Volume XI, Issue 6 December 2017 PERSPECTIVES on TERRORISM Volume 11, Issue 6

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Volume XI, Issue 6 December 2017 PERSPECTIVES on TERRORISM Volume 11, Issue 6 ISSN 2334-3745 Volume XI, Issue 6 December 2017 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 11, Issue 6 Table of Contents Welcome from the Editors..................................................................................................................................3 Articles Thirty Years after its Foundation - Where is al-Qaida Going?.............................................5 by Anne Stenersen Revisiting al-Qaida’s Foundation and Early History.............................................................17 by Leah Farrall Al-Qaida and the Pakistani Harakat Movement: Reflections and Questions about the Pre-2001 Period............................................................................................................38 by Don Rassler The Jihadi Social Movement (JSM): Between Factional Hegemonic Drive, National Realities, and Transnational Ambitions................................................................55 by Jerome Drevon Jihadi Competition and Political Preferences........................................................................63 by Tore Hammin The Spread of its Message: Studying the Prominence of al-Qaida Materials in UK Terrorism Investigations..................................................................................................89 by Donald Holbrook Islamic State and Technology – a Literature Review...........................................................101 by Truls Tønnessen Islamic State and Al-Nusra: Exploring Determinants of Chemical Weapons Usage Patterns............................................................................................................................................112 by Geoffrey Chapman Al-Qaida’s Complex Balancing Act in Syria............................................................................123 by Charles Lister Success for al-Qaida in Syria?....................................................................................................131 by Aymenn al-Tamimi The Strategic Logic of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham.........................................................................140 by Sam Heller Downplaying Jihad in Jordan’s Educational Curriculum, 2013-2017 ...........................154 by Kirk Sowell Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb and the Dilemmas of Jihadi Loyalty..........................167 by Jean-Pierre Filiu Demystifying al-Qaida’s Impact in Nigeria Cases from Boko Haram’s Founding, Launch of Jihad and Suicide Bombings..................................................................................174 by Jacob Zenn Al-Qaida’s Strategy in Libya: Keep it Local, Stupid..............................................................191 by Rhiannon Smith and Jason Pack ISSN 2334-3745 i December 2017 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 11, Issue 6 Bibliography Bibliography: Al-Qaeda and its Affiliated Organizations (Part 1)...................................201 by Judith Tinnes Recent Online Resources for the Analysis of Terrorism and Related Subjects...........246 by Berto Jongman About Perspectives on Terrorism............................................................................................271 ISSN 2334-3745 ii December 2017 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 11, Issue 6 Welcome from the Editors This Special Issue of Perspectives on Terrorism is devoted to al-Qaida (AQ). It contains 15 articles on various aspects of al-Qaida and its affiliates, as well as an extensive bibliography on AQ. The articles are products of a conference held in Oslo on 4-5 September 2017. The conference was organised by the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment (FFI), in cooperation with the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It brought together leading specialists on al-Qaida and the Middle East, along with senior policymakers and government analysts from Norway and other countries. The rationale behind organising this conference – and for reproducing the proceedings in this Special Issue – was the feeling that there is a certain lack of knowledge of how al-Qaida has evolved, especially since Osama bin Laden’s death in 2011, the ‘Arab Spring’, and the rise of the Islamic State (IS). In recent years, most of the world’s attention has been on IS, while al-Qaida has seemingly disappeared from the radar. However, since IS experienced serious setbacks on the battlefield in 2017, the question asked by many today is whether al-Qaida will take its place on the world stage in one form or another. An additional motivation for having an al-Qaida conference in 2017 was to mark the fact that it is now thirty years since al-Qaida was established – counting from the year 1987, when Osama bin Laden set up a training camp for Arabs in Afghanistan which later became known as al-Qa’ida (“the Base”). FFI thought it was appropriate to gather al-Qaida experts from around the world, ‘old hands’ as well as promising newcomers to the field, to assess the current status of our knowledge on al-Qaida. This Special Issue is divided into two parts. Articles in the first part covers general questions related to al- Qaida’s history and its recent status, while the second part covers case studies of countries and regions where al-Qaida or its affiliates have been active. Anne Stenersen – the Guest Editor of this Special Issue of Perspectives on Terrorism – opens the series of articles by summarising what we know