamanca 29 de octubre-5 de noviembre de 1985 Ð Año Europeo de la Música, ed. Emilio Casares Rodicio, Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, and José López-Calo (Madrid: Instituto Nacional de las Artes Escénicas y de la Música, 1987), I, 140; ALLAN W. ATLAS, Music at the Aragonese Court of Naples (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 64-66. 22 Communication of 9 May 2001.

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APPENDIX:SOURCES CITED AND THEIR SIGLA

Where, then, does all this leave us? Ð perhaps with nothing more than the following observation (and upon this I continue to insist): Japart is extraordinarily well represented in the Petrucci songbooks. But can we write biography based on that? I am willing to risk it, even if with the caveat that it must remain speculative. I referred above to Japart’s having left us a scanty paper trail in terms of hard-and-fast biographical documentation. Yet the manuscripts and prints that transmit his music constitute a paper trail of their own, even if different in nature and more difficult to interpret. And when a manuscript or print or group thereof seems to scream out: “look, composer X was here!,È we should, I think, pay attention and at least consider the possibility that the source might just be telling us something about the composer’s biography. And in this instance, I believe that the Petrucci songbooks may be telling us at least to consider the possibility that Japart might have passed through Venice and that he himself might have transmitted his music to Petrus Castellanus and thus on to OdhA and the other Petrucci song books, and this (to go one risky step further) even if we end up rejecting the identification with Frater Joannes de Francia.23

POSTSCRIPT

One could, I suppose, challenge the assertion of personal contact between Japart and the Petrucci workshop on the grounds that OdhA transmits Nos. 1, 19, and 22 without attributions, though all three pieces had already been ascribed to Japart in earlier manuscripts. Yet such “missing” attributions are difficult to interpret. And until we can explain why, say, a piece such as Quis dabit capiti meo aquam? fails to carry an ascription to Isaac in Rome XIII.27, a manuscript compiled right under Isaac’s nose and in the compilation of which he himself may have played a role, it is probably best not to draw hard-and-fast conclusions from them.

23 This is not to suggest that all or even any other of the better-represented composers in the Petrucci songbooks hand-delivered their music. Thus neither Compère nor Agricola was anywhere near Venice in the period just prior to the publication of OdhA. Rather, the personal, on-the-scene scenario would simply be an effective way of explaining what otherwise appears to be an extraordinary pattern of transmission Ð specifically for a composer whose whereabouts at the time are unknown Ð though I admit that to posit a convincing instance of such a process of transmission requires more “hard” supporting evidence than I have been able to offer with my speculation about Japart and Frater Joannes.

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APPENDIX: SOURCES CITED AND THEIR SIGLA

The following sigla appear either in the body of the text or in Tables I and II. All but three of the sources listed Ð Fl 2439, Fl 2442, and Herd 9820 Ð transmit music ascribed to Japart in one source or another.

Bas F.X.1-4 Basel, Universitätsbibliothek, MSS F.X.1-4

Ber 40021 Berlin, Staatliche Museen der Stiftung Preussicher Kulturbesitz, Mus. Ms. 40021

Bol Q 17 Bologna, Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale, MS Q 17

Bol Q 18 Bologna, Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale, MS Q 18

Bruss/Tour Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, MS IV.90 (superius partbook); MS 1274 (altus partbook)/Tournai, Bibliothèque de la Ville, MS 94 (tenor partbook)

Canti B Canti B. numero cinquanta (Venice: , 1502)

Canti C Canti C. numero cento cinquanta (Venice: Ottaviano Petrucci, 1504)

Cape 3.b.12 Capetown, South African Public Library, MS Grey 3.b.12

Cort/Par Cortona, Biblioteca Comunale, MSS 95-96 (altus and superius partbooks)/ Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, nouv. acq. fr., MS 1817 (tenor partbook)

Egen Lieder zu 3 & 4 Stimmen (Frankfurt am Main: Christian Egenolf, c. 1535/ superius partbook only)

Fl 27 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Panciatichi 27

Fl 107bis Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magl. XIX.107bis

Fl 178 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magl. XIX.178

Fl 229 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Banco rari 229

Fl 2439 Florence, Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica Luigi Cherubini, MS 2439

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APPENDIX:SOURCES CITED AND THEIR SIGLA

Fl 2442 Florence, Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica Luigi Cherubini, MS 2442

Fl 2794 Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 2794

Herd 9820 Herdringen, Schloss Fürstenberg Bibliothek, MS 9820

Iser Iserlohn, Evangelische Kirchengemeinde, Varnhagen Bibliothek, MS fragment

Lon 35087 London, British Library, Add. MS 35087

OdhA Harmonice musices Odhecaton A (Venice: Ottaviano Petrucci, 1501/reference to OdhA 1501 is to the so-called “1st edition”)

Par 676 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds du Conservatoire, Département de la Musique, Rés. Vm7 676

Par 15123 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds fr., MS 15123

Par 16664 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds lat., MS 16664

Reg C 120 Regensburg, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek, MS C 120

Rome XIII.27 Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cappella Giulia, MS XIII.27

Rome 2856 Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, MS 2856

Rome 11953 Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat., MS 11953 (bassus partbook only)

SG 461 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 461

SG 463 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 463

SG 530 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 530

Schlick Arnolt Schlick, Tabulaturen etlicher Lobgesang und Lidlein (Mainz: Peter Schöffer, 1512)

Schöff Quinquagenum carmina (Mainz: Peter Schöffer, 1513/tenor partbook only)

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Seg Segovia, Archivio Capitular de la Catedral, MS without number

Sev/Par Seville, Catedral metropolitano, Biblioteca capitular y Colombina, MS 5-I-43/ Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, nouv. acq. fr., MS 4379 (Pt. I)

Spin Francesco Spinacino, Intabulature de lauto. Libro secondo (Venice: Ottaviano Petrucci, 1507)

Ver 757 Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS 757

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