Giuseppe Zanetto Fighting on the River: The Alpheus and the ‘Pylian Epic’

In the the old Pylian king Nestor talks on several occasions about his past glorious deeds.¹ Manyscholars think that these passages are what survivesofa ‘Pylian Epic’,i.e.ofthe epic songswhich in Mycenaean agecelebrated the lords of Pylos.² It is assumed in fact that therewas Mycenaean ,which was performedatthe courts of the kingsonthe occasion of festive or funeral ban- quets;³ and that this poetry has been almost completelylost,the onlyexception being the Pylian songswhich wereincorporated into our text of the Iliad. The survival of the ‘Pylian Epic’ must probablybeconnected with the important role thatmanyfamilies of Pylian origin playedinarchaic Greece. In archaic Ath- ens some of the most powerful γένη claimeddescent from Neleus and the Ne- leids. In the cemeteryofthe Ceramicus the excavations have brought to light geo- metric funerary vases,producedatthe end of the VIII century BC,which reproducethe fight between Nestor and the Moliones.⁴ We can hypothesise that the mythicalepisode which wasdepicted on the vases containing the ashes of the deceased correspondedtoapoem performedbyasinger during the funeral. If this is so, this means that in geometric Athens the epic tradition originating from Pylos still survived, was stillperformed and was akey-element in the creation of identity.⁵ Now,ifwelook at the content of Nestor’sspeeches, we see that he praises victories in battlesagainst neighbouringpeoples (Epeans, Arcadians), successful cattle raids, victories in athletic contests and in particularinchariot races.Let us have ashort review of these narratives. Iliad 11.670 – 762offers the most extended passageof‘Pylian Epic’.Nestor tells avery complicated story which can be divided in twomain sections.⁶ In the first one he reports how he seized ahugenumber of cattle, fighting against the Epeans and killing Itymoneus, and how he drovethis bootydown to Pylos, whereonthe dayafter it was divided among the Pylians.Neleus takes the major

 Hom. Il.7.132–156,11.670 – 761, 23.629–642.  Bölte1934; Hainsworth 1993, 296–298;Vetta 2003;Nobili 2009,105–110.  Vetta 2001,23–30.  Ahlberg-Cornell 1992, 32–35.  Vetta 2003,22–27;Aloni 2006,67–75;Nobili 2009,110 –113.  Hainsworth1993, 296.

DOI 10.1515/9783110535150-014

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 25.10.17 09:30 230 GiuseppeZanetto portion for himself, in retaliation for the loss of his four race-horses, stolen from him by the Epean king . In the second section Nestor tells how the Epeans came down towards Pylos to take revenge and how the Pylians,warned by Athe- na, left their city and marched out against the enemies: here the tale is very rich in topographic details, so that it is not difficult to reconstruct the geographic set- ting. 1. The Epeans movetothe riverAlpheus, which marks the border of the Py- lian territory,and attack Thryoessa.

Iliad 11.711–713:

ἔστι δέ τις Θρυόεσσα πόλις αἰπεῖακολώνη τηλοῦἐπ’᾿Aλφειῷ, νεάτη Πύλου ἠμαθόεντος τὴν ἀμφεστρατόωντο διαρραῖσαι μεμαῶτες. Now thereisacity Thryoessa, perched on asteepcliff, overlookingthe Alpheus,onthe far border of sandyPylos,and there they camped, aimingtodestroy it.⁷

2. The Pylians set out; the cavalry in afew hours reaches the riverMinyeios (a minor stream, presumablyflowing about 20 kilometres south of the Alpheus).⁸ Once the infantry has also arrived(shortlyafter daybreak), they all move to the Alpheus, wherethey offer to the gods, taketheirevening meal and bivouac under arms.

Iliad 11.722–732:

ἔστι δέ τις ποταμὸςΜινυήϊος εἰς ἅλα βάλλων ἐγγύθεν ᾿Aρήνης, ὅθι μείναμεν Ἠῶ δῖαν ἱππῆες Πυλίων, τὰ δ’ ἐπέρρεον ἔθνεα πεζῶν. ἔνθεν πανσυδίῃ σὺντεύχεσι θωρηχθέντες 725 ἔνδιοι ἱκόμεσθ’ ἱερὸν ῥόον ᾿Aλφειοῖο. ἔνθα Διὶῥέξαντες ὑπερμενεῖἱερὰ καλά, ταῦρον δ’ ᾿Aλφειῷ, ταῦρον δὲ Ποσειδάωνι, αὐτὰρ ᾿Aθηναίηγλαυκώπιδι βοῦν ἀγελαίην, δόρπον ἔπειθ’ ἑλόμεσθα κατὰ στρατὸν ἐντελέεσσι,730 καὶ κατεκοιμήθημεν ἐν ἔντεσιν οἷσιν ἕκαστος ἀμφὶῥοὰςποταμοῖο. Ariver,Minyeios,meets the sea near Arene, and therethe chariots waited for the dawn, and then the infantry arrived. From that point,travellingarmed and at speed, by noon we reached Alpheus’ holystream.There we sacrificed fine victims to mighty ,bulls to Al-

 The English translations from the Iliad aretaken fromthe on-line text of A.S. Kline.  Hainsworth1993, 302.

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pheus and , and aheifer to bright-eyedAthena. Then each companyate supper, and we slept in battle-gear on the bank.

3. On the following daythereisthe battle. The text is not explicit on this point, but we must think that the two armies fight on the northern shore of the Al- pheus, because the Pylians,after defeating the Epeans, chase them until Boupra- sion, well to the north of the river. This means that Nestor and his men have crossed the Alpheus, immediatelyafter their arrival and before the night which they spend bivouackingonthe shore: the sacrifices to the gods, and in particulartothe godoftheriver,are διαβατήρια.⁹ Iliad 7.132–156 is the account of another exploit of youngNestor,this time in an one on one fight against the Arcadian champion Ereuthalion. The context is a battle between the Pylians and the Arcadians;Nestor doesn’texplain the reasons for the conflict,heonlysaysthat the two armies gathered together near the wall of Pheia and along riverIardanus.Itisnot clear to which part of the western Pe- loponnesianshore these geographic markers point;¹⁰ we don’tknow,inparticu- lar,which riverismeant by the name Iardanus (and the samegoes for the other stream mentioned just before, the Keladon);¹¹ but Pheia should probablybe identifiedwith the town which in other epic passages¹² is called Pheai, about fif- teen kilometresnorth of the mouth of the Alpheus, in southern .¹³ If it is so, then this struggle between Pylians and Arcadians takes place not far from the location whereNestor kills Itymoneus and seizes his cattle in Iliad 11:the setting of both episodesisthe plain along the northern shore of the Cyparissian Gulf, north and south of riverAlpheus; and we can arguethat the Alpheus – in this context too – is meant to mark the northern border of the Pylian territory. Nestor’sopponentisEreuthalion, whose favourite weapon is an iron mace; we are told that in the past it was the property of Areithoos,who used to mas- sacre his enemieswith this club;but Lycurguskilled him by trapping him in a narrow place wherehehad no room to swingit; then it was Lycurguswho woreAreithoos’ armour,until he grew old and gave it to his friend Ereuthalion. It is very likelythat Areithoos was originallyanArcadian brigand (or an - related brigand):¹⁴ from afragment of Pherecydes (fr.158) we learn that he came to Arcadia and accumulated ahugebooty, until he was killed by Lycurgus, who

 Hainsworth1993, 303.  Robert 1920,191.  Kirk 1990,252 (“the rivers remain mysterious”).  Hom. Od. 15.297; Hom. Hymn. Ap. 427(φεράς codices, Φεάς editores).  Aloni 2006,38–39.  Nobili 2011,34–36;see also Kirk 1990,253.

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 25.10.17 09:30 232 GiuseppeZanetto led his Arcadian troops against him to recover their stolen property.Lycurgus’ attack against Areithoos has thereforemuch in common with the killing of Ity- moneus by Nestor.And because Ereuthalion uses the sameiron mace (that is to say, the typicalweapon of abrigand), the fight between him and Nestor can also be seen as an episode of astory of cattle raids: we can imagine that the Py- lians are attacking the Arcadians of Ereuthalion in responsetotheir incursions.

Iliad 7.132–156:

αἲ γὰρΖεῦτε πάτερ καὶ᾿AθηναίηκαὶἌπολλον ἡβῷμ’ ὡς ὅτ’ ἐπ’ ὠκυρόῳ Κελάδοντι μάχοντο ἀγρόμενοι Πύλιοί τε καὶ᾿Aρκάδες ἐγχεσίμωροι Φειᾶςπὰρτείχεσσιν Ἰαρδάνου ἀμφὶῥέεθρα.135 τοῖσι δ’ Ἐρευθαλίων πρόμος ἵστατο ἰσόθεος φὼς τεύχε’ ἔχων ὤμοισιν ᾿Aρηϊθόοιο ἄνακτος δίου ᾿Aρηϊθόου, τὸν ἐπίκλησιν κορυνήτην ἄνδρες κίκλησκον καλλίζωνοί τε γυναῖκες οὕνεκ’ ἄρ’ οὐ τόξοισι μαχέσκετο δουρί τε μακρῷ,140 ἀλλὰ σιδηρείῃ κορύνῃῥήγνυσκε φάλαγγας. … ἀλλ’ ἐμὲ θυμὸς ἀνῆκε πολυτλήμων πολεμίζειν θάρσεϊ ᾧ· γενεῇ δὲ νεώτατος ἔσκον ἁπάντων καὶ μαχόμην οἱἐγώ,δῶκεν δέ μοι εὖχος ᾿Aθήνη. τὸνδὴμήκιστον καὶ κάρτιστον κτάνον ἄνδρα 155 πολλὸςγάρτις ἔκειτο παρήορος ἔνθα καὶἔνθα. Oh, Father Zeus, and , if onlyIwereyoungagainaswhen our Pylian host was fightingthe Arcadian spearmen by swift-runningKeladon, under Pheia’swalls,at the streams of Iardanus.Ereuthalion was their champion. Like agod he was, clad in the armour of noble KingAreithoos whom men and fair women called the Mace-man, because he ignoredlong-spear or bow,and shatteredthe lines with his iron mace. … Though the youngest there, in my boldnessmydoughty heart spurred me to fight him, and Athena granted me glory.Hewas the tallest and strongest Ieverslew:yet he laysprawling thereinall his mighty breadth and height.

So these two narrativesof‘Pylian Epic’ which we find in Iliad 7and 11 seem to refer to the samesituation and to the same geographic environment.Inboth cases the Pylians are engagedinmilitary actionsinthe northern areaoftheir land, in proximitytothe Alpheus. The Alpheus is explicitlyreferred to in Book 11, whereas it is onlyevoked through the mention of Pheia and of the riverIar- danus (perhapsone of its tributaries) in Book 7; but its presenceisacoreele- ment in both stories.The role of the riverisdouble.First,itisthe boundary line that cattle raiders cross as they drive their bootyfrom the foreign land to their own land: crossingthe riverissomething thatmust necessarilyhappen,

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 25.10.17 09:30 Fighting on the River 233 but is also the symbolic imageofasuccessful raid. Second, the riveristhe set- ting of the battle thatisaconsequenceofthe raid,asthe victims come to rescue. The reportofBook 11 is acompleteone, as the two segments of the story (raid and battle)are narrated at lenght.The narrative of Book 7isshorter, because the purpose of Nestor is to encouragethe Achaean warriors to accept ’schal- lenge: so he focuses his reportonthe scene of himself comingout to fight against the Arcadian champion. But the scenery of the fluvial battle is clearlyal- luded to:Pylians and Arcadians are fighting beside the swift-flowing Keladon and on the stream of the Iardanus.Thusinthis case too the riveristhe line of contact between the two armies and defines the battlefield. We maysuppose that exactlythis topic, i.e. the abduction of cattle and the heroic actions connected with this (fights duringthe raids and struggles in con- sequence to the raids) was astandard theme (a kind of ‘typicalscene’)ofthe ‘Py- lian Epic’.AsCecilia Nobili has shown, there is avery large number of in which stories of cattle raids have Messenian heroes as theirprotagonists or are located in Messenia.¹⁵ The existenceofsuch mythical accounts is of course very significant and can be explained as asurvival of alocal epic tradition. We can thereforeargue thatinthe songsperformed in the so called ‘Palace of Nestor’ the lords of Pylos werecelebratedfor theirbravery¹⁶ in collectingbootywith suc- cessful raids or in defending their property from hostile incursions. Iwould sug- gest – and this is acorepoint of my contribution – that in these songsariver was often the background of the heroic action. One of the wall paintingswhich decorated Hall 64 of the palace of AnoEng- lianos seems to confirm this idea: it depicts abattle between two armies, the one in the typicalMycenaean armour and the other dressed in animal skins; in the background acurvilinear decoration bringstomind the meandering stream of ariver.¹⁷ The archaeologist Nikolaos Yalouris suggests that this painting refers exactlytothe struggle between Pylians and Arcadians which is narrated by Nes- tor in Iliad 7:¹⁸ the Arcadians were well known in antiquity for wearing sheep- skins, so Yalouristhinks that the visitors of the palace immediatelyassociated this painting with thatfamous battle which was afavourite object of poetic per- formances.The style of the narration is in fact close to the epic mode, because the battle is split into individual fights, to focus on the bravery of the champions. And it is afluvial battle,ifYalouris is right in interpreting the curvilinear shapes on the background as ariver.

 Nobili 2011,23–70;see also her contribution in this volume.  Vetta 2001,21–24.  Lang1969, pls.16, 117.  Yalouris 1989.

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Palace of Nestor, ‘The battle’–Fresco from Hall 64 (WatercolourbyPiet de Jong)

Against this interpretation there is an obviousargument: the plainofthe Al- pheus (at which the mention of Pheia and of the Iardanus points) is very far (about 100 kilometres) from the Messenian ‘Palace of Nestor’.Our fresco has been dated by Reinhard Jung and Mathias Mehofer to 1250 BC;¹⁹ so it was in situ on the wall when the final destruction of the palace occurred. Whyshould apoet,performingfor the lords of the Palace, have set the battle in ageograph- ical area which was outside their authority (and presumably outside theirusual military activity)? From the documents written in Linear Bwecan infer thatthe northern boundary of the Pylian Kingdom wasmarked by the riverNeda, well to the south of the Alpheus.²⁰ The same canbesaidalso in relation to the other episode of ‘Pylian Epic’ in Iliad 11.Heretoo – as we have seen – thesetting of Nestor’sexploits (the fight with Itymoneus and the battleagainst theEpeans) is the plain of the Alpheus, well outsideofthe Pylian Kingdom. From Nestor’saccount, however, it is clear

 Jung and Mehofer 2008, 121.  Kelder 2010,8–9; see also Niemeier 1991,126–132; Bennet 1998, 117; Bennet 2011, 151–155.

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Reconstruction of the Pylian Kingdom according to the Linear BTexts (fromKelder 2010) that the Alpheus is onlyafew hours’ marchfromPylos,because the Pylian cavalryleavesatnight andarrivesatthe river before daybreak.Thismeans that the poet is notthinkingofaMessenian Pylos. Theproblem of theposition of theHomeric Pyloswas discussed alreadyinantiquity (byStrabo, for exam- ple)²¹ and hasbeen discussed also in modern times.²² Abrilliant andinfluen- tial paper on thisissue hasbeen published by Massimo Vetta.²³ In Vetta’s opinion the Homeric (oratleast theIliadic) Pylosisnot theMessenian one, but theother town withthe same namewhich thePylians founded and inhab- ited in Triphylia, near modern Kakovatos, afterthe fallofMycenaeansociety.

 Strab. 8.3.7p.339c.  Meyer 1951; Kiechle 1960;Brillante1993; Frame 2009,651–686.  Vetta 2003.