about al-Qaida today, but also suggests a framework for a better understanding of al-Qaida’s role in international jihadist terrorism. Leah Farrall revisits al-Qaida’s foundation and early history, arguing convincingly that al-Qaida was founded in 1987 and not in 1988 as commonly believed. Then, Don Rassler examines al-Qaida’s historical relationship to the Harakat movement in Pakistan, suggesting that we are only now beginning to understand the extent of these links. Jerome Drevon identifies al-Qaida’s place in the larger Jihadi Social Movement and analyses the recent competition between al-Qaida and Islamic State. Tore Hamming continues in the same track by providing a detailed analysis of how the intra-movement competition between AQ and IS has influenced their respective targeting preferences. Donald Holbrook explores the extent to which al-Qaida’s propaganda materials have featured in UK terrorism investigations. The next two articles address the topic of technology. Truls Tønnessen looks at how terrorist groups have used – but also, failed to use – new technologies in recent years while Geoffrey Chapman analyses why some jihadi groups in Syria, but not others, have used chemical weapons in the Syrian civil war. The remaining articles focus on country and regional issues. The first three texts in this section are dedicated to Syria, which continues to be the most important arena for jihad today. Charles Lister, Aymenn al-Tamimi and Sam Heller analyse al-Qaida’s main affiliate in Syria, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham - formerly known as Jabhat al-Nusra - discussing its shifting allegiances and its relationship to al-Qaida’s core. These three articles are followed by a case study on Jordan, where Kirk Sowell examines the government’s recent attempt to “de-jihadise” the country’s school curricula. The last three articles explore the conglomerate of jihadi groups in North and West Africa. Jean-Pierre Filiu’s focus is on al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, while Jacob Zenn examines the historical influence of al-Qaida in the north of Nigeria. Finally, Rhiannon Smith and Jason Pack explain the complexities of the Libyan case. The final, AQ-related item in this journal issue is a bibliography on al-Qaida and its affiliates, compiled by ISSN 2334-3745 3 December 2017 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 11, Issue 6 Judith Tinnes. This Special Issue ofPerspectives on Terrorism has been prepared by Guest Editor Dr. Anne Stenersen (FFI, Oslo), with the assistance of Associate Editor Dr. John Morrison and the Editor-in-Chief, Prof. Alex P. Schmid. ISSN 2334-3745 4 December 2017 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 11, Issue 6 Thirty Years after its Foundation – Where is al-Qaida Going? by Anne Stenersen Abstract This article presents a framework for understanding al-Qaida, based on a new reading of its thirty-year history. Al-Qaida today is commonly labelled a ‘global insurgency’ or ‘global franchise.’ However, these labels are not sufficient if we want to understand what kind of threat al-Qaida poses to the West. Al-Qaida is better described as a revolutionary vanguard, engaged in a perpetual struggle to further its Salafi-jihadi ideology. Its strategy is flexible and opportunistic, and the organization uses a range of tools associated with both state and non-state actors. In the future al-Qaida is likely to treat international terrorist planning, and support to local insurgencies in the Muslim world, as two separate activities. International terrorism is currently not a prioritised strategy of al-Qaida, but it is likely to be so in the future, given that it manages to re-build its external operations capability. Keywords: Al-Qaida, terrorism, insurgency, strategy, external operations Introduction The status and strength of al-Qaida (AQ) are the subject of an ongoing debate. [1] There are two opposite and irreconcilable views in this debate: The first is that al-Qaida is strong and cannot be discounted. The other is that al-Qaida is in decline. [2] Those who suggest al-Qaida is strong, tend to emphasise the size and number of al-Qaida’s affiliates, especially in Syria, Yemen and Somalia; they also point to the rise of new leaders, in particular bin Laden’s son Hamza. [3] Those who suggest
Recommended publications
  • Case 2:15-Cv-00286-JLQ Document 182-5 Filed 05/22/17
    Case 2:15-cv-00286-JLQ Document 182-5 Filed 05/22/17 Exhibit E Case 2:15-cv-00286-JLQ Document 182-5 Filed 05/22/17 1 2 3 4 Interrogating the Enemy 5 6 7 The Story of the CIA's Interrogation of Top al-Qa'ida Terrorists 8 9 10 (Working Title) 11 By James E. Mitchell, Ph.D., 12 Architect of the CIA Interrogation Program 13 14 With Bill Harlow 15 1 MJ00022577 Case 2:15-cv-00286-JLQ Document 182-5 Filed 05/22/17 1 long time ago not to be offended by this sort of posturing. It frequently went away when 2 you got on the ground and started working. 3 4 The operational psychologist told me that our task on the way over was to rough out a 5 design for the cell where Zubaydah was to be held. We were told that, because of his 6 importance as a potential source of intelligence and the severity of his injury, the cell 7 needed to be lighted 24 hours a day. Closed circuit TV cameras were also required. We 8 wanted Zubaydah focused on the interrogators and for the cell to not be a source of dis- 9 tracting stimulation, so we recommended they paint it white. Speakers were needed so 10 music could be played, mostly as sound masking for security reasons because the 11 guards were located just outside the door, but also, if ordered, as an irritant to wear on 12 him if he chose not to cooperate.
