Political Absorption

The Case of New Immigrants fr om the CIS in Israel

Dina Siegel

Siugel, Dina 1995 : l'oliticali\b�orption. The Case ofNuw Immigrants from tlw CIS in lRmel. Ethnnlogia Eurnpnen 25: 45-54 .

The wavu of,ll.!wish umigrat ion from thu filrmur Soviet Union sincu tlw latu 1 980s h:u; cru:ll.ud variou� group�, iduological trunds and new political movemunt.s. 'l'hu sut.Ling up of political organ izations among thu nuw immigrants in )�raul is prusuntud huru a� a ruaction to powur-rulations, both within the Russian Juwi;;h co m munity, and in tlw lsrauli sociuty around it. 'l'his papur presunts sonw umpir·ic fi ndings of my fiuld-work, conducted in lsraul in 1994 , about the dynamics ofthu involvement of new i mmigrants into Israeli's political life, their political tenden­ cius and thu activitius oftheir leaders. 1\vopo litical movements are presented heru: J . ) tlw indupundunt party of nuw immigrants, basud on tlw rupresentativu� ofthu Hu�sian-Juwish intl.!iligentsia, who considur Hussian and Hussian-Jewish culture and history to be commonly sh ared . On the other side they realize that in order to mobiliw widu �upport among thu potential Israeli voters they have to �earch filr a special strategy to combine diflerent identities and ethnic symbols; 2.) the ultra­ nationalist movement of new i mmi grants, based on representati ves of the exist ing ultra-Right parties, trying to unite the Russian Jews against the governmental policy on the territories after the peace agreement with the Palestinians. Some aspect s ofthe relationship between new i m migrants and Israeli Arabs, which l ead to the tendency of many Russian Jews to identify themselves with the ideas of the ultra-Right parties, are analysed as well.

Dina Siegel, M.A.- Faculty of Social Stu.dies, Vr ije Uniuersiteit, De Boeleloan 7105, NL-1081 HVAmsterdam, The Ne therlands.

Introduction about the social and political needs of those who The wave of Jewish immigration fr om the CIS create them, than about the new immigrants since the late 80s has created various groups, themselves. ideological trends and political movements, Though the policy of "kli ta yeshara" (direct about which little is known. Though it is consid­ absorption), was accepted a few years ago with ered to be the biggest "aliya"' in the history of the aim to avoid the isolation of new immi­ Israel, and though the problems of absorption of grants from Israeli society (previously they new "olim"2 occupied one of the most important were concentrated in Centres of Absorption), places in Israeli inner politics and everyday life the new immigrants fo und their own ways and of the society, it remains a neglected area in mechanisms to remain together in their "Rus­ anthropological research. Knowledge about this sian circles", in the environment, where the immigration is restricted to common gloomy language and information sources for their ori­ associations with "professors with brooms", entation in Israel is available and convenient. "girls-prostitutes in massage saloons", "hungry The term "the ethnic community of Russian people, collecting rotten tomatoes at night at Jews" in Israel became one of the strongest the market", or "playing the accordion in rainy categories of group-identity. This situation led streets". These images, especially when fe a­ to the raise of a class-hierarchy among the tured in the Israeli press and used at the ros­ immigrants, to the emergence of a Russian­ trum of the Knesset3, could teach one more Jewish elite and leadership, and to the creation

45 of new ideological ::;tre<:un::;. But on the other try to ::;how how the "olim" form their ethnic side, rernaining i::;olated from other J::;raeliH, identity in l::;rueli society and how they :;etup developing a dependency on governmenta l and their organizations, by making usc of sym bols public organiwtions (Huch as the Ministry of and meanings of these identities. Symbols and Absorption, the M inistry of Science, the Jewish their interpretation play one ofthc most impor­ Agency, etc.), the new immigrants showed little tant roles in the fi>rging of the political and

