Abbreviations & Conventional Markings

Abbreviations & Conventions i

ABBREVIATIONS & CONVENTIONAL MARKINGS

[Should we list our grammatical abbreviations here, or just state that we follow the conventions of the CHD in these matters?]

† Forms marked by a following † are æi-conjugation intrusions in paradigms of mi-verbs.

* preceding a form indicates it is hypothetical or reconstructed.

– in Hittite transcriptions indicates a boundary before a clitic element.

Unlike the verbs in the Semitic languages, Hittite verbs with third person subjects are gender indifferent. To avoid ugly renderings like “he/she/it …-s” in our translations we have arbitrarily used the masculine pronoun “he”.

i 1. Orthography & Phonology 1

CHAPTER 1 ORTHOGRAPHY AND PHONOLOGY

The Cuneiform Writing System of the Hittites

1.1 The Hittite texts were written by professional scribes on clay tablets, impressed with a stylus and then dried in the sun. The writing system derives ultimately from Lower Mesopotamia, present-day Iraq, where it was devised by the Sumerians and adapted centuries later for the writing of the semitic Akkadian language. In addition to cuneiform writing on clay tablets the Hittites occasionally made use of a hieroglyphic script (Plate 2). During the earliest phase of their kingdom’s history, called the Old Hittite period, the kings used this hieroglyphic script to inscribe their names and titles on stamp and cylinder seals. Much later, during the so-called New Hittite (or Empire) period, kings began to use this system for carving royal inscriptions on cliffs or stelae. The language in which these latter inscriptions were composed was Luwian, a tongue closely related to Hittite.

1.2 Before the advent of the Old Assyrian merchant colonies at the beginning of the second millennium B.C. there was no writing in Anatolia (HdO 161f.). Once the Old Assyrian writing system arrived it was employed not only by the Assyrian merchants, but also on occasions by the local Anatolian rulers (Balkan 1957, HdO 162). Among these local rulers may be numbered Anitta, King of Kuååar and Neåa, one of whose texts survives for us in an Old Hittite tablet (edition by Neu 1974).

1.3 (*1.0.3) Exactly at what time or from what precise source the Hittites obtained the cuneiform writing system and applied it to the recording of their own IE language is not known. It might be suspected that, since Assyrian trading colonies existed in central Asia Minor (Cappadocia) from as early as c. 1900 BC and have left behind them written documents composed in cuneiform, the Hittites would have obtained knowledge of the cuneiform writing system from them. But even a cursory comparison of Old Assyrian (Plate 3) and Old Hittite cuneiform writing (Plate 4) reveals that: (1) the shapes of the signs (palaeography), (2) the selection of logograms (Sumerograms), and (3) the choice of signs for the expression of a given syllable (orthography) are all quite different. For example, OAss uses the ÆI sign for the syllable ti, while Hittite scribes used the TI or DI signs. It is therefore generally assumed that Æattuåili I (c. 1650-1600) during his military campaigns in North Syria captured scribes who were using a form of the late Old Babylonian syllabary, and these men formed the nucleus of the first scribal academy at 1 Æattuåa.

1 So Gamkrelidze 1961, Hawkins 1979; Morpurgo Davies 1986; Hawkins 1986. But see Hecker 1990, who argues for a Hittite borrowing of an atypical form of cuneiform known in the Old Assyrian milieu. Klinger 1998 also discusses the question of who taught the Hittites to write.

1 1. Orthography & Phonology 2

Limitations

1.4 We have no way of knowing the precise sounds of Hittite speech, since we have no living speaker of the language, transcription of Hittite words in an ancient contemporary alphabetic script, or acoustical recording of the ancient speech. We gain access to evidence for Hittite phonology and morphology only through the filter of the 2 conventions employed in writing on clay, using the (originally Mesopotamian) cuneiform syllabary. This system is less precise than later alphabetic systems, such as Greek and Latin, which have separate written characters for each vowel and consonant.

1.5 The cuneiform syllabary from its earliest stages consisted of phonetic signs and logograms. Logograms are signs or combinations of signs that evoke a particular word in the target language (e.g., the noun “king”, the adjective “large” or the verb “to sit down”). Logograms in Hittite texts can consist of words from the Sumerian or Akkadian language, the former called Sumerograms, the latter Akkadograms. Sumerograms in Hittite texts usually 3 4 fail to indicate the grammatical case of the noun or adjective and the voice, tense or subject of the verb, whereas 5 Akkadograms usually indicate all of these. The repertoire of phonetic signs consists only of signs of the following types.

VOWEL (V), e.g., a, e, i, u

CONSONANT + VOWEL (CV), e.g., ba, da, pé, ti, lu

VOWEL + CONSONANT (VC), e.g., ab, eå, il, ut

CONSONANT + VOWEL + CONSONANT (CVC), e.g., bar, kap, kán, kir, æur

1.6 1.1.3Since Hittite has no sign for a consonant without a vowel, it is impossible to write initial or final clusters of two or more consonants or internal clusters of three or more consonants without using at least one “ghost” or “empty” (i.e., unpronounced) vowel. As an example of an initial cluster, /spanti/ “he libates” must be spelled either iå-pa-an-ti or åi-pa-an-ti. (Watkins, In Press #4174) cites ma-li-id-du- and mi-li-id-du- as evidence for an initial cluster ml in this word. As examples of a final cluster, /est/ “he was” is written e-eå-ta, *kissart is written

2For general treatments of the subject of writing systems in the ancient Near East see Hawkins 1979, 1986; Morpurgo Davies 1986. 3In the Sumerian language itself there were postpositioned markers for what corresponds to IE “case” (Thomsen 1984 88- 109), but these markers were not employed by Hittite scribes. For example, the Sumerogram LUGAL “king” (without added Hittite ending) can stand for subject, direct or indirect object, or possessor, as can the adjective GAL “great”. When a Sumerogram stands in a case other than subject or direct object, it is usually marked with an Akkadian preposition (e.g., ÅA LUGAL “of the king,” ANA LUGAL “to/for the king”). 4 For example, only the presence of a Hittite verbal ending attached to the end of the Sumerogram DIB “seize” can indicate whether the subject is “I”, “you”, “he”, “she” or “they”. 5 Thus A-BU “father” is normally subject, A-BA is direct object, A-BI is indirect object or possessor. Similarly with “hand”: QA-TUM subject, QA-TAM direct object, QA-TI object of preposition (Akkadian “genitive” case). See Chapter 8 for a brief survey of Akkadian grammar. We say “normally”, because in Hittite contexts the Akkadian case forms occasionally are used erroneously.

2 1. Orthography & Phonology 3 either ki-iå-åar-ta or ki-iå-åar-at, /aks/ “he died” (from stem akk-) is written ak-ki-iå, and /laks/ “he knocked over” (stem lakk-) is written la-ak-ki-iå. As an example of a medial triconsonantal cluster, /harspawants/ must be spelled æar-aå-pa-wa-an-za. The ghost vowels in the above examples are bolded. ® §1.129 [*1.9.2.4.2].

