Political Absorption
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ISRAEL Date of Elections: 30 June 1981 Purpose of Elections
ISRAEL Date of Elections: 30 June 1981 Purpose of Elections Elections were held for all the members of Parliament following premature dissolution of this body. Previous general elections had taken place in May 1977. Characteristics of Parliament The unicameral Parliament of Israel, the Knesset, consists of 120 members elected for 4 years. Electoral System Every Israeli national at least 18 years of age is entitled to vote. Although no persons are expressly disqualified from voting, certain cannot do so because they are not provided with polling facilities; these include prisoners or persons abroad who are not seamen. The electoral register is drawn up at the national level and revised annually. Voting is not compulsory. Every qualified voter at least 21 years of age may be a candidate for the Knesset unless he has been sentenced to imprisonment of five or more years for violation of national security, where five years have not elapsed since the prison term was completed. The following people are also barred from being candidates: the President of the State; the State Comptroller; salaried rabbis; judges; and senior civil servants and army officers of a certain rank, unless they cease to hold their posts 100 days before election day; where a more junior civil servant or army officer becomes a candidate his service is suspended until election day and, if he becomes a member of the Knesset, so long as he is a parliamentarian. A list of candidates may be presented either by 1,500 members of the electorate or by a party group represented in the outgoing Knesset. -
Israeli Reactions in a Soviet Moment: Reflections on the 1970 Leningrad Affair
No. 58 l September 2020 KENNAN CABLE Mark Dymshits, Sylva Zalmanson, Edward Kuznetsov & 250,000 of their supporters in New York Ciry, 1979. (Photo:Courtesy of Ilya Levkov; CC-BY-SA) Israeli Reactions in a Soviet Moment: Reflections on the 1970 Leningrad Affair By Jonathan Dekel-Chen The Kennan Institute convened a virtual meeting and public demonstrators pushed the Kremlin to retry in June 2020 marking the 50th anniversary of the the conspirators, commute death sentences for their attempted hijacking of a Soviet commercial flight from leaders, and reduce the prison terms for the rest. Leningrad.1 The 16 Jewish hijackers hoped to draw international attention to their struggle for emigration to A showing of the 2016 documentary filmOperation Israel, although many of them did not believe that they Wedding (the code name for the hijacking) produced by would arrive at their destination. Some were veterans Anat Zalmanson-Kuznetsov, daughter of two conspirators, of the Zionist movement who had already endured preceded the Kennan panel and served as a backdrop punishment for so-called “nationalist, anti-Soviet for its conversations. The film describes the events from crimes,” whereas others were newcomers to activism.2 the vantage point of her parents. As it shows, the plight Their arrest on the Leningrad airport tarmac in June of the hijackers—in particular Edward Kuznetsov and 1970, followed by a show trial later that year, brought Sylva Zalmanson—became a rallying point for Jewish the hijackers the international attention they sought. and human rights activists in the West. Both eventually Predictably, the trial resulted in harsh prison terms. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-13864-3 — the Israeli Settler Movement Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler , Cas Mudde Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-13864-3 — The Israeli Settler Movement Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler , Cas Mudde Index More Information Index 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the, 2 Ariel, Uri, 76, 116 1949 Armistice Agreements, the, 2 Arutz Sheva, 120–121, 154, 205 1956 Sinai campaign, the, 60 Ashkenazi, 42, 64, 200 1979 peace agreement, the, 57 Association for Retired People, 23 Australia, 138 Abrams, Eliott, 59 Aviner, Shlomo, 65, 115, 212 Academic Council for National, the. See Professors for a Strong Israel B’Sheva, 120 action B’Tselem, 36, 122 connective, 26 Barak, Ehud, 50–51, 95, 98, 147, 235 extreme, 16 Bar-Ilan University, 50, 187 radical, 16 Bar-Siman-Tov, Yaacov, 194, 216 tactical, 34 Bat Ayin Underground, the, 159 activism BDS. See Boycott, Divestment and moderate, 15–16 Sanctions transnational, 30–31 Begin, Manahem, 47, 48, 118–119, Adelson, Sheldon, 179, 190 157, 172 Airbnb, 136 Beit El, 105 Al Aqsa Mosque, the, 146 Beit HaArava, 45 Al-Aqsa Intifada. See the Second Intifada Beitar Illit, 67, 70, 99 Alfei Menashe, 100 Beitar Ironi Ariel, 170 Allon, Yigal, 45–46 Belafonte, Harry, 14 Alon Shvut, 88, 190 Ben Ari, Michael, 184 Aloni, Shulamit, 182 Bendaña, Alejandro, 24 Altshuler, Amos, 189 Ben-Gurion, David, 46 Amana, 76–77, 89, 113, 148, 153–154, 201 Ben-Gvir, Itamar, 184 American Friends of Ariel, 179–180 Benn, Menachem, 164 American Studies Association, 136 Bennett, Naftali, 76, 116, 140, 148, Amnesty International, 24 153, 190 Amona, 79, 83, 153, 157, 162, 250, Benvenisti, Meron, 1 251 Ben-Zimra, Gadi, 205 Amrousi, Emily, 67, 84 Ben-Zion, -
1988-09-09 -Needs Redos.Pdf