    [Show full text]
  • The Foreign Fighters Problem, Recent Trends and Case Studies: Selected Essays
    Program on National Security at the FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE Al-Qaeda al-Shabaab AQIM AQAP Central The Foreign Fighters Problem, Recent Trends and Case Studies: Selected Essays Edited by Michael P. Noonan Managing Director, Program on National Security April 2011 Copyright Foreign Policy Research Institute (www.fpri.org). If you would like to be added to our mailing list, send an email to [email protected], including your name, address, and any affiliation. For further information or to inquire about membership in FPRI, please contact Alan Luxenberg, [email protected] or (215) 732-3774 x105. FPRI 1528 Walnut Street, Suite 610 • Philadelphia, PA 19102-3684 Tel. 215-732-3774 • Fax 215-732-4401 About FPRI Founded in 1955, the Foreign Policy Research Institute is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization devoted to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the development of policies that advance U.S. national interests. We add perspective to events by fitting them into the larger historical and cultural context of international politics. About FPRI’s Program on National Security The end of the Cold War ushered in neither a period of peace nor prolonged rest for the United States military and other elements of the national security community. The 1990s saw the U.S. engaged in Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and numerous other locations. The first decade of the 21st century likewise has witnessed the reemergence of a state of war with the attacks on 9/11 and military responses (in both combat and non-combat roles) globally. While the United States remains engaged against foes such as al-Qa`ida and its affiliated movements, other threats, challengers, and opportunities remain on the horizon.
    [Show full text]
  • Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS): an Al-Qaeda Affiliate Case Study Pamela G
    Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS): An Al-Qaeda Affiliate Case Study Pamela G. Faber and Alexander Powell October 2017 DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. Approved for public release: distribution unlimited. This document contains the best opinion of CNA at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the sponsor. Distribution DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. Approved for public release: distribution unlimited. SPECIFIC AUTHORITY: N00014-16-D-5003 10/27/2017 Request additional copies of this document through [email protected]. Photography Credit: Michael Markowitz, CNA. Approved by: October 2017 Dr. Jonathan Schroden, Director Center for Stability and Development Center for Strategic Studies This work was performed under Federal Government Contract No. N00014-16-D-5003. Copyright © 2017 CNA Abstract Section 1228 of the 2015 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) states: “The Secretary of Defense, in coordination with the Secretary of State and the Director of National Intelligence, shall provide for the conduct of an independent assessment of the effectiveness of the United States’ efforts to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat Al- Qaeda, including its affiliated groups, associated groups, and adherents since September 11, 2001.” The Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations/Low Intensity Conflict (ASD (SO/LIC)) asked CNA to conduct this independent assessment, which was completed in August 2017. In order to conduct this assessment, CNA used a comparative methodology that included eight case studies on groups affiliated or associated with Al-Qaeda. These case studies were then used as a dataset for cross-case comparison. This document is a stand-alone version of the Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) case study used in the Independent Assessment.
    [Show full text]
  • The United States and Russian Governments Involvement in the Syrian Crisis and the United Nations’ Kofi Annan Peace Process
    ISSN 2039-2117 (online) Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences Vol 5 No 27 ISSN 2039-9340 (print) MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy December 2014 The United States and Russian Governments Involvement in the Syrian Crisis and the United Nations’ Kofi Annan Peace Process Ken Ifesinachi Ph.D Professor of Political Science, University of Nigeria [email protected] Raymond Adibe Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria [email protected] Doi:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p1154 Abstract The inability of the Syrian government to internally manage the popular uprising in the country have increased international pressure on Syria as well as deepen international efforts to resolve the crisis that has developed into a full scale civil war. It was the need to end the violent conflict in Syria that informed the appointment of Kofi Annan as the U.N-Arab League Special Envoy to Syria on February 23, 2012. This study investigates the U.S and Russian governments’ involvement in the Syrian crisis and the UN Kofi Annan peace process. The two persons’ Zero-sum model of the game theory is used as our framework of analysis. Our findings showed that the divergence on financial and military support by the U.S and Russian governments to the rival parties in the Syrian conflict contradicted the mandate of the U.N Security Council that sanctioned the Annan plan and compromised the ceasefire agreement contained in the plan which resulted in the escalation of violent conflict in Syria during the period the peace deal was supposed to be in effect. The implication of the study is that the success of any U.N brokered peace deal is highly dependent on the ability of its key members to have a consensus, hence, there is need to galvanize a comprehensive international consensus on how to tackle the Syrian crisis that would accommodate all crucial international actors.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom Or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis
    Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 4 Spring 2005 Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Hannibal Travis, Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq, 3 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 1 (2005). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol3/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2005 Northwestern University School of Law Volume 3 (Spring 2005) Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights FREEDOM OR THEOCRACY?: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN AFGHANISTAN AND IRAQ By Hannibal Travis* “Afghans are victims of the games superpowers once played: their war was once our war, and collectively we bear responsibility.”1 “In the approved version of the [Afghan] constitution, Article 3 was amended to read, ‘In Afghanistan, no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the sacred religion of Islam.’ … This very significant clause basically gives the official and nonofficial religious leaders in Afghanistan sway over every action that they might deem contrary to their beliefs, which by extension and within the Afghan cultural context, could be regarded as
    [Show full text]
  • The Nairobi Attack and Al-Shabab's Media Strategy
    OCTOBER 2013 . VOL 6 . ISSUE 10 Contents The Nairobi Attack and FEATURE ARTICLE 1 The Nairobi Attack and Al-Shabab’s Al-Shabab’s Media Strategy Media Strategy By Christopher Anzalone By Christopher Anzalone REPORTS 6 The Dutch Foreign Fighter Contingent in Syria By Samar Batrawi 10 Jordanian Jihadists Active in Syria By Suha Philip Ma’ayeh 13 The Islamic Movement and Iranian Intelligence Activities in Nigeria By Jacob Zenn 19 Kirkuk’s Multidimensional Security Crisis By Derek Henry Flood 22 The Battle for Syria’s Al-Hasakah Province By Nicholas A. Heras 25 Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity 28 CTC Sentinel Staff & Contacts Kenyan soldiers take positions outside the Westgate Mall in Nairobi on September 21, 2013. - Photo by Jeff Angote/Getty Images fter carrying out a bold Godane. The attack also followed a attack inside the upscale year in which al-Shabab lost control Westgate Mall in Nairobi in of significant amounts of territory in September 2013, the Somali Somalia, most importantly major urban Amilitant group al-Shabab succeeded in and economic centers such as the cities recapturing the media spotlight. This of Baidoa and Kismayo. was in large part due to the nature of the attack, its duration, the difficulty This article examines al-Shabab’s About the CTC Sentinel in resecuring the mall, the number of media strategy during and immediately The Combating Terrorism Center is an casualties, and al-Shabab’s aggressive after the Westgate Mall attack, both independent educational and research media campaign during and immediately via micro-blogging on Twitter through institution based in the Department of Social after the attack.1 its various accounts as well as more Sciences at the United States Military Academy, traditional media formats such as West Point.
