TURKEY's RELATIONS with ISRAEL in the 2000S
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THE CYPRUS QUESTION in the MAKING and the ATTITUDE of the SOVIET UNION TOWARDS the CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) a Master's
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Bilkent University Institutional Repository THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) A Master’s Thesis by MUSTAFA ÇAĞATAY ASLAN DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2008 To my grandfathers Osman OYMAK and Mehmet Akif ASLAN, THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) The Institute of Economics and Social Sciences of Bilkent University by MUSTAFA ÇAĞATAY ASLAN In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2008 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Associate Prof. Hakan Kırımlı Supervisor I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Assistant Prof. Dr. Nur Bilge Criss Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Assistant Prof. Dr. Eugenia Kermeli Examining Committee Member Approval of the Institute of Economics and Social Sciences --------------------------- Prof. Dr. Erdal Erel Director ABSTRACT THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) Aslan, Mustafa Çağatay M.A., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Associate Prof. -
Appendix 1, Greg Howard, July 12, 2018 Pitching Interview
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 03/11/2019 1:49:33 PM Appendix 1, Greg Howard, July 12, 2018 Pitching interview opportunities for Houston Consul General [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 03/11/2019 1:49:33 PM Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 03/11/2019 1:49:33 PM Appendix 2, Ekaterina Myagkova, June 7, 2018: Mercury emailed a media advisory for an Iftar dinner co-hosted by the Turkish Consulate General in Miami to the following addresses on June 7 and June 8, 2018: [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 03/11/2019 -
Israel, the Pro-Israel Lobby, American Jews and the Iran Deal
Jonathan Rynhold Israel, the Pro-Israel Lobby, American Jews and the Iran deal American Jews were deeply divided over the 2015 Iran deal. Such divisions over Israel-related issues were nothing new. But this time the argument was not only particularly vitriolic, it was also especially significant because those in favor of the deal were confronting an Israeli consensus on an issue considered to be vital to Israeli security, a commitment to which was shared in principle by the overwhelming majority of American Jews who were skeptical of the agreement’s efficacy, even as they approved of it. This paper seeks to explain the cause of these divisions over the Iran deal and their political significance for Israel’s relations with American Jewry. Contrary to the terms of the core debate about the relationship of American Jews with Israel, which centers on the extent of American Jewish attachment to Israel, it argues that the key struggle was over the power to determine the political meaning of ‘pro-Israel’ in this critical context and that the divide was primarily a part of a wider partisan divide among Americans in general. In theoretical terms, “the authority to determine the shared meanings that constitute the identities, interests and practices… is perhaps the most subtle and most effective form of power because it encapsulates the institutional power to include or exclude, to legitimize and authorize”1. Strong and resilient shared meanings function as cultural ‘containers’ that serve as an important resource for mobilizing political support. The more robust the cultural container the more the political struggle is likely to be focused on interpreting and appropriating it to advance and legitimize a political agenda, rather than seeking to challenge it head-on.2 The pro-Israel orientation in American political culture is one such shared-meaning and it is centered on the American commitment to Israeli security. -
Strateg Ic a Ssessmen T
Strategic Assessment Assessment Strategic Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Volume 19 Volume The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | No. 4 No. Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | January 2017 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities Emily B. Landau and Ephraim Asculai Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Abstracts | 3 The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century | 9 Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | 29 Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | 43 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? | 57 Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army | 67 Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation | 79 Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects | 93 Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations | 103 Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities | 117 Emily B. -
Israel: Growing Pains at 60
Viewpoints Special Edition Israel: Growing Pains at 60 The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mideasti.org The maps on pages 96-103 are copyright The Foundation for Middle East Peace. Our thanks to the Foundation for graciously allowing the inclusion of the maps in this publication. Cover photo in the top row, middle is © Tom Spender/IRIN, as is the photo in the bottom row, extreme left. -
Inönü Dönemi Türk Diş Politikasi
İNÖNÜ DÖNEM İ TÜRK DI Ş POL İTİKASI (TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY WITHIN THE PERIOD OF INONU) ∗ Ahmet İLYAS ** Orhan TURAN ÖZET İkinci Dünya Sava şı boyunca Türk dı ş politikasının genel e ğilimi sava şa girmeme üzerine kurulmu ştur. Türkiye’nin bu politikası sava şın gidi şatına göre de ğişiklikler göstermi ştir. Sava ş boyunca tarafsızlık politikası izleyen Türkiye, bu politikayı uygularken kimi zaman İngiltere ve Fransa’ya yakın olmasına kar şın Almanya’ya kar şı da net bir tavır almaktan kaçınmı ştır. Bu yüzden dı ş politika yapıcıları Türkiye’nin bu tavrını “ aktif tarafsızlık ” olarak nitelendirmektedirler. İngiltere, Fransa ve Rusya Türkiye’yi sava şa girmeye ikna etmek için birçok görü şmeler ve konferanslar yapmalarına ra ğmen; her defasında Türkiye sava ş dı şı kalmayı ba şarmı ştır. Ancak sava şın sonunun belli olmasından sonra Türkiye kazanan tarafta yer almak için sava şa girmi ştir. Sava ş sonrasında ise Türkiye, Sovyet Rusya’dan gelebilecek tehlikeyi bertaraf etmek için Batı kartını kullanarak ABD ve İngiltere taraflı bir politika izlemi ştir. Anahtar Kelimeler : İnönü, Türkiye, İngiltere, Sovyet Rusya, Almanya ABSTRACT During the World War II, the general inclination of Turkish foreign policy was based on an anti-war principle. This policy of Turkey changed according to the state of war. Following an objective policy during the war, Turkey avoided from developing a determined attitude towards Germany while it remained close to England and France. Therefore, foreign policy makers define this attitude of Turkey as active neutrality. Although England, France and Russia conducted negotiations and conferences to convince Turkey to take part in war, each time Turkey achieved to stand outside of the war. -
Amerikan Belgelerinde 27 Mayis Olayi
AMERİKAN BELGELERİNDE 27 MAYİS OLAYİ Prof. Dr. FAHİR ARMAOĞLU 27 Mayıs askeri darbesinin, Cumhuriyet tarihimizde önemli ve ilginç bir yeri vardır. Olay, 1950'de gerçek anlamı ile işlemeye başlayan genç demok- rasimizin ilk "kesintisi" olduğu kadar, Büyük Atatürk'ün, Ordu ile Politika'yı birbirinden ayırdığı 1924 sonundan beri, Türk Silahlı Kuvvetleri'nin ilk defa olarak, bir siyasal olayın aktifunsuru haline gelmesidir. Ordunun, siyasal bir süreç içinde yer alması, 1961 Ekim seçimleriyle sona ermemiş, 1980 Eylülüne kadar devam eden dönemde, "Ordu faktörü", Türk iç politikasında bazan "silik", bazan da ön plâna çıkan bir nitelikte, yaklaşık 20 yıl kadar devam et- miştir. Bu belirttiğimiz noktalar, doğrudan doğruya Türkiye'nin kendi iç geliş- meleriyle ilgilidir. Fakat, 27 Mayıs Olayı' nın bir de dış politika yanı vardır. Başka bir deyişle, 27 Mayıs olayı, Türkiye'nin dış politikasına da yansıyacak nitelikte olmuştur. Şu anlamda ki, 27 Mayıs olayı meydana geldiğinde, Türk dış politikasında en etkin ve hatta dış politikamıza yön veren tek faktör, De- mokrat Parti hükümetlerinin izlediği dış politikanın doğal sonucu olarak, Amerika Birle şik Devletleri'dir. Aşağıda göreceğimiz gibi, 1960 Nisanından itibaren Türkiye'nin içi karıştığında, Demokrat Parti iktidarı, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi'nin etkin muhalefeti ve kamuoyunun tepkileri karşısında, Ame- rika'da bir dayanak arama yoluna gitmiştir. Bu durum, Amerika'yı, bir hayli s ıkıntılı duruma itmiş görünüyor. Zira, Amerika'nın o zamanki Ankara Bü- yükelçisinin, 28 May ıs 1960 sabahı, darbenin liderliğini üzerine almış olan Orgeneral Cemal Gürsel'e söylediği gibi, Amerika, Lâtin Amerika ülkele- rinde yıllardır, pek çok askeri darbe görmüştü. Bu ülkelerin askeri darbele- rine Amerika adeta alışmıştı. Fakat, NATO'nun bir üyesi, 1950'den beri libe- ral demokrasiyi benimsemiş ve Batı siyasal sisteminin bir parçası haline gel- mi ş olan Türkiye'de bir "askeri darbe"nin oluşumu, Amerika'yı bir hayli şa- şırtmıştır. -
Implicación Del Terrorismo En El Conflicto Palestino-Israelí Desde La
Universidad CEU Cardenal Herrera Departamento de Derecho Público IMPLICACIÓN DEL TERRORISMO EN EL CONFLICTO PALESTINO ISRAELÍ DESDE LA ÉPOCA DEL MANDATO BRITÁNICO HASTA LA ACTUALIDAD TESIS DOCTORAL Presentada por: María Carmen Forriol Campos Dirigida por: Susana Sanz Caballero Valencia Año 2016 A mis padres Francisco y Carmen a quienes con este trabajo de investigación sólo puedo agradecer un poco de lo mucho que se preocuparon por nuestra formación 1 AGRADECIMIENTOS Quiero agradecer en primer lugar a la Doctora Susana Sanz Caballero su permanente accesibilidad y disponibilidad para resolver cualquier duda o consulta y porque con sus indicaciones ha hecho posible que se hiciese realidad este trabajo de investigación. También quiero agradecer la accesibilidad y la información facilitada por todas aquellas personas a las que he tenido la oportunidad de entrevistar personal, telefónicamente y en el mismo Israel y a las que hago mención a lo largo de este trabajo. Mi profundo agradecimiento a todas esas amistades que tanto interés han mostrado por este trabajo y que de alguna manera han contribuido a que se haya hecho realidad. Quiero también agradecer el apoyo y afecto de mis hermanos que desde la cercanía han hecho factible el arduo proceso de elaboración de esta Tesis Doctoral. 2 3 INDICE ACRÓNIMOS 8 INTRODUCCIÓN GENERAL 12 1. Formulación de Hipotesis 31 2. Justificación y objetivos de la Tesis 31 3. Estructura 32 4. Metodología de la Investigación 33 5. Fuentes 35 CAPÍTULO I EL CONFLICTO PALESTINO ISRAELÍ DESDE SUS INICIOS HASTA LA PROCLAMACIÓN DE ISRAEL COMO ESTADO INDEPENDIENTE 38 1. Antecedentes históricos y origen del conflicto 41 1.1. -
2011 2011 2011Annual Report Annual Report July 1, 2010–June 30, 2011
Council on Foreign Relations Council Foreign on Council on Foreign Relations 58 East 68th Street New York, NY 10065 tel 212.434.9400 fax 212.434.9800 1777 F Street, NW Annual Report Washington, DC 20006 Ann tel 202.509.8400 ual Report fax 202.509.8490 www.cfr.org 2011 2011 2011Annual Report Annual Report July 1, 2010–June 30, 2011 Council on Foreign Relations 58 East 68th Street New York, NY 10065 tel 212.434.9400 fax 212.434.9800 1777 F Street, NW Washington, DC 20006 tel 202.509.8400 fax 202.509.8490 www.cfr.org [email protected] Officers and Directors OFFICErs DIr ectors Carla A. Hills Irina A. Faskianos Term Expiring 2012 Term Expiring 2013 Term Expiring 2014 Co-Chairman Vice President, National Program and Outreach Fouad Ajami Alan S. Blinder Madeleine K. Albright Robert E. Rubin Sylvia Mathews Burwell J. Tomilson Hill David G. Bradley Co-Chairman Suzanne E. Helm Kenneth M. Duberstein Alberto Ibargüen Donna J. Hrinak Richard E. Salomon Vice President, Development Stephen Friedman Shirley Ann Jackson Henry R. Kravis Vice Chairman Jan Mowder Hughes Carla A. Hills Joseph S. Nye Jr. James W. Owens Richard N. Haass Vice President, Human resources Jami Miscik George Rupp Frederick W. Smith President and Administration Robert E. Rubin Richard E. Salomon Fareed Zakaria Kenneth Castiglia L. Camille Massey Vice President, Membership, Term Expiring 2015 Term Expiring 2016 Richard N. Haass Chief Financial and Administrative ex officio Officer and Treasurer Corporate, and International John P. Abizaid Ann M. Fudge David Kellogg Lisa Shields Peter Ackerman Thomas H. -
Russia Hold Syria Talks with US, Saudi Arabia and Turkey
INTERNATIONAL SATURDAY, OCTOBER 24, 2015 Sword man school attack was ‘racist’ TROLLHATTAN: A sword-wielding man who killed two people at a Swedish school with many immigrant pupils was motivated by racism, police said yesterday, as hostility towards refugees mounts across Europe. Investigators in the southwestern Swedish town of Trollhattan confirmed that Thursday’s school attack was a “racially motivated” hate crime, based on the 21-year-old assailant’s “attire, his behavior at the scene of the crimes”. Police investigator Thor Haraldsson said the assailant targeted “those with dark complexions”. The killer, identified in the media as Anton Lundin-Pettersson, went from classroom to classroom at the school for six to 15-year-olds. He killed one teacher and a student, and injured another teacher and student who both remained in hospital yesterday. On his social media accounts, the attacker comes across as a loner fascinated by Hitler, Nazi Germany and Sweden’s far-right Sweden Democrats party, which is critical of Islam and rising immigration to Sweden. A country of 9.8 million, Sweden expects to receive up to 190,000 asylum applications this year-putting it among the EU states with the highest proportion of refugees per capita as the continent struggles with a massive influx of migrants. Support for the far-right has mounted as Sweden’s ability to house and integrate the new arrivals comes under strain. An opinion poll yes- terday showed the Sweden Democrats garnering 15.7 percent of voter sympathies, up from the 12.9 percent it won in the 2014 election when it became the country’s third-largest party. -
S/PV.7527 Maintenance of International Peace and Security 30/09/2015
United Nations S/ PV.7527 Security Council Provisional Seventieth year 7527th meeting Wednesday, 30 September 2015, 10 a.m. New York President: Mr. Lavrov ..................................... (Russian Federation) Members: Angola. Mr. Chikoti Chad ......................................... Mr. Mahamat Chile ......................................... Mr. Muñoz China ......................................... Mr. Wang Yi France ........................................ Mr. Fabius Jordan ........................................ Mr. Judeh Lithuania ...................................... Mr. Linkevičius Malaysia ...................................... Mr. Aman New Zealand ................................... Mr. McCully Nigeria ....................................... Mrs. Ogwu Spain ......................................... Mr. García Margallo United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland .. Mr. Hammond United States of America ......................... Mr. Kerry Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of) ................. Ms. Rodríguez Gómez Agenda Maintenance of international peace and security Settlement of conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa and countering the terrorist threat in the region Letter dated 1 September 2015 from the Permanent Representative of the Russian Federation to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General (S/2015/678) This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the -
What Does TURKEY Think?
What DoEs tURKEY thinK? Edited by Dimitar Bechev Foreword by Ivan Krastev, Mark Leonard, Sinan Ülgen and Andre Wilkens aBoUt ECFR The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) is the first pan-European think-tank. Launched in October 2007, its objective is to conduct research and promote informed debate across Europe on the development of coherent, effective and values-based European foreign policy. ECFR has developed a strategy with three distinctive elements that define its activities: •a pan-European Council. ECFR has brought together a distinguished Council of over one hundred Members - politicians, decision makers, thinkers and business people from the EU’s member states and candidate countries - which meets once a year as a full body. Through geographical and thematic task forces, members provide ECFR staff with advice and feedback on policy ideas and help with ECFR’s activities within their own countries. The Council is chaired by Martti Ahtisaari, Joschka Fischer and Mabel van Oranje. • a physical presence in the main EU member states. ECFR, uniquely among European think-tanks, has offices in Berlin, London, Madrid, Paris, Rome and Sofia. In the future ECFR plans to open offices in Warsaw and Brussels. Our offices are platforms for research, debate, advocacy and communications. • a distinctive research and policy development process. ECFR has brought together a team of distinguished researchers and practitioners from all over Europe to advance its objectives through innovative projects with a pan-European focus. ECFR’s activities include primary research, publication of policy reports, private meetings and public debates, ‘friends of ECFR’ gatherings in EU capitals and outreach to strategic media outlets.