iniere::;i in public afl�tirs and politics . They ethnic identity ofRussian-Jcwish "olim". I shall declared thai "their purpose is to survive eco­ try to show how different forms of"olim" organ­ nomically and culturally". The few very half� ization represent various ways of shapi ng iden­ hearted attempts of new immigrants to form tity. On the other hand, I shall dwell on the political parties on an ethnic basis, initiated by means, used by the "aliya" leaders for the polit­ "vaiikim" (immigrant-veterans, who arrived in ical mobilization of new i mmigrants, one of Israel during the previous waves of "aliya', in which is the interpretation of the "aliya" sym­ the 70s and 80s), !�tiled in the elections ofl992. bols for their own political purposes. Conclud­ Tn the course of time, the "ol im" learned i ng, I shall sum up the findings ofthis study. Hebrew, the principles of politics and the pol it­ ica I culture of th e Israeli society, which led them Key fa cts and theoretical background to change their own identity and to find their way in different political and public organiza­ To understand the chain of events in Israel and tions. This paper presents some empirical find­ in the fo rmer Soviet Union, which led to the new ings of a field-work conducted in Israel at the political developments among the Russian Jews, end of 1993 - beginning of 1994, about political one needs some background information on tendencies among new immigrants, the activi­ immigration in Israel in general, and on the ties of"aliya" leaders and involvement of"olim" Russian-Jewish immigration in the 90s in par­ in the political life of the country. ticular. The central theme of this study is the dy­ The Law of Return (passed by the Israeli namics of the involvement of new immigrants Knesset in 1949) recognizes the right of all Jews in Israel's political life. The purpose is twofold: in the world to settle in Israel. Immigration 1) to present two specificpolitical movements of embodied the most important issue of Zionism: Russian Jews; 2) to explain why the use of Jews constitute a national group, which seeks symbols plays an important role in the relation­ self-determination in Israel, which is consid­ ship between new immigrants and Israeli poli­ ered to be their historical land. ticians. The first Jewish immigrants to Palestine The two organizations, which I intend to mostly came fromEa stern Europe and Russia. describe in this paper belong to the "Right" wing But after the establishment of Israel in 1948, oflsraeli politics. I shall ask why many Russian the majority of Jewish immigrants came from Jews sympathize with andjo in Right-wing move­ the Middle East and North Africa. The ethnic ments. This question is particularly relevant gap between Ashkenazi and Sephardic Jews, because it was precisely the support ofRussian­ together with differences in economic and edu­ Jewish "olim" that tipped the balance of power cational opportunities, led to tensions between in favour of the Labour Party in the 1992 elec­ these two groups of the population. The trau­ tions. The recent setting up of Right-oriented matic experiences of Sephardic Jews during organizations of new immigrants could be the their absorption in a new country led to wide outcome of a number of reasons: disappoint­ debates on how new immigrants should be ment of the "olim" with the policy of the "Left" treated and even questioning the necessity of government, wide propaganda of the "Right" mass "aliya" in general. A contribution to this opposition and constant tensions between Jews debate was also made by Israeli Arabs - anoth­ and Arabs, either living in the occupied territo­ er ethnic group, mostly hostile to any new wave ries or in Israel itself. In this paper I shall seek of Jewish "aliya". to analyze these aspects more explicitly. I shall In the 60s-70s the immigration ofJews fr om

46 the former Soviet Union begun; approximately "ethnic identity" of Russian Jews. Wherever· a 230.000 "olim" arrived during Lhc two decades. movement of people occurs fr om one country to In the 80s immigration ceased altogether. In another the main problem they have to fa ce is the period between 1989 and l 993, however, their economic ::;urvival in the new place. Thai more than 550.000 Russian Jew::; arrived to is why dealing with the concept of "ethniciiy" Israel. one has to take into account that one is dealing One of the reasons fu r th is increase in the with "varying expressions of ethnic identity... immigration in nux was the rcsuliufthc rad ical which is the matter of perception, but thai chango in the emigration policy of the Soviet perception is shaped and coloured by its ::;ucial government in l 986, which was continued by environment" (Epstein 1978: 27). the present leadership ofRus::;ia, and the deci­ Barth gives emphasis to the fact, thai "eih­ sion of the United States not to grant entry n ic groups arc categories of ascription and iden­ permission to Russian Jews, who had received tification by the actors themselves" (Barth l 969: an Israeli entry visa. 10). To the extent thai "these actors usc ethnic The Russian Jewish "aliya" generated a dras­ identity to categorize themselves and others for tic increase in the housing budget. A lot of poor purposes of interaction" (Barth 1969: 13f.),they small towns in the Negev and in the North of shape "ethnic" organizations. These organiza­ Israel became populated by Russian Jews, which tions may use ethnic identity for various needs, led to the ethno-culiural change of these areas, for example political ones. where previously mainly Sephardic Jews lived. Thus, fo llowing these approaches, "ethnici­ The character of cities drastically changed, iy" here is a combination of identity and ration­ with Russian becoming the second, and in some al calculation. Ethnic behaviour is considered areas the prime spoken language. Many street as a political phenomenon, which involves a inscriptions in the center of Tel-Av iv and Jeru­ struggle for power between groups of different salem are written in both Hebrew and Russian, ethnic origin and the defence of collective inter­ and sometimes only in Russian; the "radio­ ests within one common social context. station for new immigrants" (REKA) broad­ The migration fr om one country to another casts 10 hours per day, including Saturdays, could only be dealt with by describing the immi­ and there are more than 40 periodicals in Rus­ grant's social world of changes. This description sian; new "Russian literature clubs" were opened will bring us to a better understanding of the and even a "Russian" theatre ("Gesher") per­ transition experienced by the migrants (Marx forms in two languages. 1990: 191). This method ofstudyfocuses on both These fa cts illustrate a community-building continuity and impact with reference to his/her process of Russian Jews in Israel. This is a new fo rmer position and status as an individual, as development in which a new political and eth­ well as on the political influenceand self-iden­ nic identity is fo rged. The anthropological meth­ tificationin the new country. In this study it will ods of research provide an extremely useful tool be shown how the previous high professional for the study of the way in which the "Russian­ and economic situation of the Jews in Russia Jewish" cultural identity has been shaped and and their new position in Israel influence each how it is reflectedin the behaviour of the "olim". other and affe ct their image in their own com­ It also allowed me to observe and to elucidate munity and in Israeli society in general. their tendency to belong to a specific ethnic group and to re-create "old-new" norms, which Political tendencies among Russian­ regulate their life style and political involve­ Jewish "olim" ment. In the early days of the Russian-Jewish immi­ gration, in 1988-89, the "olim" were considered Theoretical remarks ready-made and "natural" supporters of the Some theoretical comments are important here, Likud party, since they had an antipathy for the since we deal with the terms "ethnicity" and socialist tradition of the system in the fo rmer

47 Soviet Union. The "conventional wisdom" was They arc only intere::;ted in immediately secur­ th at Ru :-�si an Jews would have nothing to do ing their basic need:;. One of' my inftlrmants with the socialist Labour party. In add ition, as explained that he voted for "MERETZ" (a Left­ they came f'rom a va::;tco untry w ith a h i::;tory of' orien ted party) becau::;e everybody el:-�e in his military conquests, they also would not under­ of'fice had voted lor it. Out ofthe same feeling of stand why a small country should give up terri­ solidarity another informant sent her children tory. As a result ol'the::;eco nsideration:;,Likud' ::; to "Hashomcr Hatzair" (a Left-oriented youth electoral propaganda in the Russian language movement) . for the 1992 election , attacked Labour':; policy After the elections ofl992 many ofihosc who as ruinous socialism with "empty ::;logan:;, red had voted for Labour claimed that they were flags and May Day parade". Labour, in turn "disillusioned with the Leftists". Being disap­ fo cused on the widespread feeling that the Likud pointed with the governmen t'::;un kept promises government had fumbled the absorption ef!ort and being discouraged by the struggles inside while devoting resourscs instead of building the Labour party, which they said, did not se­ new settlements in the occupied territories. cure for "Russian Jewish immigrants man dates They promi sed to redirect money to the needs of in the Kncssct", they claim that in futu re they the immigrants. The word "labour" was trans­ would look for other possibilities and choose lated as "rabota" and association was created other representatives, on both ideological and with the promise to "provide jobs to every new practical grounds. ln addition, as one of them immigrant". This promise had a greater impact explained: "Those who voted for the Labour than any political tendency or ideology. party or fo r MERETZ did not expect peace with In 1992 many new immigrants voted La­ the PLO so fast. They concentrated on the eco­ bour, more as a protest against the policy of the nomic promises ofthe Leftists, and ignored their Likud government, which "did not do much for political plans. Now the Russian Jews fe ar that "aliya", than out of support for the socialist the Palestinians' self-rule, which is granted in party. Many "olim" fe lt anger against the mis­ the agreement between the Israeli government management of absorption. One of the "aliya" and the PLO will jeopardize their security". activists mentioned at the time, that immi­ Changing their ideological argument, they grants will always be in opposition, because now borrow symbols and terms fr om Russian "one can never do enough for them". According and Russian-Jewish culture, fr om religious to other informants, the new immigrants were Judaism and fr om Zionist-Revisionist ideas. not well informed about all the possibilities This combination of values emphasize the spe­ they had in order to make a political choice. cific character of "Russian-Jewish" organiza­ Russian-Jewish "olim" are considered to be tion, based on ethnic symbolics. The conflict, responsible for bringing two mandates to the which arises in this context is one between the Labour party. Two years later they expressed urge to define their own political-ethnic move­ disappointment with the unfulfilled promises ment separately and the urge to be part of more they received fr om the Labour party before the inclusive groups, such as Israelis, Jews, elections of1992. The other explanation of their Ashkenazi, etc. Their "Russian Jewish" group Right-oriented political views, which are wide­ identity is thus coming in conflict with their ly echoed today in the press and media, is that identity as a part of the Israeli society and the the present wave of Russian immigration came Jewish nation. Dolgin and Magdoffnote on the to Israel with no ideological motivation, and possibility oflocating ethnicity on one level and most "olim" would prefer to live in the USA or in nationalism on another: "the process through Europe. This is the reason why they are ready which potentially conflicting identities can ap­ to support any political party that would guar­ pear harmonious by the allocation of different antee them proper housing, jobs and education aspects of identity to differentdomains" (Dolgin for their children. "Pure" political issues, such and Magdoff 1977: 354). as the problem of territories and the relations In this context I shall now describe two cases with the Arabs, are less important to them. ofpolitical organizations ofthe new immigrants.

