Strategic and Non-Policy Voting: a Coalitional Analysis of Israeli
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Post-Election Coalition Scenarios, Part II by David Eden
Post-Election Coalition Scenarios, Part II by David Eden Two other parties that may be possible coalition partners: · United Torah Judaism – Essentially, it is only concerned with internal issues. Its real demand is maintaining social services and allowances for their constituents. Other issues: Maintaining the powers of the Orthodox Rabbinical Courts over civil issues such as marriage, divorce, burial, etc. are among their top priorities, along with maintaining the Sabbath laws preventing work on the “Holy Day”, laws keeping ultra-Orthodox youth out of army service, etc. Although their constituency is sympathetic to the settlers and the Right, the leadership stresses that they are willing to support any coalition that accedes to their demands. As Olmert does not need them to guarantee the stability of the coalition, he won’t be “courting” them. Some of the issues that may affect their position in coalition negotiations are their rivalry with Shas and their often-confrontational relations with Meretz and groups within the Labor party over freedom of religion. · Meretz – The party that is the Israeli equivalent of the “Democratic wing of the Democratic Party”, Meretz and its predecessors have been at the forefront of not only the contacts that led to direct negotiations between Israel and the PLO (and the ensuing Oslo Accords), but from the earliest days after the creation of the State of Israel also have led the struggle for equal rights for Israel’s Arab citizens, labor & union rights, women’s rights, freedom of the press and freedom of religion issues, gay rights, etc. It endorses negotiated withdrawal from almost all of the West Bank, including parts of Jerusalem. -
Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State .............................................................................................. -
Popular Culture, Relational History, and the Question of Power in Palestine and Israel Author(S): Rebecca L
Institute for Palestine Studies Popular Culture, Relational History, and the Question of Power in Palestine and Israel Author(s): Rebecca L. Stein and Ted Swedenburg Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 33, No. 4 (Summer, 2004), pp. 5-20 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3247543 Accessed: 18/05/2009 11:53 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucal. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of California Press and Institute for Palestine Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Palestine Studies. -
ISRAEL Date of Elections: 30 June 1981 Purpose of Elections
ISRAEL Date of Elections: 30 June 1981 Purpose of Elections Elections were held for all the members of Parliament following premature dissolution of this body. Previous general elections had taken place in May 1977. Characteristics of Parliament The unicameral Parliament of Israel, the Knesset, consists of 120 members elected for 4 years. Electoral System Every Israeli national at least 18 years of age is entitled to vote. Although no persons are expressly disqualified from voting, certain cannot do so because they are not provided with polling facilities; these include prisoners or persons abroad who are not seamen. The electoral register is drawn up at the national level and revised annually. Voting is not compulsory. Every qualified voter at least 21 years of age may be a candidate for the Knesset unless he has been sentenced to imprisonment of five or more years for violation of national security, where five years have not elapsed since the prison term was completed. The following people are also barred from being candidates: the President of the State; the State Comptroller; salaried rabbis; judges; and senior civil servants and army officers of a certain rank, unless they cease to hold their posts 100 days before election day; where a more junior civil servant or army officer becomes a candidate his service is suspended until election day and, if he becomes a member of the Knesset, so long as he is a parliamentarian. A list of candidates may be presented either by 1,500 members of the electorate or by a party group represented in the outgoing Knesset. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-13864-3 — the Israeli Settler Movement Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler , Cas Mudde Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-13864-3 — The Israeli Settler Movement Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler , Cas Mudde Index More Information Index 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the, 2 Ariel, Uri, 76, 116 1949 Armistice Agreements, the, 2 Arutz Sheva, 120–121, 154, 205 1956 Sinai campaign, the, 60 Ashkenazi, 42, 64, 200 1979 peace agreement, the, 57 Association for Retired People, 23 Australia, 138 Abrams, Eliott, 59 Aviner, Shlomo, 65, 115, 212 Academic Council for National, the. See Professors for a Strong Israel B’Sheva, 120 action B’Tselem, 36, 122 connective, 26 Barak, Ehud, 50–51, 95, 98, 147, 235 extreme, 16 Bar-Ilan University, 50, 187 radical, 16 Bar-Siman-Tov, Yaacov, 194, 216 tactical, 34 Bat Ayin Underground, the, 159 activism BDS. See Boycott, Divestment and moderate, 15–16 Sanctions transnational, 30–31 Begin, Manahem, 47, 48, 118–119, Adelson, Sheldon, 179, 190 157, 172 Airbnb, 136 Beit El, 105 Al Aqsa Mosque, the, 146 Beit HaArava, 45 Al-Aqsa Intifada. See the Second Intifada Beitar Illit, 67, 70, 99 Alfei Menashe, 100 Beitar Ironi Ariel, 170 Allon, Yigal, 45–46 Belafonte, Harry, 14 Alon Shvut, 88, 190 Ben Ari, Michael, 184 Aloni, Shulamit, 182 Bendaña, Alejandro, 24 Altshuler, Amos, 189 Ben-Gurion, David, 46 Amana, 76–77, 89, 113, 148, 153–154, 201 Ben-Gvir, Itamar, 184 American Friends of Ariel, 179–180 Benn, Menachem, 164 American Studies Association, 136 Bennett, Naftali, 76, 116, 140, 148, Amnesty International, 24 153, 190 Amona, 79, 83, 153, 157, 162, 250, Benvenisti, Meron, 1 251 Ben-Zimra, Gadi, 205 Amrousi, Emily, 67, 84 Ben-Zion, -
JEWISH ,E4a!&Ead
JEWISH $3.00 Frontier Ehud Barak's ,e4a!&ead CONTENTS JEWISH Vol. LXVI, No. 3 & 4 (635-6) M SUMMER 1999 Front er Israel 3 SINCE 1934 A SWEET AND SOUR VICTORY Susan Hattis Rolef A LABOR ZIONIST JOURNAL INAUGURAL ADDRESS : TOWARD 6 PEACE AND SOCIAL PROGRESS Ehud Barak Founders Hayim Greenberg Marie Syrkin JEWISH DUALISM 13 Chaim Nachman Editorial Board Bialik Henry Feingold, Chairman Saul B . Cohen History 18 I Hyman Faine THE KEHILAH IN WARSAW David Rosenthal Jonathan J. Goldberg Emanuel S . Goldsmith Jerry Goodman COPYRIGHTS : ANCIENT 20 Rabbi Mark W. Kiel AND MODERN Harold Ticktin Chava Lapin Judy Loebl Jeffry V. Mallow Books 23 Daniel Mann THE HOLOCAUST IN Mordecai Newman Samuel Norich AMERICAN LIFE Michael S . Perry By Peter Novick Henry L. Feingold Mark Raider Eduardo Rauch Ezra Spicehandler AN AFTERNOON WITH 25 Phyllis Sutker MEYER LEVIN Si Wakesberg David Twersky Mazal Tov 26 MISHA LOUVISH Nahum Guttman Editor In Memoriam 27 HYMAN R. FAINE Daniel Mann NOTE TO SUBSCRIBERS Saadia Gelb If you plan to move, please notify us six weeks in advance . A LABOR ZIONIST 30 PEACE MISSION Stephane Acel JEWISH FRONTIER (ISSN-0021-6453) is published bi-monthly by Labor Zionist JEWISH FRONTIER Letters, Inc . Editorial and advertising offices at 275 Seventh Avenue, New York, NY 10001 . Periodicals postage paid at New York, NY . POSTMASTER : Send address changes to Circulation, Jewish Frontier, 275 Seventh Avenue, 17th Floor, New York, 275 Seventh Avenue NY 10001 . Subscription rates for U .S. and possessions, $15 .00 per year for 6 issues, $25 .00 for 17th Floor two years for 12 issues . -
Palestinian Citizens of Israel: Agenda for Change Hashem Mawlawi
Palestinian Citizens of Israel: Agenda for Change Hashem Mawlawi Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master‘s degree in Conflict Studies School of Conflict Studies Faculty of Human Sciences Saint Paul University © Hashem Mawlawi, Ottawa, Canada, 2019 PALESTINIAN CITIZENS OF ISRAEL: AGENDA FOR CHANGE ii Abstract The State of Israel was established amid historic trauma experienced by both Jewish and Palestinian Arab people. These traumas included the repeated invasion of Palestine by various empires/countries, and the Jewish experience of anti-Semitism and the Holocaust. This culminated in the 1948 creation of the State of Israel. The newfound State has experienced turmoil since its inception as both identities clashed. The majority-minority power imbalance resulted in inequalities and discrimination against the Palestinian Citizens of Israel (PCI). Discussion of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict tends to assume that the issues of the PCIs are the same as the issues of the Palestinians in the Occupied Territories. I believe that