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Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M. -
Windhoek, Namibia Casenote
Transforming Urban Transport – The Role of Political Leadership TUT-POL Sub-Saharan Africa Final Report October 2019 Case Note: Windhoek, Namibia Lead Author: Henna Mahmood Harvard University Graduate School of Design 1 Acknowledgments This research was conducted with the support of the Volvo Foundation for Research and Education. Principal Investigator: Diane Davis Senior Research Associate: Lily Song Research Coordinator: Devanne Brookins Research Assistants: Asad Jan, Stefano Trevisan, Henna Mahmood, Sarah Zou 2 WINDHOEK, NAMIBIA NAMIBIA Population: 2,533,224 (as of July 2018) Population Growth Rate: 1.91% (2018) Median Age: 21.4 GDP: USD$29.6 billion (2017 est.) GDP Per Capita: USD$11,200 (2017 est.) City of Intervention: Windhoek Urban Population: 50% of total population (2018) Urbanization Rate: 4.2% annual rate of change (2015- 2020 est.) Land Area: 910,768 sq km Total Roadways: 48,327 km (2014) Source: CIA Factbook I. POLITICS & GOVERNANCE A. Multi-Scalar Governance Following a 25-year war, Namibia gained independence from South Africa in 1990 under the rule of the South West Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO). Since then, SWAPO has held the presidency, prime minister’s office, the national assembly, and most local and regional councils by a large majority. While opposition parties are active (there are over ten groups), they remain weak and fragmented, with most significant political differences negotiated within SWAPO. The constitution and other legislation dating to the early 1990s emphasize the role of regional and local councils – and since 1998, the government has been engaged in efforts to support decentralization of power.1 However, all levels are connected by SWAPO (through common membership), so power remains effectively centralized. -
MISSION APOLOGETICS: the RHENISH MISSION from WARS and GENOCIDE to the NAZI REVOLUTION, 1904-1936 GLEN RYLAND MOUNT ROYAL UNIVERSITY [email protected]
STORIES AND MISSION APOLOGETICS: THE RHENISH MISSION FROM WARS AND GENOCIDE TO THE NAZI REVOLUTION, 1904-1936 GLEN RYLAND MOUNT ROYAL UNIVERSITY [email protected] tories of a Herero woman, Uerieta Kaza- Some Germans even met her face-to-face when Shendike (1837-1936), have circulated for a she visited the Rhineland and Westphalia with century and a half among German Protestants in missionary Carl Hugo Hahn in 1859, a year the Upper Rhineland and Westphalian region. after her baptism.2 Other than a few elites, no Known to mission enthusiasts as Johanna other Herero received as much written attention Gertze, or more often “Black Johanna” from the missionaries as Uerieta did. Why was (Schwarze Johanna), Uerieta was the first her story of interest to missions-minded Protest- Herero convert of the Rhenish Mission Society. ants in Germany? By 1936, her life had spanned the entire period In 1936, missionary Heinrich Vedder again of the Herero mission she had served since her told her story, this time shaping her into an youth. Over the years, the mission society African heroine for the Rhenish Mission. In published multiple versions of her story Vedder’s presentation “Black Johanna” demon- together with drawings and photos of her.1 strated the mission’s success in the past and embodied a call for Germans in the new era of National Socialism to do their duty toward so- called inferior peoples. Vedder used Uerieta’s I am grateful to Dr. Doris L. Bergen, Chancellor Rose story to shape an apologetic for Protestant mis- and Ray Wolfe Professor of Holocaust Studies, Uni- sions within the new regime. -
Territoriality, Sovereignty, and Violence in German South-West Africa
Bard College Bard Digital Commons Senior Projects Spring 2018 Bard Undergraduate Senior Projects Spring 2018 Colonial Control and Power through the Law: Territoriality, Sovereignty, and Violence in German South-West Africa Caleb Joseph Cumberland Bard College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bard.edu/senproj_s2018 Part of the African History Commons, Indigenous Studies Commons, and the Legal History Commons This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Cumberland, Caleb Joseph, "Colonial Control and Power through the Law: Territoriality, Sovereignty, and Violence in German South-West Africa" (2018). Senior Projects Spring 2018. 249. https://digitalcommons.bard.edu/senproj_s2018/249 This Open Access work is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been provided to you by Bard College's Stevenson Library with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this work in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights- holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Colonial Control and Power through the Law: Territoriality, Sovereignty, and Violence in German South-West Africa Senior Project Submitted to The Division of Social Studies of Bard College by Caleb Joseph Cumberland Annandale-on-Hudson, New York May 2018 Acknowledgments I would like to extend my gratitude to my senior project advisor, Professor Drew Thompson, as without his guidance I would not have been able to complete such a project. -
United States of America–Namibia Relations William a Lindeke*
From confrontation to pragmatic cooperation: United States of America–Namibia relations William A Lindeke* Introduction The United States of America (USA) and the territory and people of present-day Namibia have been in contact for centuries, but not always in a balanced or cooperative fashion. Early contact involved American1 businesses exploiting the natural resources off the Namibian coast, while the 20th Century was dominated by the global interplay of colonial and mandatory business activities and Cold War politics on the one hand, and resistance diplomacy on the other. America was seen by Namibian leaders as the reviled imperialist superpower somehow pulling strings from behind the scenes. Only after Namibia’s independence from South Africa in 1990 did the relationship change to a more balanced one emphasising development, democracy, and sovereign equality. This chapter focuses primarily on the US’s contributions to the relationship. Early history of relations The US has interacted with the territory and population of Namibia for centuries – indeed, since the time of the American Revolution.2 Even before the beginning of the German colonial occupation of German South West Africa, American whaling ships were sailing the waters off Walvis Bay and trading with people at the coast. Later, major US companies were active investors in the fishing (Del Monte and Starkist in pilchards at Walvis Bay) and mining industries (e.g. AMAX and Newmont Mining at Tsumeb Copper, the largest copper mine in Africa at the time). The US was a minor trading and investment partner during German colonial times,3 accounting for perhaps 7% of exports. -
4 October 1985
other prices on page 2 MPC plans UK foreign office BY GWEN LISTER PLANS HAVE REACHED an advanced stage to open an office with an undisclosed status in London to promote the interim government abroad. The Head of the Department of Interstate Relations, Mr Carl von Bach, and the new co· ordinator of the London venture, Mr Sean Cleary, have ar· rived in london to prepare for the new operation. The interim government's Minister of Justice and Information, Mr Fanuel Kozonguizi, has confirmed that the London office will be elevat ed to a new status, but the interim Cabinet must still take a final de cision on the modalities of the new campaign. It was not yet cl ear whether Mr Cleary will be permanently stationed in London. 'It is up to him' Mr Kozo nguizi said. He added that the 'extern~ l poli cy' o f the interim admini stration till had to be established. At this stage they would no~be.~eeking 'inter.na tional recognition', Mr Kozonguizi said. A fo rmer So uth African diplo mat, Mr Sean Cleary took over from Mr Billy Marais as Public Relations Consultant fo r the interim govern POLICE WATCH burning barricades in Athlone, Cape Town, the scene of continuing vio ment on October 1. In that position this week. he will be controlling public relations See inside today for the story of dramatic protests at the University of the Western Cape. MR SEAN CLEA RY - interim (Photograph by Dave Hartman of Afrapix). government's 'rovi ng ambassador'. Continued on page 3 Ministers may boycott Council BIG SPRING BY GWEN LISTER net, the participation of two vote in a Cabinet meeting ofSep COMPETITION groups in the Constitutional tember 11. -
Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: Genocide and the Quest of Recompense Gewald, J.B.; Jones A
Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: genocide and the quest of recompense Gewald, J.B.; Jones A. Citation Gewald, J. B. (2004). Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: genocide and the quest of recompense. In Genocide, war crimes and the West: history and complicity (pp. 59-77). London: Zed Books. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/4853 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Leiden University Non-exclusive license Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/4853 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: Genocide and the Quest for Recompense Jan-Bart Gewald On 9 September 2001, the Herero People's Reparations Corporation lodged a claim in a civil court in the US District of Columbia. The claim was directed against the Federal Republic of Germany, in the person of the German foreign minister, Joschka Fischer, for crimes against humanity, slavery, forced labor, violations of international law, and genocide. Ninety-seven years earlier, on n January 1904, in a small and dusty town in central Namibia, the first genocide of the twentieth Century began with the eruption of the Herero—German war.' By the time hostilities ended, the majority of the Herero had been killed, driven off their land, robbed of their cattle, and banished to near-certain death in the sandy wastes of the Omaheke desert. The survivors, mostly women and children, were incarcerated in concentration camps and put to work as forced laborers (Gewald, 1995; 1999: 141—91). Throughout the twenti- eth Century, Herero survivors and their descendants have struggled to gain recognition and compensation for the crime committed against them. -
Revisiting the Windhoek Old Location
Revisiting the Windhoek Old Location Henning Melber1 Abstract The Windhoek Old Location refers to what had been the South West African capital’s Main Lo- cation for the majority of black and so-called Colored people from the early 20th century until 1960. Their forced removal to the newly established township Katutura, initiated during the late 1950s, provoked resistance, popular demonstrations and escalated into violent clashes between the residents and the police. These resulted in the killing and wounding of many people on 10 December 1959. The Old Location since became a synonym for African unity in the face of the divisions imposed by apartheid. Based on hitherto unpublished archival documents, this article contributes to a not yet exist- ing social history of the Old Location during the 1950s. It reconstructs aspects of the daily life among the residents in at that time the biggest urban settlement among the colonized majority in South West Africa. It revisits and portraits a community, which among former residents evokes positive memories compared with the imposed new life in Katutura and thereby also contributed to a post-colonial heroic narrative, which integrates the resistance in the Old Location into the patriotic history of the anti-colonial liberation movement in government since Independence. O Lord, help us who roam about. Help us who have been placed in Africa and have no dwelling place of our own. Give us back a dwelling place.2 The Old Location was the Main Location for most of the so-called non-white residents of Wind- hoek from the early 20th century until 1960, while a much smaller location also existed until 1961 in Klein Windhoek. -
“The Bergdama”
Journal of Namibian Studies, 2 (2007): 129–140 ISSN: 1863-5954 Review: Adi Inskeep, Heinrich Vedder’s gies to make themselves unobtrusive. “The Bergdama”. An annotated They have not, however, always been translation of the German original with innocent refugees or simple hunters additional ethnographic material, and gatherers. They have never been Volumes I and II, Köln, Köppe, 2003. disinclined to trespass and steal when it appeared that they could get away with it, and have sometimes planned raids The human species is widely regarded on their neighbours, whether of their as having evolved into its present form own type or of other peoples, no less somewhere in Africa and as having eagerly than their neighbours have set subsequently spread out to populate about robbing them. Nevertheless, in much of the rest of the globe. There are the book translated here, the author good grounds for this belief, grounds so makes it clear that whereas attacks on good that these days any alternative other Dama were usually provoked by view is generally felt in intellectual blood-feuds or the violation of what they circles to be idiosyncratic and worthy, saw as hunting and gathering rights, perhaps not exactly of scorn, but at their quarrels with their Nama and least of a doubtful smile. Nevertheless, Herero neighbours often resulted from despite all the attention lavished during the Dama practice of attracting game by the past two centuries on attempts to firing what these others regarded as lighten the darkness of the Dark grazing grounds and thereby occa- Continent, despite the abundance of sioning the growth of fresh vegetation. -
Namibia After 26 Years
On the other side of the picture are elements in the police and to devote their energies instead to making the force who are not neutral, or are trigger-happy, or are country ungovernable. Such lessons are more easily both. They may well be covert rightwingers trying to learnt than forgotten. Ungovernability down there, where sabotage reform. Other rightwingers seem set on making the necklace lies in wait for non-conformists, and the the mining town of Welkom a no-go area for Blacks. They incentive to learn has been largely lost, presents the ANC may not stop there. with a major problem. For Mr De Klerk it certainly makes his task of persuading Whites to accept a future in a non- More disturbing than any of this has been the resurrection racial democracy a thousand times more difficult. of the dreaded "necklace", surely one of the most despicable and dehumanising methods over conceived So what has to be done if what is threatening to become a for dealing with people you think might not be on your lost generation is to be saved, and if something like the side. The leaders of the liberation movement who failed, Namibian miracle is to be made to happen here? for whatever reason, to put a stop to this ghastly practice when it first reared its head amongst their supporters all People need to be given something they feel is important those years ago, may well live to rue that day. Only and constructive to do. What better than building a new Desmond Tutu and a few other brave individuals ever society? risked their own lives to stop it. -
The Transformation of the Lutheran Church in Namibia
W&M ScholarWorks Undergraduate Honors Theses Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 5-2009 The Transformation of the Lutheran Church in Namibia Katherine Caufield Arnold College of William and Mary Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Arnold, Katherine Caufield, "The rT ansformation of the Lutheran Church in Namibia" (2009). Undergraduate Honors Theses. Paper 251. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses/251 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Introduction Although we kept the fire alive, I well remember somebody telling me once, “We have been waiting for the coming of our Lord. But He is not coming. So we will wait forever for the liberation of Namibia.” I told him, “For sure, the Lord will come, and Namibia will be free.” -Pastor Zephania Kameeta, 1989 On June 30, 1971, risking persecution and death, the African leaders of the two largest Lutheran churches in Namibia1 issued a scathing “Open Letter” to the Prime Minister of South Africa, condemning both South Africa’s illegal occupation of Namibia and its implementation of a vicious apartheid system. It was the first time a church in Namibia had come out publicly against the South African government, and after the publication of the “Open Letter,” Anglican and Roman Catholic churches in Namibia reacted with solidarity. -
S/87%' 6 August 1968 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH
UNITED NATIO Distr . GENERA1 S/87%' 6 August 1968 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH LETTER DATED 5 AUGTJST 1968 FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED NATIONS COUNCIL FOR NAMIBIA ADDRESSED TO 'THE PRESIDENT OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL I have the honour to bring to your attention a message received by the Secretary-General from Mr, Clemens Kapuuo of Windhoek, Namibia, on 24 July lsi'48, stating that non-white Namibians were being forcibly removed from their homes in Windhoek to the new segregated area of Katutura, and requesting the Secretary- General to convene a meeting of the Security Council to consider the matter. According to the message, the deadline for their removal is 31 August 1968, after which date they would not be allowed to continue to live in their present areas of residence. On the same date the Secretary-General transmitted the message in a letter to the United Nations Council for Namibia as he felt that the Council might wish to give the matter urgent attention. A copy of the letter is attached herewith (annex I). The Council considered the matter at its 34th and 35th meetings, held on 25 July 1968 and 5 August 1968 respectively. According to information available to the Council (annex II), the question of the removal of non-whites from their homes in Windhoek to the segregated area 0-P IChtutura first arose in 1959 and was the subject of General Assembly resolution 1567 (XV) of 18 December 1960. At the aforementioned meetings, the Council concluded that the recent actions of the South African Government constitute further evidence of South Africa's continuing defiance of the authority of the United Nations and a further violation of General Assembly resolutions 2145 (XXI), 2248 (S-V), 2325 (XXII) and 2372 (XXII).