48 The fact thut these movements arc still in their lsrael i pensioners. The biggest and the best prelimi nary pha�:�c of organization and do not known was called "DA'' - officially an acronym have ol'licial names, may complicate the de­ for Democracy and "Aliya", but with the imme­ scription of the s pecific character of each of diately undcr�:�tood meaning of ''Ye�:�" in Hu�:�­ them. For t hi�:� reason and forthc purpose ofth is siun. The head of"DA", Yuli Kosharovsky wu�:� paper they arc here culled: 1) the Party of welcomed as a hero upon his arrival to Israel on "Olim" and 2) t he Ul tra-Nationalist Movement March 12, 1989, after waiting 18 years for an of Russian Jews. I am aware of the fa ct that exi t visa. But his leadership in Russia among these denominations urc arbitrary, und do not "refusniks" did not grant him an automutic fu lly reflect their sclf�pcrccptions. Neverthe­ entry in the Israeli political arena. After fa iling less this division is i m po rtant for a more clear in the 1992 elections, his party, "DA", withered explanation of the choract.er und problems of away. Al l those parties were starved of cam ­ both political groups. paign fu nds. They could not cross the threshold The fir�:�t party is based on the representa­ of 1.5 per cent oftotal votes needed to enter the tives of the .H.ussian-Jewish intelligentsia of Knesset. "olim", who consider Rus�:�i an and Russian-Jew­ None of the "olim" movements succeeded in ish culture and history to be commonly shared. having candidates elected to the Israeli Parlia­ But they also realize that if they iorm their ment. None ofthe representative ofthe Russian party only on the ethnic base they wi ll not be Jews (most of whom were "vatikim"), who were able to mobilize wide support in Israeli society. also members of big parties, managed to secure This is why they search for a special strategy to for themselves a place high enough on the combine different identities and symbols. party's electorial list that would ensure them In the second movement Russian Jewish election to the Knessct. Beyond that, those who activists, "olim" and "vatikim" begin manifest­ were leaders of "olim" parties then, are not ing themselves politically, trying to work out a convinced that they should repeat their last political program, based on the ideology of the experiance. Yu li Kosharovsky, for example, is existing ultra-Right political parties in Israel. not interested in rebuilding his "DA" party The leaders, mostly "refusniks", who survived before the next election. Today he is convinced Russian camps and jails, try to create a "nostal­ that new immigrants have to prove themselves gic myth" of their repatriation to the Land of as equal members in the existing parties. As a Israel. This myth is also shared by the orthodox good example for this possibility he mentioned representatives, who emphasize the importance the municipal elections of 1993, in which a lot of of religious values and the concept of the Jewish Russian Jews became candidates and won, as nation, connected, in their terms, to "land", was the case in Jerusalem, Ashdod, Haifa and "blood" and "historic past". other cities. Nevertheless, two years after the elections, in January 1994, the issue of a new "Russian" The Party of "Olim" - a movement of party was raised again in the coordination coun­ Russian-Jewish intelligentsia or cil of the "olim" organizations. another ethnic party? During the debate, a few participants pre­ The "aliya" and absorption policy were the cen­ sented a new project, based on the statement tral issues of the election campaign of most of that the immigration of the 90s is the most the parties. It was placed third, right after the intelligent part of the Israeli society. The choice issue of the peace process and an economic is between fo rming a new party, based on this program. However, not a single new immigrant "intellectual elite" of the Russian-Jewish com­ was included on the major parties' lists of can­ munity, or joining another, preferably small didates. That triggered the fo rmation of parties party, which would combine voices of Russian aimed at the immigrant vote. One was called Jews and those of regular voters for that party, "Tali", another "AmEhad", the third one - ''Yad in order to guarantee securing a few mandates be-Yad" - a coalition of new immigrants and in the Knesset in future elections. One of the

49 calculation:-; is that even ift he ethnic party will Byelorussia, Middle Asia, M oldovu , etc. It is not succeed , it will enha nce the chance of repre­ claimed thai those who came from the central sentatives of Russian Jews in other parties to cities of Russia had better opportunities to enter the Knes:-wt.It was s tated th at very con­ receive education and were more involved in crete und posit ive possibilities exist today to the cultural and political life ofihe count ry. In organize a party, which will represent the inter­ the community-building process among the new ests of"olim". But, as one of the organizers put immigrants of the 90s in Israel, these people it: the problem is that the community of Rus­ make up the apex of the new elite of Russian sian Jews is spread all over the country and Jews and ofihe Russian-Jewish party. As intel­ there is no real obvious basis fo r its unification. lectuals, they arrived with a "positive identity", According to his analysis it is important fo r the as Epstein defines a sense of worthiness and new party to be lead by professionals, pro fes­ self�estcem (Epstein 1978: 1 02). In Israel the sors from the former Soviet Union, who would "Russians", as they arc generally called, re­ analyze and advise on the real common grounds gardless of their origin, have been stigmatized that could be used in writing up the program of as drunkards, prostitutes and criminals. In the new party. The solution of the organizers is addition, their bad economic situation and low thai program should be based on one concep­ professional position transferred them from a tion, in order to avoid conflicts inside the party "positive identity" to a "negative" one. They itself. The sponsors ofthe new party should be believe that political organization ofthcir own, Jewish businessmen fr om Russia, who would set up on ethnic basis could improve their own be ready to invest capital here, as a way of self-definition and their image in the Israeli safeguarding it, ifforccd to leave their country society. But these people are also liberals and of origin. humanists. This is the reason why they do not Analysing the development of a new strategy see their future party as "ethnically closed". of the organizers, it becomes clear that the Here again the conflict arises between their emphasis on "professionalism" and on the ne­ ethnical identity and their wish to belong to the cessity of in depth research, which would follow wider group of the Israeli society. Reflecting the setting up of the new "olim" party would this aspect, one of the ideas was to call the new give the specialists-"olim" access to financial movement the "Party of the Absolute Demo­ sources. People join "olim" organizations only if crats", based on the book of Mark Davidor\ it serves their interests, and these are largely Gosudarstvo i narod (State and People). The economic ones. Professional possibilities which name ofthe new party was supposed to attract could be opened to a large number of sociolo­ not only the intelligentsia of the "olim", which gists, politologists, lawyers, financial consult­ was in one way or another taken for granted, ants and other "olim"-specialists attract their but also wide circles of Israeli democrats. The involvement on the political scene, generated ideological basis ofthe party would be built on by the economic aspect of the problem. economic reform and on introducing the refer­ In emphasizing "professionalism" as a pro­ endum as a form of decision making, which the test ofthe Russian-Jewish intelligentsia against author sees as an important principle of democ­ its inferior position today in Israel, a person's racy. The party, according to Davidor, would status among "olim" is determined by the pro­ join any coalition, Right or Left, depending on fe ssional position which he occupied before the its attitude to "olim". emigration. These people themselves empha­ Davidor also compares the would-be party size the low status of the "uneducated", thus with other ethnic parties, which succeeded in strengthening their own position in the commu­ the history of Israeli politics, such as Shas, an nity. In this context, they also mention the orthodox party ofMoroccan Jews in the 80s-90s difference between "olim" who emigrated fr om and the Progressive party of German Jews in Moscow, Saint Petersburg and a few other big the 50s. In the 1930s Israel had a wave of cities in Russia, and those, who emigratedfr om immigrants that were, according to Davidor, far the "province", from the periphery, such as more highly qualifiedthan the rest ofthe Jew-

50 ish popul ut ion: the Germun Jews, who fled plained thai the conference "Al iya for the Lund Hitler und were not Zioni::;t�;. Their Progre::;sive of l sruel", the first one in the hi::;tory of the Party i::;known u::; a ::;ucces::; in lsrue l i politics. Russian Jews' repuiriation "i::; an urgent gath­ The fa i lure ofTami, unutherdhnic party, in the ering of immigrant::; in order to create the crit­

80s, is not mentioned . ical counierbalunce in the national-oriented struggle and an opportunity to lei them join the baiile". Ultra-Nationalist Movement of "The sky is the limit. We are half a million "Olim" - Conference "Aliya for the people, and this means not only a considerable Land of Israel" number ofmandates in the Knessei, butalso u The second movement of new immigrants start­ drastic demographic change", said in his ;; peech ed out of several attempts of representatives of Yu li Edelstein, one of the leaders ofihe Zionist ultra-Right parties to unite the "olim" for their Forum and an initiator of the conference. struggle against the governmental policy on the During the conference new immigrants, occupied territories after the peace agreement including well-known fo rmer "refusniks", with the Palestinians was ::;igned in September launched a new movement, "which will become 1993. The opposition recognized the high poten­ soon a new political party". The main aim ofth is tial of the "olim", many of whom live in settle­ movement is to prevent territorial concessions ments in Judea and Samaria, for th e purpose of on the Golan Heights and in the territori es of this battle. Seminars and meetings between Judea and Samaria. political leaders and new immigrants were or­ An emotional culmination of the meeting ganized not long after the beginning of the anti­ was the appearance of Miriam, the widow of agreement campaign. Mordechai Lapid, a Russian Jew, who was killed One of these attempts of opposition parties together with his son by terrorists. The Lapid was the setting up of an ultra-Right movement family has been living in one of the religious of "olim" during a conference thai was organ­ settlements in the territories. ized by Russian-Jewish members of existing "I hear the Russian language and that re­ ultra-Right parties. Though this conference was minds me of my husband and my son. We knew only a preliminary phase in the crystallization that the Russian "aliya" is the biggest hope of of the specificpolitical movement (compared to Israel, because we want this land to belong to more concrete steps, made by the founders of Jews only, and we shall not share it with anyone the new "olim" party, described above), it seems else", she said through tears. Near-by sitting to me that the analysis of its symbolics is impor­ women started to cry aloud. Later, someone tant for the better understanding of political suggested to elect Miriam Lapid prime-minis­ development among Russian Jews. ter, because "she will not extend her hand to the In contrast to the study of the party of Rus­ murderer Arafat, were it only because an ortho­ sian-Jewish intelligentsia, presented above, in dox woman does not extend her hand to a man". which the strategy of the organization was Another orthodox activist, a former Head of emphasized, the second movement is analysed the Chabad (Lubavitch) organization in Mos­ fr om a different angle. The main idea here is the cow, called on the audience to eat only kosher, power of argumentation within the community, because "when you eat pork - you have to know which should be understood from the "encom­ that with this pork Arabs lubricate their guns". passing discourse which constitutes the context Twomain lines of thought run parallel: em­ fr om which arguments derive their persuasive phasizing religious and "Jewish" values (most­ power" (Tennekes 1988: 46). The conference ly by representatives of religious movements, "Aliya for the Land oflsrael" is a good example such as Tseirei Habad, Shivat Zion, Amana, of how this discourse is reproduced in the spe­ etc.); and non-religious, "national" Israeli sym­ cific social context. bols (by Right-wing Zionist parties, such as Before the conference, one of the organizers, Likud, Moledet, Tehiya, Beitar, and a few oth­ who is also a fo rmer "Prisoner of Zion" ex- ers), who tried to remind the audience that the

51 fi rst Zionists, a l ready in l 882 had been Russian ing", the description of' reality a::; they under­ Jews, who had builtthe fi rst kibbut;,o f'Dega nia ::;t.and it, the interpretation of'th e situation with and the fir::;thou ::;esof'T ei-Av iv. They were th us warnings, with a symbolic and authoritative trying to create a n o::;talgi c link between the d iscourse. There arc a lot ofcxamples in anthro­ Russian pi oneers, who had changed the f'ace of' pologi cal]it eratu rc nf'how symbols inspire prac­ the Middle East at thai time, and the new tice. Symbolic presentation of"well-known" f�1cts immigra nt::;,who were going to change it now. d u ring the event has a strong influence on

For other, non - layman, purposes, this was also action. The mastery of' speakers "over •• uihori­ an attempt to show a religious link of the tativc discourse enables them to present in­ Jewish people with the Land of Israel and the sig·hts which others fe el are true, though they tombs of the Patriarchs. In t.hi::; context, the themselves could never have expressed them so symbol of' Muslim guns lubricated with pork well" (Tcnneke::; 1988: 4 7). fa t, was an absolute distortion ofr eality, in both The strong tendency of many Russian Jews its religious and secular sense, but more impor­ to identify themselves with the ide::ts or the tant for dramnti zing the sins of one ethnic ultra-Right parties, in clud ing hostil ity not only group towards the other and fi>r stressing reli­ towards the Palestinians living in the ten·ito­ gious intolerance. ries, but also towards I sracliArabs, is the result The fa ct that only one Knesset member ac­ of a high degree or disconnection and un as­ cepted the invitation to attend the con ference s umption of mutual hatred between the two led to divided attitudes. One of the activists communities - Jewish and Arab. used the tribune to shout: In interviews with Arab leaders, most of them mentioned that the new immigrants are "Most politicians did not come here and so much used as a political issue, the whole aim of which the better, otherwise TV would be hanf,>ing on is to achieve political power and jeopardize the them. We shall not be an appendix to existing peace process in the territories and the life of parties. We are going to be an avantgard, Israe­ Arab citizens of lsrael (Majid Al-Haj 1992). lis, confident in themselves. Until now we were Findings ofmy field-work show that in most the 'Russians' fr om other parties, but we are not cases an important reason for this mutual an­ Russians. We are Jews and we are not racists. tipathy is the economic one, which in turn leads But in Russia we hoped that we shall come to to the use of stereotypes and the raising of the Jewish state. If it is Jewish there is no place mutual accusations fr om other fields of life. here for Arabs, the whole land is ours. We are "They (Russian Jews) are cheap labour. Their one big power". garbage cleaners earns 7 shekels per hour, Arabs ask minimum 10 shekels. They take all Others were more sceptic, explaining that pol­ our jobs", told me one of the owners of a "man­ iticians do not take this gathering seriously, or power office" in northern Israel. Israeli Arabs maybe they try to show the dependence of are very much concerned with the Russian­ Russian Jews on the existing political system. Jewish immigration, viewing its economic as­ The symbolic context of this event may rest pect. The competition is strong, not only forthe in the fact that this was not just another meet­ low-paid and unqualifiedjo bs, but also among ing: it was an attempt by some would-be leaders physicians, scientists, engineers, etc. to secure a public mandate that would strength­ The attitude of those new immigrants who en them in their relationship with the authori­ have the possibility of meeting Arabs, is not ties. limited to the economic aspect. Luba, a music­ The analysis ofthe political discourse during teacher, who is a Russian Jew, who gives music the conference shows that the speakers did not lessons in an Arab village told me her story: have to convince the audience. The 500 people who arrived to the conference "knew" all the "When it was suggested to my friends and arguments presented at the rostrum. We were myself- then we worked at the music school in witnessing the process of "consciousness-rais- Nathania-to teach in Bakka -al-Gharbiya, most

52 of my fr iends refused Lo go there. They were prestige criterion thus leads Lo the usc of' na­ afraid, they never saw an Arab in their life, and tionalistic symbol:;. what they saw on the TV screen were Palestin­ ian terruri::; Ls with gun:;.Onl y eight of' us agreed, Conclusions mostly beca use of' Lhe money, but I al::;o wanted to teach violin, and in other places I had to Leach Every wave of immigrants presents a unique piano, which wa::; nut. my specialization. I process of absorption and its reflection on pub­ thought. that. Arabs were second ru nk citizens, lic consciousness. The absorption of Russi:m like we used Lo feel in Ru::;::;iu us Jews, and hud Jews inthe 90s was influenced by their past and no fear to go to their village ... But they disap­ by the specific social conditions in which they pointed me, the way they t rea ted us, new i mmi­ fo und themselves in the "receiving" society. grants. They told us: you want Lo drink, bring In the fo rmer Soviet Union their nationality your own col1cc; they let us wait. fo r hours ncar was indicated in their passports, a fa ct that closed doors in the rai n, unti l somebody iinally forced them either to shape their Jewish iden­ came to let. us in ... And when we wanted to tity, or to assimilate. Those who chose the fi rst complain they told us: ifynu don't like it here ­ and arrived to Israel had to undergo transfor­ go away! There are a lot of you playing in the mation fr om "Jews" to "Russians", the label streets of every big city. .." . which was fo rced on them in the Israeli society by the image, that was created and spread by Other teachers emphasized more the economic those who are interested in it. And, as I tried to aspect ofLhcir meeting with Arabs, and made it show in this paper this definition serves both clear that they had been fo rced to come to the the "Aliya" leaders (in the case of the party of village, because of their financial situation. the Russian-Jewish intelligentzia), and public Almost all ofthcm said th at they "did not like to officials (in the case of complaints of music teach Arabs" and would prefer to work with teachers) for their own purposes and interests. Jewish children. As representatives of this ethnic group (de­ fined by the "officials" and applied by the "cli­ " 'If I was told in Saint Petersburg that I would ents"), the Russian Jews are trying to become have to teach in an Arab village I would have active members in the political arena. If in the thought twice before I asked for my immigra­ first years of the "aliya" they were still busy tion permit', one of them explained. 'It is not a searching for jobs and studying Hebrew, in matter of intellectual level, most of my pupils 1994 they fe lt secure and confident enough to are sons oflawyers and engineers, but they live create a wider network of relations not only much better than Jews, look at their villas, they with the officials, whom they are directly de­ are rich and they allow themselves to exploit us, pendent on, but also with those, who are much they pay little and humiliate us. What are we, more dependent on them. Their demographic Palestinians fr om Gaza?' " increase also meant an increase in political power. The relationship between the Russian Jews The setting up of political organizations and the Arabs living in neighbouring districts among the "olim" is a reaction to power-rela­ depends on the level of intensity of their inter­ tions, both within the Russian-Jewish commu­ relationship and mutual dependency. A social nity, and in the Israeli society around it. It is a network is created, mostly based on the eco­ result of social developments, which trigger nomic factor. When there is no competition for political discourse and activities denying the resources, the link between the two ethnic legitimate power of existing political parties. groups almost does not exist and stereotypes Forming their "positive identity", the "olim" appear, introduced by people who have a polit­ manifest their own power inside their group ical interest in it. When there is an economic and outside it, especially in the political arena dependence on both sides, the relationship of Israel, where this identity and its symbolic mostly leads to competition and to hostility. The presentation serves as a protest against the

53 existing order and the exi::;ting legislation. Sym­ the political identity of the new immigrants bols play a very irnportant role both in f(Jrming from the CJS. pol itical organizations of new i mmigrants, and Furthermore, the analysis of the relation­ in Lhe mobilization of new members into thc::;e ship between Russian-Jewish immigra nts and organizations. Further research is necessary to Israeli Arabs in the period of peace negotiations establish how Israeli pol iticians usc the "aliya" between Israelis and Palestinians, wi II contrib­ sy mbols among the Ru ssian Jews lor their own ute to a better understanding of politica l ten­ purposes and how the "aliya" leaders thcm­ dencies among the "olim" as well. selvc::; usc tho same symbols to advance their demands and to defend their rights. 1 have tried to dc::;cribetwo specific political Notes groups ofH.ussian Jcwi:i.Both ofthcm arc still at thci r preparatory phase oforgani zation. Ifthere 1.. "Aiiya" (in Hebrew) - going up. The meaning is to will be no dramatic changes they have two more a�cend to J erusalem , which i s situated in the mountains. In ideological Zionist sen:>e, .Jews do years to prepare for the election to the Knessct. not immigrate to Israel but repatriate to their

According to information from the Zionist Fo­ historic fatherl and. rum there are five more political groups among 2 . "Oiim" (in Hebrew) - people who make "nliya", the Russian Jews. The leadership of one ofthem new immigrants or repatrian ts. ::!. Kn esset - the Israeli Parliament. identifies with the Labour party, as a reaction to 4. Mark Davidor was the leader of the movement of the Right-wing orientation of those, described "ohm - pensioners" in 1992. Tn the 80:-; he was a in this paper. It is also possible that an ultra­ member ofthe ultra-Hight "Moledet" party, which Right movement will be prohibited by the elec­ preaches the "transfer" policy of all Arabs away the Israel. torial law, as was the case with a "Kach" party from the territory of Land of Davidor explained that the idea of the "tranRfer" did not and "Cabana chai" movement in 1992. The seem terrible to many Hussian Jews, since "they outlawing of this organization could however come from a country, where entire nations have result in its partisans supporting other Right­ been transferred from place to place", but he did wing parties that will legally run, or driving the not mention that this policy would appear in the program of the new party. movement "underground". According to Sochnut representatives in the fo rmer Soviet Union, a growing number of Rus­ sian Jews have applied to emigrate to Israel References after the electoral success in Russia ofthe ultra­ Al-Haj, M. 1992: Soviet Immigration as Viewed by nationalist and anti-semite leader Vladimir Jews and Arabs: Divided Attitudes in a Divided Zhirinovsky. This new influx would increase Country. In: Calvin Goldscheider (ed.): Population and Social Change in Israel. Boulder. Westview the influence of new immigrants on the Israeli Press. pp. 86-108. political arena. It might also mean that new Barth, F. 1969: Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Lon­ "potential voters" would arrive before next elec­ don. George Allen & Unwin. tions in 1996. In all likelihood they would con­ Davidor, M. 1993: Gosudarstuo i Na rod (The State tinue to be considered as non-Zionists: people and the People).Jerusalem Nili-Press Publishers. Dolgin, J. and Magdoff, J. 1977: The Invisible Event. who fe ar violence towards the Jewish popula­ In: Dolgin, J./ Kemnitzer, D/ Schneider, D.(Eds): tion in Russia - and in other fo rmer Soviet Sy mbolic Anthropology. New Yo rk. Columbia Uni­ republics - and have no other choice, but to versity Press. immigrate to Israel. Further research is needed Epstein, A.L. 1978: Ethnos and Identity. Three Stud· ies in Ethnicity. London.Tavistock Publications. to study the process oftheir political absorption Marx, E. 1990: The Social World of Hefugees: A in the social context of their integration in the Conceptual Framework. In: Journal of Refugees Israeli society. Moreover, it is necessary to study Studies. vol. 3, no. 3. Oxford. University Press. pp. the role of ultra-orthodox Jews, especially rep­ 189-203. Tennekes, J. 1988: Heligion and Power: Moderniza­ resentatives ofpolitical organizations and move­ tion processes in Dutch Protestantism. In: Quarles ments, such as Tzeirei Chabad, Amana, etc., van Ufford & Schoffeleers (eds): Religion and and their influence on the process of shaping Politics. Amsterdam. Free University Press.

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