the needs of the PCIs are different. Therefore, I have conducted a qualitative case study into possible ways the relationship between the PCIs and the State of Israel shall be improved. To this end, I provide a brief review of the history of the conflict. I explore themes of inequalities and models for change. I analyze the implications of the theories for PCIs and Israelis in the political, social, and economic dimensions. From all these dimensions, I identify opportunities for change. In proposing an ―Agenda for Change,‖ it is my sincere hope that addressing the context of the Israeli-Palestinian relationship may lead to a change in attitude and behaviour that will avoid perpetuating the conflict and its human costs on both sides. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers. -
A Detailed Proposal for a Feasible Electoral Reform
Improving the Accountability and Stability of Israel’s Political System: A Detailed Proposal for a Feasible Electoral Reform Abraham Diskin & Emmanuel Navon August 2015 Page 1 of 58 Table of Contents Executive Summary Page 3 Part 1: Purpose and Goals of Electoral Reform Page 5 Part 2: Mechanism for the Implementation of the Proposed Reforms Page 7 Part 3: Means for Achieving the Goals of Electoral Reform Page 10 Appendix 1: History of Israel’s Voting System and Electoral Reforms Page 15 Appendix 2: Example of Voting Ballot for Election-day Primaries Page 19 Appendix 3: Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Page 20 Appendix 4: Regional Elections Page 23 Appendix 5: Mechanisms for Appointing a Government Page 30 Appendix 6: Duration of Israeli Governments Page 33 Appendix 7: Correlation of the Number of Parties and Political Stability Page 39 Appendix 8: Results of Knesset Elections, 1949-2015 Page 42 Appendix 9: Opinion Poll on the Proposed Reforms Page 53 Bibliography Page 56 Page 2 of 58 Executive Summary This paper is a detailed proposal for the reform of Israel’s electoral system. The changes proposed here are the result of years of research, of data analysis, and of comparative studies. We believe that the reforms outlined in this paper would be beneficial, that they would have a realistic chance of being implemented, and that they would strike a delicate balance between conflicting agendas. The proposed reform is meant to achieve the following overall goals: a. To make Members of Knesset (MKs) more accountable and answerable to their voters; b. To improve government stability. -
Likud Places a Strong Emphasis on Security and Presents
IDEOLOGICAL STATED POLITICAL POSITIONS PARTY PARTY LEADER ORIENTATION AND KEY FACTS Likud Benjamin Netanyahu Right Likud places a strong emphasis on security (Prime Minister) and presents Prime Minister Netanyahu as the only viable leader with a proven track record on security. Netanyahu has been on record in 2009 in support of the two-state solution although more recently he has displayed ambivalence. The party has a fiscally conservative economic agenda, though this is secondary to security-diplomatic issues. United Right Rafi Peretz Right Comprised of Jewish Home, the National Union, and Jewish Power, the party includes religious-Zionists and territorial nationalists, is staunchly opposed to a Palestinian state, and actively promotes the expansion of settlements and Israeli annexation of Area C in the West Bank. In December 2018, party leader Naftali Bennett announced he and Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked would be leaving to form The New Right. In February 2019, the Jewish Home formed a technical merger with Jewish Power, who are adherents to the teachings of Meir Kahane. Kahane’s party Kach were banned from the Knesset in the 1980s for racism. Hayemin Hachadash Naftali Bennett Right New party formed by former Jewish Home (Education Minister) & (The New Right) ministers Naftali Bennett and Ayelet Ayelet Shaked Shaked due to their long-held ambition to (Justice Minister) win more secular, middle-class Israeli voters – a mission hampered by Jewish Home’s affiliation with the National- Religious sector and the influence of settler Rabbis. Bennett and Shaked are opposed to a two- state solution, support the expansion of settlements and Israeli annexation of Area C in the West Bank Yisrael Beiteinu Avigdor Lieberman Right Nationalist party dominated by its leader, (former Defence (Israel is our home) Avigdor Lieberman. -
Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv.