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Ethnic Structure, Inequality and Governance of the Public Sector in Lithuania

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Ethnic Structure, Inequality and Governance of the Public Sector in Lithuania ETHNIC STRUCTURE, INEQUALITY AND GOVERNANCE OF THE PUBLIC SECTOR IN LITHUANIA NATALIJA KASATKINA & VIDA BERESNEVICIUTE JANUARY 2004 Part of UNRISD Project on Ethnic Structure, Inequality and Governance of the Public Sector. All unauthorized citation, duplication or distribution prohibited without the approval of UNRISD and the authors. C O N T E N T 1. Introduction: Argument, Conceptual Framework and Methodology 3 2. Ethnic Cleavages 7 2.1. Trends in Ethnic Composition 7 2.2. Migration Trends in Soviet Period 11 2.3. Migration Trends after the Restoration of Independence 13 2.4. Ethnic Cleavages in Regions and Towns 16 2.5. Socio-Economic, Social and Cultural Cleavages: Ethnic Relations, Trends in 18 Education and Employment 2.5.1 Social Relations: Social Adaptation of Ethnic Groups 18 2.5.2 Educational Attainment 22 2.5.3 Trends in Employment 25 3. Impact of the Soviet Period on Ethnic Structure 30 4. Ethnic Cleavages and Inequalities in the Public Sector 33 4.1 Legal Framework for Protecting Minority Rights 33 4.2 Electoral Rules 36 4.3 Political Parties and Organisations of Ethnic Minorities 37 4.4 Ethnic Structure of the Parliament (Seimas) 38 4.5 Ethnic Structure in Governmental Bodies (Cabinet) 46 4.6 Civil Service at Municipal Level 50 5. Institutional and Policy Reforms for Managing Diversity and Inequalities 56 5.1 The Department of National Minorities and Lithuanians Living Abroad 56 5.2 The Conception of Ethnic Policy 58 5.3 Recommendatory Considerations 59 5.3.1 Educational Issues 59 5.3.2 Political and Civic Participation of Ethnic Minority Groups 60 6. Generalisations and Conclusions 62 Resources and Bibliographic References 66 Annex 68 2 1. Introduction: Argument, Conceptual Framework and Methodology Ongoing changes in contemporary society make its members adapt themselves to mutability of conditions, new challenges, look for new adaptation strategies, concentrate all skills in order to take advantage of current opportunities. Social, political, economic changes that took place ten years ago have influenced the situation of all ethnic groups (including both majority and minority groups) when choosing their strategies of acting in social sphere, adapting themselves to new requirements (citizenship, civic loyalty, knowledge of the state language, value changes, participation in the newly formed bodies, e.g. the private or non-governmental sector) in a more active or passive way or avoiding adaptation (emigration, segregation, life in closed communities). Overall, in Lithuania issues of national minorities are not urgent and sensitive within the whole context, including both public opinion and governmental policy. Discourses of silence, invisibilisation or even exclusion (e.g. issues of ethnic pureness, negative attitudes) dominate. The declared universal equality creates symbolic boundaries and obstacles for minority groups acting in society. One of illustrations of this could be an analysis of mass media in which principles of being noticeable/unnoticeable or visible/invisible are dominant. The research of the main dailies of Lithuania has disclosed that texts on ethnic groups quite often portray them as groups that are not integrated into the society’s life, as criminal, socially unprotected or “exotic” groups and the problems of the members of these groups are presented by emphasising their nationality or politicising them (Beresneviciute, Nausediene, 2002). The urgency of the issue is determined by political matters and is therefore frequently politicised. To put it in another way, unnoticeable means that on the one hand, there is no public discourse on the issue or the discourse of silence exists, or, on the other hand, examples of stigmatisation (especially in the case of Roma/Gypsies people) are presented. To illustrate a notion of visible/invisible, a metaphor of a “good citizen” could be used to define a person who behaves under rules and regulations and is visible in that way, but s/he causes no problems and therefore becomes invisible, and the other way out. In its own turn, politicised ethnicity tends to encourage xenophobia, blocking the evolution of citizenship that is essential for the growth of democratic institutions. When discussing the issues of ethnicity and national minorities in Lithuania, a discourse of civil loyalty and political loyalty has been dominating, the content of which is usually politicised, especially in the framework of public opinion and public discussions. Therefore, the issues of political integration of national minorities are mainly discussed and developed (legal instruments, laws, etc.) and less attention is paid to the issues of social integration. These considerations provide primary insights into the hypothetical cleavages of ethnic minorities in different spheres of society. Also, they reveal expectations of both minority and majority groups. In the context of the UNRISD project Ethnic Structure, Inequality and Governance of the Public Sector, the case of Lithuania will be studied in respect of public reforms that have been implemented during the last decade and their impact on political and civic participation of majority and minority groups will be discussed. The general objective of the project is to analyze and assess distribution and management of power in multi- ethnic settings: ethnic structure, inequality and governance of the public sector. Political, social and civic participation of minority groups is determined by several factors. On the one hand, it depends on legal and institutional mechanisms and instruments, and, on the other hand, on the “quality” and development of civil society, i.e. on its identities and abilities to harmonise competitive regional ethnic, religious and other identities and to tolerate differences and on the will and readiness to participate in political, social and civil processes in achieving common goals and accountability of the 3 government. Civil and political participation, besides other things, aims at ensuring equal representation of interests in public life. An important issue is related to the criteria (parameters) applied in measuring participation and in this research project it would be ethnicity, which affects identities of states and the allocation of public resources. Ethnic groups are, however, structured differently in national political economies because of their history, markets and resource endowments and, in some cases, overtly discriminatory public policies. In Eastern Europe, the ethnic understanding of a nation has deep roots, whereas the civic concept is likely to have very few adherents. In Lithuania, like in other countries of this region (e.g., Serbia, Hungary, Latvia), statehood or the process of nation-building has been constructed rather on the ground of experience of the independent state and resistance to oppression, ethnocentric inheritance by developing common ethnic romantic historic descent (ancestry), common culture of language, religion, traditions and customs, than on the ground of institutes of civil society that ensure development of representative democracy. Nationalistic movements of Eastern Europe were grounded on culture and headed by scientists and poets who strongly focused on the past and national traditions of their country. Western nationalisms were distinct in their civic nature, grounded on rationalism and values of individual freedom (Kohn, 1946). In Lithuania, from the 19th century to the times of Sajudis, a movement of the early 1990s, most nationalistic movements were of cultural rather than political nature, in which cultural activists (scientists, intelligentsia) took the leaders’ role. On the other hand, ethnic nationalism, in contrast to civic nationalism, which usually appears in well-institutionalised democracies, appears in an institutional vacuum and through lack of civic experience, when alternative structures are not readily available, and places the titular nation in the centre of the project of nation-building providing with certain prerogatives, implicitly and explicitly (e.g., language). In the perspective of cultural nationalism, state authorities tend to create maximum correspondence between the ethnic and political “nation” (the symbols and traditions of the titular nation become equated with the symbols and traditions of the state, thereby they become the norm for the entire population). Although after the restoration of Lithuania’s Independence along with the ethnic model, the newly established structures embodied elements of the civic model, the model of a civic state, i.e. the state for its citizen, irrespective of their ethnicity, has been developed (e.g., the Law on Citizenship in 1989). On the other hand, ethnic diversity, as well as the ethnic structure, does not shape political behaviour deterministically. Ethnicity is constantly adapting. Studies of ethnicity issues in Lithuania are based on traditions widely prevalent in Eastern Europe, i.e. focusing on studies of the ethnocultural identity by revealing the main features of this identity. These traditions could be treated as an organic constituent of Eastern European cultural nationalism, as the present ethnic majorities, which had been under the status of minorities on the strength of empires, have gone through the stage of the nation-building process. Hence, applying a mirror image, minorities are ascribed a paradigm of cultural nationalism that is the best conceived and supported by the majority. Studies of culture (language, historical consciousness, values and religion) persist as a
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