    [Show full text]
  • In Their Own Words: Voices of Jihad
    THE ARTS This PDF document was made available from www.rand.org as CHILD POLICY a public service of the RAND Corporation. CIVIL JUSTICE EDUCATION Jump down to document ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT 6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit research NATIONAL SECURITY POPULATION AND AGING organization providing objective analysis and PUBLIC SAFETY effective solutions that address the challenges facing SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY the public and private sectors around the world. SUBSTANCE ABUSE TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Support RAND TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Purchase this document WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Learn more about the RAND Corporation View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND monographs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. in their own words Voices of Jihad compilation and commentary David Aaron Approved for public release; distribution unlimited C O R P O R A T I O N This book results from the RAND Corporation's continuing program of self-initiated research.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy
    Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45818 SUMMARY R45818 Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Afghanistan has been a significant U.S. foreign policy concern since 2001, when the United States, in response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, led a military Clayton Thomas campaign against Al Qaeda and the Taliban government that harbored and supported it. Analyst in Middle Eastern In the intervening 18 years, the United States has suffered approximately 2,400 military Affairs fatalities in Afghanistan, with the cost of military operations reaching nearly $750 billion. Congress has appropriated approximately $133 billion for reconstruction. In that time, an elected Afghan government has replaced the Taliban, and most measures of human development have improved, although Afghanistan’s future prospects remain mixed in light of the country’s ongoing violent conflict and political contention. Topics covered in this report include: Security dynamics. U.S. and Afghan forces, along with international partners, combat a Taliban insurgency that is, by many measures, in a stronger military position now than at any point since 2001. Many observers assess that a full-scale U.S. withdrawal would lead to the collapse of the Afghan government and perhaps even the reestablishment of Taliban control over most of the country. Taliban insurgents operate alongside, and in periodic competition with, an array of other armed groups, including regional affiliates of Al Qaeda (a longtime Taliban ally) and the Islamic State (a Taliban foe and increasing focus of U.S. policy). U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Articles Al-Qaida and the Pakistani Harakat Movement: Reflections and Questions About the Pre-2001 Period by Don Rassler
    PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 11, Issue 6 Articles Al-Qaida and the Pakistani Harakat Movement: Reflections and Questions about the pre-2001 Period by Don Rassler Abstract There has been a modest amount of progress made over the last two decades in piecing together the developments that led to creation of al-Qaida and how the group has evolved over the last 30 years. Yet, there are still many dimensions of al-Qaida that remain understudied, and likely as a result, poorly understood. One major gap are the dynamics and relationships that have underpinned al-Qaida’s multi-decade presence in Pakistan. The lack of developed and foundational work done on the al-Qaida-Pakistan linkage is quite surprising given how long al- Qaida has been active in the country, the mix of geographic areas - from Pakistan’s tribal areas to its main cities - in which it has operated and found shelter, and the key roles Pakistani al-Qaida operatives have played in the group over the last two decades. To push the ball forward and advance understanding of this critical issue, this article examines what is known, and has been suggested, about al-Qaida’s relations with a cluster of Deobandi militant groups consisting of Harakat ul-Mujahidin, Harakat ul-Jihad Islami, Harakat ul-Ansar, and Jaish-e-Muhammad, which have been collectively described as Pakistan’s Harakat movement, prior to 9/11. It finds that each of these groups and their leaders provided key elements of support to al-Qaida in a number of direct and indirect ways.
    [Show full text]
  • The Military Coup in Mali, 22 March 2012. Reflections on the Demise of Democracy and the Importance of Civil – Military Relations
    THE MILITARY COUP IN MALI, 22 MARCH 2012. REFLECTIONS ON THE DEMISE OF DEMOCRACY AND THE IMPORTANCE OF CIVIL – MILITARY RELATIONS Thomas C. BRUNEAU, Distinguished Professor Emeritus of National Security Affairs Florina Cristiana (Cris) MATEI, Lecturer Center for Civil – Military Relations, Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, California, USA The coup in Bamako, on 22 March 2012 both gave lie to the apparent stability of Mali as a democratic country and resulted in the taking of power of an assortment of armed combatants in the North of the country, which resulted in armed intervention by France. This article is about the coup itself that created the power vacuum allowing the insurrection to grow and ultimately take power in the North. The authors have developed a framework for analyzing civil – military relations they believe is more useful than other available frameworks in understanding the role of the military in politics. Key words: Coup in Mali, Civil - Military Relations, Al-Qa'ida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). 1. INTRODUCTION the case of Mali may be particularly dramatic given the long history of In this article we build on the insurgents in the North of the country conceptual framework of Samuel E. and the fact that the demands on the Finer in The Man on Horseback: The armed forces for fighting insurgents Role of the Military in Politics, and seriously increased after the collapse use the case study of the North West of the Muammar el-Qaddafi regime African country of Mali. We believe in Libya in August 2011 [2]. Even so, that any analysis of democratic civil we believe that sooner or later most – military relations must be attuned, armed forces will be required to do as Finer’s book so convincingly something concrete by the civilian demonstrates, to the potential for leaders and, if the requirements we a military coup to overthrow a posit for control and effectiveness are democratic regime [1].
    [Show full text]
  • 3 Al Qaeda Operatives Took Part in Benghazi Attack
    This document is made available through the declassification efforts and research of John Greenewald, Jr., creator of: The Black Vault The Black Vault is the largest online Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) document clearinghouse in the world. The research efforts here are responsible for the declassification of hundreds of thousands of pages released by the U.S. Government & Military. Discover the Truth at: http://www.theblackvault.com OUice of the Director of National [ntel1igence Washington, DC 20511 John Greenewald, Jr. DEC 0 8 2015 Re: ODNI FOIA Case DF-2013-00205 Dear Mr. Greenewald: This is in response to your email to the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) on 15 September 2013, in which you requested an appeal of your FOIA case DF-2013-00190 regarding information about the U.S. Consulate in Benghazi, Libya. During subsequent communication with our FOIA office, you agreed to withdraw your appeal and allow us to process the case as a new request (Enclosure 1). Your request was processed in accordance with the FOIA, 5 U.S.C. 552, as amended, and material was located that is responsive to your request (Enclosure 2). Upon review, certain information has been determined to be currently and properly classified in accordance with Executive Order 13526, Section 1.4(c), and that is, therefore, exempt from disclosure pursuant to FOIA exemption (b)(1). In addition, information has been withheld pursuant to the following FOIA exemptions: • (b)(3), which applies to information exempt by statute, specifically 50 U.S.C. § 3024(i), which protects intelligence sources and methods from unauthorized disclosure; and • (b)(3), the relevant withholding statute is the National Security Act of 1947, as amended, 50 U.S.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Global War on Terrorism and Prosecution of Terror Suspects: Select Cases and Implications for International Law, Politics, and Security
    GLOBAL WAR ON TERRORISM AND PROSECUTION OF TERROR SUSPECTS: SELECT CASES AND IMPLICATIONS FOR INTERNATIONAL LAW, POLITICS, AND SECURITY Srini Sitaraman Introduction The global war on terrorism has opened up new frontiers of transnational legal challenge for international criminal law and counterterrorism strategies. How do we convict terrorists who transcend multiple national boundaries for committing and plotting mass atrocities; what are the hurdles in extraditing terrorism suspects; what are the consequences of holding detainees in black sites or secret prisons; what interrogation techniques are legal and appropriate when questioning terror suspects? This article seeks to examine some of these questions by focusing on the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT), particularly in the context of counterterrorism strategies that the United States have pursued towards Afghanistan-Pakistan (Af-Pak) since the September 2001 terror attacks on New York and Washington D.C. The focus of this article is on the methods employed to confront terror suspects and terror facilitators and not on the politics of cooperation between the United States and Pakistan on the Global War on Terrorism or on the larger military operation being conducted in Afghanistan and in the border regions of Pakistan. This article is not positioned to offer definitive answers or comprehensive analyses of all pertinent issues associated with counterterrorism strategies and its effectiveness, which would be beyond the scope of this effort. The objective is to raise questions about the policies that the United States have adopted in conducting the war on terrorism and study its implications for international law and security. It is to examine whether the overzealousness in the execution of this war on terror has generated some unintended consequences for international law and complicated the global judicial architecture in ways that are not conducive to the democratic propagation of human rights.
    [Show full text]