*************** ********5-DIGIT 029)l 2239 li/3J/8 ft 34 7 R. I. 2Ei,JSH HIS JR I CAL ;sSSOCIATION Inside: Local News, pages 2-3 130 SESSIONS ST. Opinion, page 4 P~O~lDENCE, R'. 02906 Around Town, page 8 THE ONLY ENGL/SH--JEW!SH WEEKLY IN R./. AND SOUTHEAST MASS. VOLUME LXXV, NUMBER 41 FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1988 35¢ PER COPY The Sons of ,Jacob Synagogue is as the Baal Koreh, Torah reader, at various chassidic t<!xts. Yea riv. he the oldest "shul" in Rhode Island Mishkan Tefilah. He also would complete a tractat.e in the A New Beginning outside of the Touro Synagogue in co- published a brn,k with Rabbi Gomorah so that first-born men Newport. Conveniently located Mendel Alperin. The book. called would not have l<i fast the day of nea r downtown and the Marriott Se/er Dvash, was written to relate Passover. He a lso completed Hotel. the Sons of Jacob became the Torah insighLs of his studying all 14 volumes of the place where ,Jewish father-in-law, Rav Shabse Alperin. Maimonides Mishne Torah in one husinessmen depended on fo r a of blessed memory. year. and made a community-wide <laily minyan. Over the years, the While other men Rabbi Drazin's "siyum" lo help celebrate the Synagogu~ has hosted visitors age have retired or at least slowed Anniversary of Maimonides hirth. coming to Providence for the down. he has continued wo rking at While his future plans have yet -Jewelry Show and American Math a young man's pace. -
Snapshots of the People Behind a Young State
Snapshots of the People Behind a Young State A Unique Display in Honor of Israel's 70th Anniversary From The Bernard H. and Miriam Oster Visual Documentation Center Beit Hatfutsot, The Museum of the Jewish People Curator: Yaara Litwin | Concept & design: Neta Harel YEARS בית הספר הבינלאומי The Koret ע"ש קורת International School Ministry for Social Equality ללימודי העם היהודי for Jewish Peoplehood - 1 - Celebrating Israel: Snapshots of the People Behind a Young State A Unique Photo Display in Honor of Israel's 70th Anniversary From the collection of The Bernard H. and Miriam Oster Visual Documentation Center Beit Hatfutsot, The Museum of the Jewish People, Tel Aviv This comprehensive exhibit showcases a selection Israel, online and around the world, through innovative of historical moments that embody the great exhibits, cutting edge technology and creative endeavor that was the establishment of the State programs. of Israel, as seen through the eyes of its people. Beit Hatfutsot maintains a digital database boasting Highlighted within are the experiences of Jews from millions of items including family trees, films, and around the world who escaped hatred and fear to much more. The Database helps connect the Jewish live freely in a Jewish state. People to their roots and strengthens their personal Depicted are primarily new citizens who made and collective Jewish identity Aliyah (immigrated to Israel; literally "ascended") The Bernard H. and Miriam Oster Visual Documentation to the young country. Their struggles and triumphs Center is an unparalleled catalogue of photographs and evidence how these immigrants overcame the films documenting Jewish life, heritage and history. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
Ansätze Einer Jüdisch-Arabischen Normalisierung in Israel. Arabische
NR. 21 MÄRZ 2021 Einleitung Ansätze einer jüdisch-arabischen Normalisierung in Israel Arabische Israelis wollen pragmatischere Politik, jüdische Parteien werben um arabische Stimmen Lidia Averbukh Im Vorfeld zur Knesset-Wahl 2021 werben jüdische Parteien aktiv um die Stimmen der israelischen Araber, die 17 Prozent der wahlberechtigten Israelis stellen. Zugleich äußern arabische Israelis verstärkt das Bedürfnis nach einer Politik, die zur Verbesse- rung ihrer Lebensumstände beiträgt und ihnen mehr politische Beteiligung ermög- licht. Während das arabische Parteienbündnis Vereinte Liste seinen traditionellen Oppositionskurs beibehält und dabei die Abspaltung ihres Mitglieds Islamische Bewe- gung (Ra’am) in Kauf nahm, treten im Wahlkampf neue Akteure auf, die eine pragma- tischere arabische Politik betreiben und auf Zusammenarbeit mit jüdischen Parteien setzen. Der Konflikt und die Identität des jüdischen Staates Israel spielen für sie allen- falls eine Nebenrolle. Ähnlich sieht es in der israelischen Kommunalpolitik aus. Dort wird eine interessensbasierte jüdisch-arabische Kooperation bereits praktiziert. »Für viele Jahre war die arabische Öffent- zuschüchtern. So veranlasste er, dass in den lichkeit außerhalb des Mainstreams«, sagte Wahllokalen arabischer Kommunen wegen der israelische Premierminister Netanjahu angeblicher Fälschungen Kameras instal- im Wahlkampf 2021. Doch dafür gebe es liert wurden. 2015 warnte Netanjahu vor keinen Grund. Die Wahl solle zeigen, dass »Arabern, die in Scharen in Wahllokale die Araber Teil der Erfolgsgeschichte Israels strömen«. Auch die Parteien von Links und seien. Mit diesen Worten markierte er eine Mitte konnten sich der Wirkung dieser bemerkenswerte Kehrtwende, denn in den araberfeindlichen Parolen nicht entziehen. Wahlkämpfen der letzten Jahre war eine Sie distanzierten sich von arabischen Wäh- Koalition mit arabischen Parteien tabu. lern und Parteien aus Angst davor, als anti- Rechte jüdische Parteien behandelten diese zionistisch diskreditiert zu werden. -
Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers. -
1987-1993 — the Intifada: the Palestinian Resistance Mo(Ve)Ment ————————— 7
————————— 1987-1993 — The Intifada: The Palestinian Resistance Mo(ve)ment ————————— 7. 1987-1993 — The Intifada: The Palestinian Resistance Mo(ve)ment1 I. Introduction The Israeli polity saw two major structural changes during the post- colonial era: the creation of the State of Israel in 1948 and the insti- tutionalization of the dual democratic/ military regime after 1967. Despite these two tremendous transformations in terms of popula- tion, economy, territory and bureaucracies, the colonial Zionist Labor Movement (ZLM) proved strong enough to maintain its institutional structure and power. The only long-term political development occurred gradually, with the transition from a monopoly of a single ruling party to a bipartisan “left/right cartel” (see Chapter 5) made up of two Zion- ist party blocks. Although these two blocks competed for power, tribal channeling of polarized hostile feelings closed political space to new actors, while in fact both implemented similar economic policies and supported the dual regime (Ben Porath, 1982; Grinberg, 1991, 2010). The ruling Labor Alignment, in cooperation with the Histadrut and the security establishment, institutionalized the dual regime designed to maintain control of the economy and population on both sides of the Green Line separating sovereign Israel from the Occupied Territories. The Labor Movement ideology, however, was unequipped to legitimize the military occupation or reassert the state’s institutional autonomy after 1967. The Likud government elected for the first time in 1977 was able to legitimize the occupation but unable to control the economy due to the lack of state autonomy and its incapacity to articulate economic interests, which became its most critical obstacle (see Chapter 6). -
Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv. -
Schools and Votes: Primary Education Provision and Electoral Support for the Shas Party in Israel
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 470 344 SO 034 268 AUTHOR Schiffman, Eitan TITLE Schools and Votes: Primary Education Provision and Electoral Support for the Shas Party in Israel. PUB DATE 2001-08-00 NOTE 27p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association (San Francisco, CA, August 30- September 2, 2001). PUB TYPE Reports Research (143) Speeches/Meeting Papers (150) EDRS PRICE EDRS Price MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Educational Research; Elementary Education; Foreign Countries; *Political Issues; *Political Parties; Religious Education IDENTIFIERS Empirical Research; Exploratory Studies; *Israel; Religious Fundamentalism; Research in Progress ABSTRACT This paper presents the foundation of an exploratory study about the effects of primary school education provision by the ultra-orthodox Shas party on electoral support for the party in Israel. Specifically, the research explores the question of whether and to what extent religious organizations that provide services for their clients are able to redirect the loyalties of their targeted communities away from the state and its ideology and toward the ideological goals of their organization. In addition to the discussion of prevailing theories for Shas's party success, the paper theorizes how the success of Shas can be regarded and tested as a case of political clientelism, manifested through the provision of services by the party's publicly funded education network, the Wellspring of Torah Education. Currently, the Shas school system operates schools (n=101) and kindergarten classrooms (n=484). The empirical research for this project is a work in progress. Therefore, no definitive conclusions are presented at this time, pending completion of field research in Israel. -
The Success of an Ethnic Political Party: a Case Study of Arab Political Parties in Israel
University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) 2014 The Success of an Ethnic Political Party: A Case Study of Arab Political Parties in Israel Samira Abunemeh University of Mississippi. Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Abunemeh, Samira, "The Success of an Ethnic Political Party: A Case Study of Arab Political Parties in Israel" (2014). Honors Theses. 816. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/816 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Success of an Ethnic Political Party: A Case Study of Arab Political Parties in Israel ©2014 By Samira N. Abunemeh A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for completion Of the Bachelor of Arts degree in International Studies Croft Institute for International Studies Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College The University of Mississippi University, Mississippi May 2014 Approved: Dr. Miguel Centellas Reader: Dr. Kees Gispen Reader: Dr. Vivian Ibrahim i Abstract The Success of an Ethnic Political Party: A Case Study of Arab Political Parties in Israel Israeli Arab political parties are observed to determine if these ethnic political parties are successful in Israel. A brief explanation of four Israeli Arab political parties, Hadash, Arab Democratic Party, Balad, and United Arab List, is given as well as a brief description of Israeli history and the Israeli political system.