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The Pylian colonists,asitwas therule in ancient Greece, broughtwith them- selvesinthe new site notonlythe goods that theyhad savedfromthe destruc- tionbut also theirhabits and theirculturalidentity,asitwas registered in their traditionalsongs.But the settingofthese songs had to be adaptedto thenew geographical context. This is thereasonwhy the ‘Pylian Epic’ was – in Vetta’swords – re-located,sothatitcould fitwiththe newTriphylianloca- tion. Thenarratives of the ‘Pylian Epic’ needed ariver as their setting. There- locationforcedthe poets to look forariver thatcould be an eligible option for thenew context. TheAlpheus,which marks the border between Triphylia andElis, only30kilometres north of Kakovatos, becamethe newsettingof the Pylian exploits. Nestor’saccountsinIliad 7and 11 areclearly theresult of this re-locationand refertherefore nottothe primaryversion buttothe sub-Mycenaeanre-stylingofthe ‘Pylian Epic’.The Arcadiansare still there, be- cause they areplausible opponentsfor thePylians of Kakovatostoo.But now the standard competitorsfor Nestor andthe Neleidsbecomethe Epeans, who live beyond theAlpheus andcan make raidsagainst thePylians or be thetar- getofPylianraids. But once theAlpheus hasbeen incorporated intothe ‘Pylian Epic’ (and the ‘Pylian Epic’ has been absorbed intothe Panhellenicpoetry), the Alpheus plays an active role in also ‘attracting’ narratives whichare notoriginally ‘Py- lian’ buthavetodowith cattle theft or cattle abduction. This is the reason why, for example, in the Homeric Hymn to the Alpheus is the final destina- tion of thegod’sjourney,after the abduction of Apollo’scattle.²⁴ Onelastpoint.The proximityofKakovatos to Elis also makespossible the attraction of thePylians intonarrativeswhich arespecifically Eleian.The new ‘Pylian Epic’ develops storiesinwhich the Neleids turn out to be brilliant char- ioteers. We know that chariot raceswereatypicalEleian tradition:the compe- tition between and Oenomaus is themythicalcounterpartofhorse races that took placeinthe plainofthe Alpheus long time before the founda- tion of theOlympic games. In our ‘Pylian Epic’ thereare twopassagesinwhich thePylians seemtosharethe Eleian love forchariot races. In Iliad 11there is themention of thefourracehorsessend by Neleus to Elisand abducted by Augeas (699 –702).InIliad 23 Nestor remembersanother glorious episode of hisyouth, as he went to Bouprasion to take part in thesplendidfuneral games for kingAmarynceus and wonall the competitions.His onlydefeat

 Hom. Hymn. Herm. 101;Nobili 2011,28–29.

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Iliad 23.629–642:

εἴθ’ ὣς ἡβώοιμι βίητέμοι ἔμπεδος εἴη ὡς ὁπότε κρείοντ’ ᾿Aμαρυγκέαθάπτον Ἐπειοὶ 630 Βουπρασίῳ, παῖδες δ’ ἔθεσαν βασιλῆος ἄεθλα ἔνθ’ οὔ τίςμοι ὁμοῖος ἀνὴργένετ’, οὔτ’ ἄρ’ Ἐπειῶν οὔτ’ αὐτῶνΠυλίων οὔτ’ Αἰτωλῶνμεγαθύμων. πὺξμὲνἐνίκησα Κλυτομήδεα Ἤνοπος υἱόν, ᾿Aγκαῖον δὲ πάλῃ Πλευρώνιον, ὅςμοι ἀνέστη·635 Ἴφικλον δὲ πόδεσσι παρέδραμον ἐσθλὸν ἐόντα, δουρὶ δ’ ὑπειρέβαλον Φυλῆά τε καὶ Πολύδωρον. οἴοισίνμ’ἵπποισι παρήλασαν ᾿Aκτορίωνε πλήθει πρόσθε βαλόντες ἀγασσάμενοι περὶ νίκης, οὕνεκα δὴ τὰ μέγιστα παρ’ αὐτόθι λείπετ’ ἄεθλα.640 οἳ δ’ ἄρ’ ἔσαν δίδυμοι· ὃ μὲν ἔμπεδον ἡνιόχευεν, ἔμπεδον ἡνιόχευ’, ὃ δ’ ἄρα μάστιγι κέλευεν. Iwish Iwereasyoungand strong as that time when the Epeans wereinterring King Amarynceus at Bouprasion, and his sons held funeral games in his honour.Then no man provedhimself my equal, Epeans,Pylians or proud Aetolians.Ibeat Clytomedes, the son of Enops,inthe boxingand Ankaios of Pleuron, whotook me on in the wrestling. In the foot race Ioutran Iphiclus,good as he was,and my spear out-threw Phyleys and Polydorus.Onlyinthe chariot race did the twoMoliones beat me, by their combined supe- rior strength, forcingtheir team to the front,begrudgingmethe victory sincethe race car- ried the best prize. They were twins,and one could drive with asurehand, while the other plied the whip.

To sum up, the Alpheus of the renewed ‘Pylian Epic’ is areal river, because it is the boundary of the ‘New Pylos’ territory;but it is at the sametime aliterary river, because it plays apivotal role in definingand suggesting stories.²⁵

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 Zanetto 2004,151.

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