Transcriptional Conventions

1.7 Syllabically written Hittite words are always written in lower case italic letters (e-eå-zi “he is”), Akkadograms in upper case italic letters (A-WA-TUM“word”), and Sumerograms in upper case non-italic letters (LUGAL “king”). Signs forming a part of a Hittite or Akkadian word are connected to each other and to an adjacent Sumerogram with hyphens. Signs forming part of a Sumerian word are connected to each other with periods (e.g., GAL.GAL “great (plural)”, DUMU.MUNUS “daughter, young woman”). In hand-written exercises students can use simple, lower case writing for Hittite, underlined capital letters for Akkadograms, and non-underlined capital letters for Sumerograms.

Homophony

1.8 The cuneiform syllabary contains many signs of identical phonetic value (e.g., several signs each for the syllables a, i, e, u, ba, aå, åu, or kan). Multiple signs with identical syllabic values are called homophones. In order to distinguish homophones in transliteration cuneiformists (Assyriologists and Hittitologists) mark them with accents or subscript numbers. Using the arbitrary value ba, we can observe that unmarked ba in transliteration indicates the first (or most common) sign with the /ba/ value, bá (with acute accent) denotes the second, bà (with grave accent) the third, ba› the fourth, and subsequent values are all indicated with subscript numbers. In reading and writing Hittite in transliteration, therefore, it is very important to indicate the exact sign among homophones. Some homophonous values of signs in the Mesopotamian forms of the syllabary are not used for writing Hittite. For example, the “number one” value of pi is the sign which in Hittite texts is almost invariably to be read wa. The sign most commonly used for the value /pi/ (or /bi/) is that which is transliterated as bi (number one /bi/) or pí (number two /pi/). Similarly, Hittite scribes preferred the number two signs for /kan/, /par/ and /pat/. But in most cases the signs used are the number one variants.

Polyphony

1.9 Some cuneiform signs have more than one phonetic value, that is, they are polyphonous. Some CV type signs 6 whose initial consonant is a stop can have either a voiced or voiceless interpretation: BU can be bu or pu. Signs of the types VC and CVC do not indicate whether the final stop is voiced or voiceless (b or p, d or t, g or k). The sign AB can be read ab or ap, ID as id or it, UG as ug or uk. Since Hittite scribes had their own method of indicating voiced-voiceless options which utilized double versus single writing between vowels, Hittitologists do

6 We use the terminology “voiced” and “voiceless” in this book, although we am aware that other scholars prefer the terms fortis and lenis or tense and lax. See Melchert, AHP, and Luraghi 1997 3 with note 1.

3 1. Orthography & Phonology 4 not rely upon the voiced-voiceless distinctions inherent in the Mesopotamian cuneiform signs to determine the probable speech realization of Hittite words. Nevertheless, when transcribing syllabically written Hittite words Hittitologists normally transliterate the obstruent according to the value of the cuneiform sign most favored by the tradition of Hittitologists. Usually the favored transliteration is that which uses the number one value (pa, not bá, du, not tù, ga, not kà).7 The only exception to this pattern is the preference for the transliteration pí or pé for the BI sign, instead of bi. CV signs possessing a number-one value of both voiced and voiceless nature, e.g., BU = bu or 8 pu, are normally rendered with the voiceless stop.

1.10 The vowel of each sign is usually specific. But signs whose vowel is i often have a variant with e: the same sign can be read pé and pí, le and li, né and ni, re and ri, æe and æi. There is usually no distinction between i and e when the syllable type is vowel + consonant: IB is eb, ib, ep, or ip.

BI pí pé

LI li le

NI ni né

RI ri re

HI æi æe

1.11 Almost all i-containing VC signs can also have an e value:

IB ib, ip eb, ep

IM im em

IG ig, ik eg, ek

IR ir er

ID id, it ed, et

IZ iz ez

1.12 Exceptions: eå and iå are different signs, as are el and il, en and in. One VC sign which can be read with any vowel is AÆ, read aæ, eæ, iæ, or uæ. Signs of the type CVC often can have more than one possibility for the 9 th internal vowel: æar and æur are the same sign, as are kat and kit·, pát/d and pít/d. In the 13 Century the sign DIN, usually read tén, acquired the value /tan/, which HZL (sign #330) represents without an assigned number as

7 According to the standard convention for transliteration in Assyriology number one values lack accent marks (ba), number two values use the acute (bá), and number three values the grave (bà). The accent mark always rests on the vowel, or in case the sign has two vowels on the first (ÉRIN, ÉSAG). Values higher than three are indicated by subscript numbers (GUDU⁄¤). 8 The above rules are ideals. Most scholars have their own personal preferences or habits in transcription. This is particularly notable in the case of proper names: some write ∂Ku-mar-bi, others ∂Ku-mar-pí; some ∂Te-li-pí-nu, others ∂Te- li-bi-nu. 9See Goetze 1928 60, Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 13 n. 8, HZL #173 (value in parentheses).

4 1. Orthography & Phonology 5 tan˛. There are a few signs of the type CV that unambiguously designate the e value: æé, ne, åe, te and zé and others the i value: åi, ti.

1.13 Aside from the AÆ sign (aæ, eæ, iæ, uæ), no CV or VC type sign in Hittite use fails to distinguish between vowels other than e and i. The vowel categories a — e/i — u are always kept distinct in such signs. This is in contrast to contemporary Akkadian usage, where the PI sign (HZL #317), read syllabically only as wa in Hittite, has the possibile readings wa, we, wi and wu.

1.14 The signs for the vowels i and u (intervocalically) or ú when followed by a vowel sign of a different quality are sometimes used to represent /y/ and /w/: OH i-an-zi /yanzi/ “they do/make”, i-(e-)ez-zi /yetsi/ “he does/makes”, i-ú-ga-an /yugan/ “yoke”, i-da-a-la-u-e-eå /idalawes/ “evil (ones)”, a-ra-a-u-aå /arawas/ “exempt”, ú- ez-zi /wetsi/ “he comes”, na-a-ú-i /nawi/ “not yet”, åa-ú-i-ti-iå-za /sawitists/ “weanling (animal)”, æa-az-zi-ú-i /hazziwi/ “ceremony, ritual.”

1.15 Where there is doubt about the vocalic identity of a given ambiguous sign, the scribes often added clues. pé or pí followed immediately by -e is almost always to be interpreted as pé-e, only rarely as pí-e. /karpyezzi/ could be spelled kar-pí-ez-zi but usually as kar-pí-e-ez-zi (with an extra e) to disambiguate the writing. Even åieååar “beer” which uses the unambiguous ÅI sign is often further disambiguated by the writing åi-i-e-eå-åar, to prevent a mistaken reading *åeååar. ® the remarks on “plene writing” in §1.26 [*1.9.1.1].

Multivalence

1.16 Many signs in the Hittite cuneiform syllabary are multivalent. That is, they have both a syllabic (or phonetic) and a logographic value. Examples are:

Sign Form Sumerographic value(s) Akkadographic value Hittitographic value

EN “lord” EN in UÅ-KE-EN “he en in ku-en-zi “he kills”, etc. bowed”, etc.

DINGIR “god” or AN “sky” AN in LÚÆA-ZA-AN-NU “city an in ma-a-an “when, if”, etc. administrator”, etc.

New Values

1.17 In only a few cases the Hittite scribes introduced a new phonetic value to an existing cuneiform sign. Because their word for wine (Sumerian GEÅTIN) was wiyanaå, they gave to the GEÅTIN sign the value /wi/, which 10 we represent as wifi. The sign which has the logographic value ZÍZ “wheat”, and in other contemporary cuneiform 11 systems the syllabic value áå has the syllabic value tàå in Hittite and occasionally in Akkadian texts from El

10 See HZL #131.

11 See HZL #241.

5 1. Orthography & Phonology 6

12 Amarna and Ugarit. The MEÅ sign, which normally stands for the Sumerian plural marker must occasionally be 13 read as phonetic eå⁄‡.

1.18 In order to render sounds in the Hurrian and Hattic languages nonexistent in their own language (probably labial fricatives such as [f] or [v]) Hittite scribes utilized ligatures of the PI (wa, we, wi, wu) sign with the vowel signs a, e, i, and u inscribed. These graphic innovations are conventionally transcribed with subscripted vowels 14 thus: waa, wee, wii, wuu or wuú. This contrasts with the customary writing of initial /we/ and /wi/ as ú-e- and ú-i- (rarely u-i-) in native Hittite words. They also used spellings in which pV alternated with wV to indicate these sounds.

Logogram Pronunciation

1.19 We assume that all logograms in Hittite contexts were normallly pronounced by Hittite readers with their 15 Hittite equivalents. The Sumergram LUGAL (“king”) was pronounced with the Hittite word for “king”, æaååuå. Words could be written with Sumerograms to which the final syllable (containing the all important case ending) was indicated as a phonetic complement : LUGAL-uå “king” (subject case, singular), LUGAL-un (direct object case, singular), etc. Exceptions are apparent logograms in proper names, which in some cases are rebus writings , . 16 such as: µ GIÅGIDRU-åi-DINGIR-LIM, to be read using Akkadian values as µÆattuåili. Some personal names of Hittite officials are Akkadian in origin, such as µDUMU.UD.20.KAM HKM 22:9 = µMΩr-eårË HKM 31:20 “son of day twenty” (i.e., boy born on the 20th day of a festival; cf. CAD E 368).

1.20 When a single word or phrase contains Sumerograms, followed by Akkadian and Hittite phonetic complements, the resulting form can be bewildering to a beginner: EN-LUM-aå “lord” uses Sumerian EN “lord” followed by the end of the Akkadian noun bËlum “lord”, followed by the last syllable of the Hittite noun iåæΩå “lord”. But such hybrid writings are few in number, even if those few words occur frequently. Beginners will soon

12 See Labat 1988 155, sign #339.

13 See HZL #360A.

14 See HZL ##318-326.

15There are a very few cases where the spelling may suggest otherwise. For instance, [nu–za DINGIR.MEÅ] e-te-er Ú-UL-la- za iå[-pí-er] “[The gods] ate, but [they were] not sa[tisfied]” KBo 34.32:4’, if correctly copied and read, does not suggest a pronunciation *natta–ya–za . Perhaps read Ú-UL-LA-za, and understand either Akkadian „la (AHw 1407 right) or ulla (AHw 1408 right), both negatives. That Hittite scribes used the logogram’s own pronunciation in dictating texts to copyists is clar from errors in audition such as BA.UÅ for proper BA.ÚÅ “he died,” GIÅGÚ.ZA for correct GIÅGU.ZA “throne,” etc. For discussion of this subject with examples see Rüster 1988. 16 GIÅGIDRU = Akkadian æat≥t≥u “staff, stick”. DINGIR-LIM = Akkadian ili “of a god”. Æattu + åi + ili = the royal name Æattuåili! A parade example of a rebus writing (cf. HE2 §8c “spielerische Schreibungen”, Luraghi 1997 §0.2 “Akkadian [logographic!] reading”).

6 1. Orthography & Phonology 7 become accustomed to them. It is best to learn them gradually, as they are encountered, rather than to discuss them all in advance in a theoretical manner.

1.21 Some signs prefixed to nouns are Sumerograms of a special type called “determinatives”. These are class markers, identifying the noun in question (whether that noun is written in Hittite, Sumerian or Akkadian) as belonging to a semantic class:

GIÅ (objects entirely or partially made of wood),

URUDU (objects entirely or partially made of copper),

LÚ (designations of male persons, excluding personal names),

MUNUS (designations of female persons, including personal names),

NA› (objects of stone),

URU (city names), 17 MUÅ (reptiles), etc.

1.22 In transliteration (but not in the cuneiform writing itself) these determinatives are superscripted (e.g., URUNerik “the city Nerik”). Sometimes what appears at first to be a determinative can be determined to be rather a logogram: KUR URUÆalpa “land of (city) Aleppo” (not KUR.URUÆalpa), LÚ Ø´MI “messenger” (literally “man of the message”) (not LÚØ´MI “message belong to the male class”). Proper names regularly bear determinatives. Thus, all mountain names have prefixed ÆUR.SAG, all river names have prefixed ÍD, all city names have prefixed URU. Names of deities have a prefixed DINGIR (“god”) sign, which however is rendered as (supersripted) lower case d: 18 ∂Teååub. Male and female personal names use prefixed signs which are rendered m and f: µÆattuåiliå, ƒPuduæepaå. The µ sign is a single vertical wedge usually representing the numeral “one”. The ƒ sign is the same 19 which elsewhere represents the word MUNUS “woman” or the syllabic value åal.

1.23 A few determinatives are placed not in front of their nouns, but after them: MUÅEN “bird” in URU KI æaraå MUÅEN “eagle”, KI “place” in Æalpa “Aleppo”.

1.24 In the CHD system postpositioned Sumerian plural markers such as .MEÅ and .ÆI.A are superscripted as determinatives only when the noun which precedes them is Hittite or Akkadian, but not when it is Sumerian, since then the Sumerian plural marker is to be read as part of the Sumerogram. If we wouldn’t write a Boghazköy

17 A complete repertoire of these determinatives can be found in HZL.

18 So in the CHD. Many Hittitologists prefer an upper case D: DTeååub.

19 For this reason many other Hittitologists prefer the superscripted roman numeral one for the first (IÆattuåiliå) and upper case SAL or MUNUS for the second (MUNUSPuduæepaå).

7 1. Orthography & Phonology 8

Akkadogram MA-AD-GA-LA-TI“watchposts” as MA-AD-GA-LA-TI , then neither should we write a Sumerogram s 20 KUR.KUR.ÆI.A as KUR.KURÆI.A . We write “lands” in English, not “land ”!

B. PHONOLOGY

INDIVIDUAL PHONEMES (VOWELS AND CONSONANTS)

1.25. It is important to distinguish between the supposed ancient pronunciation (to the extent that we can reconstruct it) and the mere conventional pronunciation employed by modern scholars. The following description applies to the former unless explicitly stated otherwise. The cuneiform writing system has a limited ability to express the phonemes of the Hittite language.

VOWELS

Plene Writing and Vowel Length

1.26. The so-called “plene writing” (e.g., pa-a-, ti-i-, åu-u-, te-e-, etc.) offered a means of expressing vowel length , but we cannot be certain that such writings always indicate length (as opposed to stress), or that non-plene writings always denote short vowels. On the basis of the Indo-European language system we can assume that Hittite had long and short vowels, even if we are rarely able to determine where they occur. Phon. 162 gives three additional reasons for plene writings: (1) to show e-coloring of the vowel with ambiguous Ce/i and e/iC signs, (2) to mark the position of the accented syllable (e.g., nom. sg. te-e-kán versus gen. ták-na-a-aå , ® §4.63 [*5.2.3]), (3) in the case of all monosyllables except sentence-initial conjunctions (nu, ta), to avoid writing a word with only one sign (da-a “take!”, i-it “go!”).

1.27. Two words which differ in meaning, but which — aside from the distinction of vowel length — would be phonetically identical, are the long mΩn (written ma-a-an) “when” (in Old Hittite), “if” (in New Hittite) and the short man (written ma-an) which is a particle expressing either wish or a contrary-to-fact condition. But other examples of what appears to be the same word or form with longer and shorter spellings, for example åe-er and åe- e-er “above”, pa-an-zi and pa-a-an-zi “they go”, are not different words, but different spellings of the same word. Such variant spellings in the same document sometimes arise from a scribe who prefers the short writings copying a document whose scribe preferred the long ones.

Inventory of vowels

1.28. Hittite seems to have distinguished four vowels (a, e, i, u), each of which could be long or short. Diachronically, e in certain environments shifted to i.

20 Contra Friedrich 1960 §6d.

8 1. Orthography & Phonology 9

1.29. The parent Proto-Indo-European, also had an *o vowel, which (at least in the writing) merged with *a in Hittite. Words which in Proto-Indo-European contained this *o vowel appear in Hittite with a in the place of *o.

1.30. Despite the ambiguity of certain e- or i-containing cuneiform signs, the two vowels were certainly distinct phonemes in Hittite (Otten and Souc√ek 1969 56; Melchert 1984b, 1992).

1.31. Many words containing the vowel e or i, show no fluctuation over time:

1.32. With e:

1.33. Word-initial: e-eå-zi “he is” (never *i-iå-zi)), e-ep-zi “he seizes” (never *i-ip-zi), e-ed-mi “I eat”, e-æu “come!” (never *i-æu), e-ku-zi “he drinks” (never *i-ku-zi), e-eå(-åa)ri “form, shape, image” (never *iå-åa-ri in this noun), ega- “ice” (never *i-ga- in this noun).

1.34. Word-internal: åe(-e)-er “above, over”, te-ez-zi “he speaks” and te-et “he spoke”, ú-e-te-et “he built”, ku- (e-)en-zi “he kills” or ku-(e-)en-ta “he killed” never alternate with forms in i (e.g., *åi-ir, *ti-iz-zi, *ú-i-te-et, *ku- 21 (i-)in-zi, etc.).

1.35. Word-final: ku(-i)-e “which” (neut. pl.), a-pé-e “those” (neut. pl.), ut-né-e “land” (neut. nom.-acc.) — 22 versus ut-ni-i (dat.-loc.), locatives like ták-ni-i “to/on the earth”, æa-aå-åi-i “to/on the brazier”, — pé-e, le-e “let not …” The contrast of the plural ki/e-e “these” with (neuter) singular ki/e-i “this” is stable through OH, MH and early NH, breaking down only in late NH.

1.36. With i:

1.37. Word-initial: iyatar “productivity, fertility, abundance” and its cognate forms, ilan- “step(?)”, iå-åa-al-li “spittle”, i-iå-åo (the reduced grade of aiåå- “mouth”), iåiyaææ- “to trace, track, spy out”, iåk(iya)- “to anoint”, iåkiå “back”, iånura- “kneading trough, dough-pan”, i-it “go!” (in deliberate disambiguity from e-et “eat!”), i-da- (a-)lu “evil”, i-wa-ar (postposition) “like, as”, innarΩ “independently” (written in- not *en-), GIÅin-ta-lu-uz-zi “shovel(?)”. OH spellings ia-an-zi “they do/make” and ia-an-ni-iå “they set out” of what later is consistently written i-ya-an-zi and i-ya-an-ni-iå suggest that these words preserved initial y, otherwise generally lost in Hittite. Many of the words written as initial iåk-, iåm-, iån-, iåp- and iåt-, probably represent initial consonantal clusters *sk, *sm, *sn, *sp and *st.

21There are extremely rare apparent counterexamples such as ku-i-en-zi, ú-i-e-eå “we” (KUB 30.36 ii 8). On ti-e-et w. dupl. ti-i-et (allegedly “he said”) see §1.51. On ku-i-en-zi see Melchert 1984b 78. 22Although NI can be read either ni or né, ÅI is not read *åe in Hittite-language texts. Thus while the i in -ni/é-i might be for disambiguating the vowel, there can be no such motivation for -åi-i. Some sort of length or stress must be indicated.

9 1. Orthography & Phonology 10

1.38. Word-final: The loc. sg. ending on nouns in OH is always, and in MH and NH is almost always -i, rather than -e. Rare exceptions in -e: æu-u-ma-an-te “to all” HKM 88:5 (MH/MS), pé-e-te KUB 29.1 ii 24 (OH/NS), and da-me-e-te pe-e-ti KBo 16.50:15-16 (MH/MS).

1.39. In fact, it is often written plene (Otten and Souc√ek 1969 56, 50): ki-iå-åa-ri-i, ú-li-ni-i, tág-ni-i, æa-aå-åi-i, æal-ki-i, ud-da-ni-i, a-ri-i, æa-an-ti-i, iå-æi-i, MUNUS-ni-i, pád-da-ni, iå-åi-i, etc. The vast majority of these examples are biconsonantal noun forms with stress on the final syllable.

1.40. Synchronically, there is contrast between e and i, as seen in the contrast of e-et “eat!” and i-it “go!”, or ku- e-en “kill!” and ku-in “whom”, or clitic -åe “to him/her/it (dative)” and the locative of the clitic possessive -åi “in his/her/its …” (Otten and Souc√ek 1969 56). The last example is OH only — cf. the next section.

1.41. Words with fluctuation between e and i:

1.42. On the other hand, diachronically, certain words changed e to i, or vice versa: (i-)iå-åa-i > e-eå-åa-i “(s)he performs”, i-ku-na- > e-ku-na- “cold, cool”, i-ni > e-ni “that (one)”, i-ni-iå-åa-an > e-ni-iå-åa-an “thus”, ke-e > ki-i “these” (neut. pl.), -åe > -åi “to him/her”, pres. sg. 1 æi-conjugation ending is often -æé in OH/OS, but in post-OH 23 always -æi. The first two examples probably reflect a phonetic change, the last two rather a morphological replacement (-åe > -åi after the nominal dative-locative ending -i; -æe > -æi after -mi, -åi, -zi, etc.). The other changes are surely real, but their conditioning is not fully explained.

1.43. And other words show a fluctuation that cannot be charted diachronically. The examples just cited (or: cited in the preceding paragraph?) show that there were at least some real changes in the distribution of /e/ and /i/ from OH to NH. These also raise the possibility, however, that NH copyists misunderstood the patterns they found in older texts and introduced errors and even unreal creations. Since much of our evidence consists of NS copies of texts of uncertain date and compositional history, in the following cases (and many others) we cannot determine the status of the variations in e- and i-spellings. One should always be prepared to find isolated examples of e for i or vice-versa. ® §1.50.

1.44. Word-initial i/e vacillation: iå-na- and eå-na- “dough”, eå- (middle) “to sit down, die down” has e-åa-ri GIÅ GIÅ and i-åa-ri “it (a fire) dies down”, i-ga-at-ta-ru and e-ga-at-ta-ru “let it become cool”, el-zi- and il-zi- “scale GIÅ GIÅ of a balance”, e-ne-ra-an , i-ni-ra-aå, and in-na-re-en “eyebrow”, e-ri-pí- and i-ri(-im)-pí- “cedar” (loanword MUÅ MUÅ from Akkadian erinnu via Hurrian), iå-æa-aæ-ru and eå-æa-aæ-ru “tear(s)”, il-lu-ya-an-ka- and el-li-ya-an-ka- “serpent”.

23Rieken 1996 294ff.

10 1. Orthography & Phonology 11

1.45. Word-internal i/e vacillation: te-eå-åum-mi-uå “cups” (acc.) and ti-iå-åum-mi-uå (both OS in Otten and 24 Souc√ek 1969 13), pé-eå-ta and pí-iå-ta “(s)he gave”, ke-e-da-ni and ki-i-da-ni “to/for this”, u-i-ia-at-tén and ú-e- ia-at-tén “send! (pl.)”, ú-e-mi-ia- and ú-i-mi-ia- “to find”, pé-(e-)ra-an and once pí-i-ra-an “before”.

1.46. Word-final i/e vacillation: Pres. sg. 2 mi-conj. ending is usually -åi, but cf. ar-åa-ni-e-åe “you envy,” and wa-ar--iå-åa-at-te “you help.” In substantives one finds it in NH (or NS) in the dat.-loc. sg. a-stem nouns (eåæe and antuæåe, Neu 1979a 187-188) and of u-stem adjs. (a-aå-åa-u-e KUB 31.127 iv 1, compare also i-da-la-u- e KUB 29.1 iii 11 (OH/NS) and ÆUL-u-e, pa-an-ga-u-e KUB 31.42 ii 22, te-pa-u-e-wa-mu KUB 33.106 ii 5, Weitenberg 1984 319 §844). Also in the vocative of u-stem nouns and names: LUGAL-u-e (MS), LUGAL-e, ∂UTU-e (Weitenberg 1984 314 §833). For vocatives in -e ® §3.28.

1.47. Further, there sometimes occur, even in carefully written texts, examples of “broken writings”: te-eå-åu-um- me-in (Otten and Souc√ek 1969 13). Of course, one can always smooth over the problem by using rarer transcriptional values: -mì-in or -me-enfl. But surely no one seriously thinks that Hittite scribes regularly used ME with the mì value or IN with the enfl value. One has to decide on other grounds which of the two vowels was meant.

1.48. Several cuneiform signs of the type vowel + consonant in which the vowel is i may also be commonly read e. Thus words of this type must show both plene writings (e.g., e-ek- and *i-ik-, e-ep- and *i-ip-, e-et- and i- it-, e-eå- and i-iå-) in order to count as examples with fluctuation. The following words which are represented as fluctuating in the bound transcriptions” of Friedrich’s Wörterbuch are not yet attested with a plene i vocalization: ekt- “net” (e-ek-ta-, never *i-ik-ta-), ekdu- (e-ek-du, but never *i-ik-du), GIÅeppiya- (e-ep-pí-ya-, never *i-ip-pí-ya-), e-er- (in e-grade form e-er-te-ni of the verb ar- “to arrive”), e-er-ma-an “illness, disease”, e-ez-za-an “chaff”, the preterite 3rd plural verbal ending -er (even when written -i-IR, must be read -i-er, and when written with CVC signs must be read -åer (not åir), and -ker (not kir), just as final DIN in the pret. pl. 2 and imperative pl. 2 must be read -tén, rather than -tin).

1.49. For persons unaware of the complexity of the writing system it is also confusing that many Hittitologists use the i value of ambivalent e/i signs as the “unmarked” value, i.e., the default reading, whenever there is no plene vowel to disambiguate, e.g., pí-ra-an (which could just as well be interpreted as pé-ra-an, so Phon. and CHD P s.v.). Of the major dictionaries in process at present both Kammenhuber and Puhvel use the so-called “unmarked” i value. Only the CHD insists on an “interpreted” transliteration (*-ået transliterated as -åe-et, not -åe-it). Many words whose writings always contain one of these signs and which never use plene writing are uncertain as to their vocalization. Cuneiform signs of the type CVC are often polyvalent and must be used with extreme caution in drawing phonological conclusions, e.g., pí-iå-KAR “they used to give” KUB 38.3 i 17 (NH) might be read pí-iå- ker° to harmonize with the normal writings pí-iå-ker and pí-iå-ke-er, but doing so might mask a rare and important

24All examples are late: KUB 6.46 iii 61 (Muw. II), KUB 7.1 + KBo 3.8 i 8, KUB 30.16 + 39.1 i 12.

11 1. Orthography & Phonology 12 variant form. Cf. Neu 1989a on the preterite ending -ar. See also the iterative forms ending in -iå-KAT-te-ni, alternating with -iå-ki-it-te-ni,but also -iå-ga(-at)-te-ni.

1.50. The cases of vocalic stablility would seem to refute the idea that e and i merged completely in Hittite at any period. The picture, however, is complex and to some extent confusing. Melchert is probably right that different phonological rules applied at different stages in the language and that texts composed in one period but recopied many years later present an artificial and unreliable picture of the phonology.

1.51. Because it is clear that the distinction between i and e was maintained throughout its history, it is risky (even if sometimes necessary) to interpret spelling sequences such as åi-e-, mi-e- and ti-e- as /se/, /me/ and /te/ respectively. Thus, e.g., we must acknowledge words such as åieååar “beer” (not *åeååar!), pí-i-e-et-ta “allotment”, mienu (meaning unclear), and GIÅtieååar “forest”. ti-e-et in KBo 3.34 ii 19 (anecdotes, OH/NS) with ti-i-et in the duplicate KBo 3.36 (“C”) must therefore be “stepped (to Askaliya, saying)”, not “said” (from te-). But see Phon. 57f. n. 108, who on the basis of isolated OH [t]i-e-pu (for tËpu) claims that ti-e- and åi-e- are ambiguous spellings. For more on adjacent ie merging or resisting merger ® below in §4.20.

1.52. Ablaut. Alternation of a and e in verbs and nouns is usually an expression of vowel gradation (“ablaut”) and not evidence for a partial merging of the two vowels. One sees this in the common verbs Ëåzi “he is” — aåanzi “they are”, Ëpzi “he seizes” — appanzi “they seize”, but more rarely in cases where the same inflectional form fluctuates (perhaps regularly over time): aker (earlier) and eker (later) “they died”, arer (earlier) and erer (later) 25 “they arrived” (® §8.2), paiwani and paiweni “we will go” (® §7.27). Among the nasal-infix causative verbs one finds also æamenk- and æamank- (Phon. 113, 167f.). This phenomenon is best studied in the chapters on the conjugation of Hittite verbs (chapters 6-9). According to Kammenhuber ablaut, which is not present in Luwian, 26 shows that Hittite has preserved more of the PIE archaic state than Luwian.

1.53. Nouns exhibiting ablaut are: tekan, gen. taknaå, loc. taknÏ “earth” (® §4.63), wΩtar, gen. witenaå “water”. There are roots which appear in one ablaut grade in a base adjective and another in the derived verb, e.g., mekki- “much, many” and makkeåzi “is much”. Similarly, the base noun kaåt- “hunger, famine” has a, but the derived adjective kiåtwant- “having hunger or famine” shows an i that reflects the e grade.

1.54. It used to be claimed (HE §14) that certain vowel sequences were monophthongized: dative-locative memiyani (from memiya- “word”) > memini. But these early claims were made before much of the Old Hittite text corpus had been recovered, and before it was possible to sort out what texts belonged to Old, Middle and New Hittite. As it happens, memiyani first appears later than memini and cannot therefore be its source.

25See CHD P 20 for the forms.

26Kammenhuber 1969b 279.

12 1. Orthography & Phonology 13

1.55. Carruba, Souc√ek, and Sternemann 1965 showed a diachronic progression of thematic mi-conjugation verbs with forms like i-iz-zi and i-e(-ez)-zi in OH and early MH to i-ia-(az-)zi in late MH and NH. It is unclear whether the forms like i-iz-zi, ti-iz-zi, pé-eå-åi-iz-zi, etc. were pronounced differently from i-e-(ez-)zi, ti-e-ez-zi, pé-eå-åi-e-ez- zi, etc., or if they were merely ambiguous writings of the same pronunciation, for the sign IZ can be read as iz or ez. 27 But the objection that, if these really were pronounced /izzi/ and /tizzi/, one should be able to find *i-im-mi, *ti- im-mi (or *ti-i-mi) and *pé-eå-åi-mi, *pé-eå-åi-åi, *pé-eå-åi-nu-un forms in the same OH paradigms, is persuasive that the second set of spellngs is merely a more explicit writing of the first set.

1.56. The pres. pl. 3 forms of the mi-conjugation such as i-en-zi “they do, make” and ú-en-zi “they come” for the more common i-ia-an-zi and ú-wa-an-zi are probably pre-NH, but are not clearly older than the more common 28 forms. The present pl. 2 endings -teni and -tani are also the result of early stress positions, the -tani forms occurring, for example, regularly in the nu-causative verbs, which probably took the stress on the nu syllable rather than the ending. Pairs like apteni and eptani are particularly suggestive of a pattern resulting from different accent placement. It is possible that differing accent position in otherwise identical forms (such as the pair cited) indicated modality: interrogation, subjunctive ideas, etc., semantic features expressed in other IE languages through moods like the subjunctive and optative, significantly missing from Hittite.

1.57. The a and e alternation is common in the ablauting verbs and nouns. But there is no regular alternation between a and u, or between e and u.

29 1.58. Instead we find alternation of ua or ue with the zero grade u (what is called “quantitative ablaut” ): kuwa(n)åkizzi “he regularly kills” (® §7.3 [*11.2.1]) — kuenzi “he kills” — kunanzi “they kill”, kuerzi “he cuts” — kuranzi “they cut”. Quantitative ablaut also appears in the verbal endings: æatraweni “we send/write” but also æatrauni (unless æa-at-ra-u-ni is a simple mistake for æa-at-ra-u<-e>ni). Ablaut also affects diphthongs with ∑ as the second component. This ablaut pattern is reflected in the u-stem adjectives like Ωååu- “good” and parku- “high”, where a longer stem (full grade) *aååaw- is employed with case endings beginning with a vowel:

1.59. Analogous to the behaviour of u-stem adjectives is that of i-stem ones. A stem like åalli- which is found with all forms whose endings consist of a consonant, alternates with a longer ablaut variant åalla¥- found in some forms whose endings begin with a vowel: gen. åallayaå , abl. åallayaz. One might expect therefore to find a nom. pl. com. *åallayeå, a neut. nom.-acc. pl. *åallaya, and an acc. pl. com. *åallayuå. What one in fact finds is:

27Melchert 1984b 54f.

28For the view that -wani and -tani are due to Luwian influence see Rosenkranz 1952 13-15, Carruba, Die Sprache 12:79ff., Die Sprache 14:13ff., Carruba 1966) 41 (bottom,. But Otten and Souc√ek 1969 78 showed from OH evidence that these endings are not due to late Luwian influence. 29Melchert 1984b 59.

13 1. Orthography & Phonology 14

åallaeå, åalla and åallauå , with the y elided. This is explained by the general tendency to elide y between 30 vowels.

1.60. Ablaut involving the glides w and y is obscured by several factors. First, pre-OH short diphthongs in *Vw 31 and *Vy monophthongize in most, but not all, environments: *arnéumi > arnu(m)mi “I transport” (versus kuemi, 32 kuerzi, kuenzi, etc.), *leutΩi > luttΩi “window”, *eupti > „pzi “it rises”. Second, there is some syncope of wV > u: lelæundΩ(i)- “to pour” (cf. lilæwΩ(i)- “to pour”), miyaæunte- “to be old”, miæuntaææ- “to make old” (cf. miyaæ(u)wandaææ- “to make old”) all from *miyaæwant- “old”, nekmuntatar “nakedness” < *nekmu(w)antatar for expected *nekumantatar, etc. In many cases it is hard to decide between these two possibilities, or between them and possible hypercorrections or simple scribal errors.

1.61. [Then should follow not only the uncertain cases you discuss under 1.9.1.3, but also those under 1.9.1.5.1-4, where you will notice you have æu(i)åwant- more or less repeated. Your caveat about not shoving real cases under the rug should also go in here somewhere).]

1.62. The vowel u can expand (or lengthen) to an ui or ue sequence in other situations as well, where ablaut is not obvious: OH forms like æu-åu-wa-an-da-an, æu-uå-wa-an-da-an, and æu-u-uå-wa-an-du-uå give way to post-OH 33 æu-iå-wa-an-d/t… (EHS §28, Otten and Souc√ek 1969 57); karuili- “former” has a form kar„li-, kuera- “field” has kura-, æuinut “save!” has a rare form æunut (Alakå. ii 66), etc. The pair æuinut and æunut is explained by Phon. 52 as “based on the respective weak stems of the the base verb æuy(anzi) and æuw(anzi)”. Some of these could also be scribal errors or etymologically motivated hyper-corrections (as Otten and Souc√ek 1969 57 observes), but one has to be careful not to sweep real linguistic evidence under the rug of alleged scribal errors or folk etymologizing.

1.63. It appears that pre-OH diphthongs with short vowels were monopthongized:

1.64. Thus the verb “to see” had a root au-, seen in aumeni “we see”, autteni “you (pl.) see”, and a-ú-e-er “they saw”, which in certain forms of its paradigm was enlarged with a final å (e.g., auåzi “(s)he sees”, auåta “(s)he saw”, auåteni “you (pl.) see”, etc.). It also had a monophthongized full grade reflected in the singular forms with plene u-uæ- (u-uæ-æi “I see” and u-uæ-æu-un “I saw”), and a zero grade *u- which occurs with w glide when followed by an a vowel: uwanzi “they see”, uwandu “let them see”, infinitive uwanna “to see”, and in the middle forms. This zero grade u- also rarely took the sibilant enlargement: uåteni “you (pl.) see”. This reflects a quantitative ablaut pattern: full grade a∑ — zero grade u.

30Pedersen 1938 171ff., Oettinger 1979 338, Melchert 1984b 31.

31 Kimball, Sprache 36(1994)1ff).

32 Melchert 1984b 59f., Oettinger 1979 233.

33ka-ru-ú-li-uå–ma–za DINGIR.MEÅ-uå / ∂IM-aå ZAG-az aåaåta KBo 32.13 ii 26-27.

14 1. Orthography & Phonology 15

1.65. gen. a-aå-åa-u-wa-aå, d.-l. sg. a-aå-åa-u-i, inst. a-aå-åa-u-i-it, abl. a-aå-åa-wa-az, nom. pl. com. a-aå-åa- u-e-eå, but *aååam- (dissimilated from *aååa∑-) in immediate (following) contact with the vowel u in the acc. pl. 34 com. a-aå-åa-mu-uå. This shows a dissimilatory shift of *wu > mu. CREF also §1.146 [*1.9.2.6.3 (new, older 1.9.2.6.4)] and §4.42.

1.66. Old Hittite texts sometimes show a shorter syllabic u where later texts have an expanded ui: æu-åu-wa-an- 35 da-an StBoT 8 ii 19 for æuiåwantan , etc.

1.67. Initial wa or wi before liquids alternating with u is also noted in walkiååara- and ulkiååara- “skilled”, wilan and ulin- “clay”, warΩni and urΩni “to burn”, and in the reduplicated neuter participle uriwaran (t-) “blazing (fire)” from war- “to burn”. Internally, we can see the ablaut pattern u — wa —we in the forms of “fire”: paææur — paææuwar — paææueni.

1.68. Phon. 52f. has distinguished between cases attributable to different verbs (wËda(i)- and uda-), different weak stems of the base verb (æuinu- and æunu-), and different ablaut grades (OH æuåwant- versus NH æuiåwant-), 36 and on the other hand true syncope of w due to extra word length or a shift in accent within a long word: lelæundΩ(i)- “to pour” (cf. lilæwΩ(i)- “to pour”), miyaæunte- “to be old”, miæuntaææ- “to make old” (cf. miyaæ(u)wandaææ- “to make old”) all from *miyaæwant- “old”, nekmuntatar “nakedness” < *nekmu(w)antatar for expected *nekumantatar, etc.

1.69. Other examples, where no conditioning factor for the syncope (*uwa > *u ) is apparent, are: åunt- “full” (for åuwant-), pres. pl. 3 åanæunzi and participle åanæunda / åanæuta < verb åanæu- “to roast”, NA›kuwannan- alternating with kunnan- “bead”, dat.-loc. pl. åeknuå alternating with åeknuwaå, gen. sg. personal names µNunnuå and µTaruæåuå , etc. Melchert fails to find any conditioning factor or evidence for diachronic distribution.

1.70. Vocalic assimilation, or vowel harmony. Heiner Eichner believes that the form of the sg. loc. of pedan “place”, written pé/í-di is always to be read /pidi/ and traced to vocalic assimilation. He states his view in brief in Eichner 1973 84 note 5. In more detail, in Eichner 1980 143ff. (especially note 65). Eichner would compare also mi-li-it “honey” < *melit (compare Luwian mallit). But he has not adequately explained why the e in the first syllable fails to assimilate in some forms of this word such as pé-e-di (*pedi) yet does in others pí/pé-di (according to him *pidi).

34 Following Kammenhuber 1969b 137 and Melchert, AHP 127, against the view that the m is merely graphic for w (so Kronasser 1966 81ff.), etc.). 35Otten and Souc√ek 1969 57.

36Melchert 1984b 58.

15 1. Orthography & Phonology 16

1.71. Other. Rarely an initial w followed by a vowel is written with prefixed u: ú-wa-ar-kán-ta-an (warkant-) “fat”, ú-wifi-te-ni-it “with water”, ú-wifi-ta-ar “waters”, etc. Phon. 13, 20f. has argued that these writings are conflations of ú-a- and wa-, or of ú-i and wifi.

37 1.72. There is also reason to posit a dissimilatory shift of *uw > um in the pl. 1 verbal endings -mani, -meni 38 and -men which take the place of regular -wani, -weni and -wen in the nu-causative verbs: warnu + *weni > warnu(m)meni, in the verb au-/u- “to see” in umeni “we see”, *eåæarnu + -wΩ(i)- > eåæarnumΩ(i)- “make blood- 39 red”, and possibly also in the bird name tarumaki- (from *taru “wood, tree” + waki-, cf. wak- “to bite”) (CREF also below sub §1.145, §6.10, §7.50). Third pl. present forms like arnuwanzi and participles like arnuwant- are no exceptions, since they analyze as arnu- + -anzi / -ant- with a w glide. Once such alternative endings existed in OH, they were transferred by partial analogy to forms of the hi-conjugation verbs like tarn (a)- “to leave”, e.g., tarnu (m)meni “we leave”, where, of course, the original conditioning factor *uw was no longer present. Aberrant forms such as waænuwar, waænuwawar, and uwaææuwar (all for waænu- + verbal substantive ending -war) in the 40 horse-training texts are errors by a non-native author.

Combinatory vowel changes

Elision

1.73. u + a > a. When (presumably short) u at a clitic boundary is followed by a, or a is followed by u, the first vowel is elided. This was first noted by (Ungnad, ZDMG 74:417ff.) when the first vowel was the u inherent in the connective nu “and”: *nu-aå > naå, *nu-at > nat, *nu-e > ne, *nu-aåta > naåta , etc. But this elision also occurs following the clitic pronoun -mu “me”: anda–m(u)–apa , cf. CHD sub -mu; nu–m(u)–aåta KUB 36.75 iii 12 cited by HE §38a.

1.74. a + u > u. When the post-initial contrasting particle -ma “but” is followed by another clitic beginning with u, the a of -ma is elided: ta-a-i-mu-uå-za < *tΩi–ma–uå–za KBo 20.32 ii 9, i-en-zi-mu-uå “But they make them” (< *ienzi–ma–uå ) KBo 16.78 i 10, lu-uk-kat-ta-mu-uå-kán (< *lukkatta–ma–uå–kan ) KBo 27.165 rev. 15’ (MS).

1.75. i or e + a > i or e. In this case it is the second vowel that is elided: -åi or -åe + -aåta or -apa = -åe-pa or -åi-iå-ta, with elision of the a of the local particles.

37 Kammenhuber 1969b 137, Melchert 1984b 22ff.

38 Friedrich 1960 §29a, Otten and Souc√ek 1969 78f.

39Melchert 1984b 27.

40Melchert 1984b 23.

16 1. Orthography & Phonology 17

1.76. When the reflexive particle -z(a) immediately follows the pronoun -ta, the latter takes the form -du: nu–wa–du–za–kan (HroznŸ 1917 127f.), ® §1.76. But similar-sounding ta–za “and” + reflexive particle remains unchanged.

Anaptyxis

41 1.77. The sequence *CwV in Proto-Anatolian became *CuwV according to the Sievers-Lindeman rule. Then this secondary *uw shifted to um: *dweni > *duweni > tumËni “we take” (OH), *tarnwanzi > *tarnuwanzi > tarnu(m)manzi “to release”. CREF also §7.23 (wetummar, wetummanzi)?

1.78. For anaptyxis in the origin of the instrumental ending -it ® §3.27.

1.79. Clitic “and”, which after words ending in a consonant appears as (usually doubled) consonant + a, appears after vowels as -ya. In text copies made during the OH period (Old Script) the particle -a following a final undoubled consonant is to be translated “but” according to Houwink ten Cate 1973b.

42 1.80. When the clitic “and” occurs on ablatives, the endings -az-zi-ya and -ez-zi-ya are not to be interpreted as *…az–ya or *…ez–ya. Rather the i is a genuine reflex in protected non-final position of the earlier ablative ending *-ati > *azzi > -az. There are rare examples of this earlier, longer ablative even in final, unprotected position: kezzi 43 and kuezzi (for expected kez and kuez). and æ„mandazzi–ya KUB 26.1+ i 27 and TÚGtermazzi–ya KUB 22.70 obv. 56, UN-azzi–ya (i.e., antuæåazzi–ya ) ibid. 57. ® §3.25.

44 1.81. Following a nom. sg. in -ants (written -an-za) the clitic “and” is written with a redundant å: -an-za-åa.

1.82. In OH and MH the clitic “and” appended to a logogram was attached to its last consonant (i.e., on the case ending): LUGAL-åa (= æaååuå + -a) “and the king”. In NH the scribal habit changed: the case ending no longer occurred on the phonetic compliment, and the clitic took the form -ya: LUGAL-ya “and the king (nom.)”.

1.83. *e + a > a: This loss of *e before a is seen particularly in athematic statives (PIE *eh⁄), which have pres. 45 pl. 3 forms in -anzi (not *-eanzi) and participles in -ant- (not *-eant-).

1.84. Oettinger 1982b 164 and Melchert 1997b have called attention to two interesting cases of syncope followed by anaptyxis to resolve an internal cluster of three consonants of which the middle one is r. In the first example (Oettinger’s), kutruweneå “witnesses” by syncope became *kutrweneå which then resolved by anaptyxis to

41Lindeman, NTS 20 (1965) 38ff., Melchert 1984b 25.

42As in kez … kezziya.

43Sommer and Ehelolf 1924 29.

44 Friedrich 1960 §25b.

45 Melchert 1984b 32f.

17 1. Orthography & Phonology 18 kutarweneå (ku-tar-ú-e-ni-eå ). In the second (Melchert’s), etriyant- “(well-)fed, fattened, robust” by syncope became *etryant- which then resolved to etaryant- (e-tar-ya-an-ta-an KUB 12.63 + 36.70 obv. 16).

CONSONANTS

Consonantal doubling.

46 1.85. A rule attributed to Edgar H. Sturtevant states that doubling of consonants in the Hittite cuneiform writing reflects a PIE tenuis (voiceless) stop, while consistent single writing intervocalically reflects a PIE media (voiced) or aspirated stop. Sturtevant’s theory was supported on the IE Hittite side from reasonably secure etymologies for Hittite words with intervocalic stops, and from the analogy of the conventions for writing Hurrian 47 in syllabic cuneiform, which were determined by comparing syllabically written Hurrian words and names with their writings in the cuneiform alphabetic script of Ugarit. In any case, many words are inconsistently spelled in this respect: peååiyazi and piåiyazzi “he throws”, iyattari and iyatari “he goes”, iåtamaåti and iådammaåti “you hear”, etc. HdO 177 gives bibliography for examples of apparent exceptions to this rule in Hittite. There are, however, a small number of semantically contrasting pairs which are stable in their spellings: a-åa-an-zi “they are” versus a-aå- åa-an-zi “they remain”, æu-u-ki-iå-ki-iz-zi “he repeatedly slaughters” versus æu-uk-ki-iå-ki-iz-zi “he repeatedly recites an incantation”, e-åu-en “we were” versus e-eå-åu-en “we performed/made”.

Voicing.

1.86. As indicated above, the voicing quality of intervocalic stops may have been indicated by double writing of the consonant, e.g., a-ap-pa for /apa/ and a-pa-a-aå for /abas/. At any rate, it is clear that the Hittite scribes did not attempt to use the sign pairs from the Sumero-Akkadian writing system which were used in Akkadian to express this opposition: DA for /da/ and TA for /ta/. The same word for “father” could be equally written ad-da-aå and at- ta-aå. a-da-an-zi and a-ta-a-an-zi both mean “they eat”. And although sometimes these differing spellings are diachronically conditioned (a-ta-a-an-zi is old, a-da-an-zi later), it is unlikely that this reflects a voicing of the dental in OH */atanzi/ to NH */adanzi/.

1.87. It is likely that the voice opposition of stops in Hittite was only word internal and intervocalic. In initial and final position the voice opposition was neutralized (Luraghi 1997 §1.1). In everyday usage Hittitologists do not try to reproduce the supposed ancient pronunciation of the stops, but simply say them according to the spelling of the conventional transliteration.

1.88. In addition to signs indicating voiced and voiceless stops the cuneiform syllabary possessed some that were intended to represent so-called “emphatic” stops of the Semitic Akkadian language: the velar conventionally

46 Sturtevant and Hahn 1933 66f. In the 2nd revised edition Sturtevant and Hahn 1951discussion is on pages 3 and 26. According to Kammenhuber 1969b 177, the rule goes back to Mudge. 47 Speiser 1941 §§47ff.

18 1. Orthography & Phonology 19

48 represented by the Roman letter q, and the dental represented by t≥. Since even the Babylonians and Assyrians often wrote these consonants with the same signs they employed for the non-emphatic counterparts, we have only one sign in the Hittite syllabary whose number-on transcriptional value contains an emphatic: QA. And although one can transcribe this sign as ka›, many Hittitologists prefer to use the simpler qa writing. Non-specialists should 49 be warned, however, that this conventional writing does not claim the existence of an emphatic velar in Hittite.

Inventory of consonants.

1.89. It is believed that Hittite possessed voiced and voiceless consonants of the following types: Labials: b, p, m; Velars: g, k, gw, kw and æ; Dentals: d, t, n; Liquids: l, r; and Sibilants: å.

Stops

1.90. There are four series of stops in Hittite — bilabial, dental, velar, and labio-velar — all of which can be voiceless or voiced when intervocalic. The following table of Hittite stops is adapted from Luraghi 1997 §1.2.1. As in her table, capitalized voiceless stops represent cases where the voicing opposition is neutralized, and forms that end in a hyphen represent stem forms. The # sign represents the word boundary.

1.91. /p/: a-ap-pa “back, again”, åu-up-pí- “pure”

1.92. /b/: a-pa-a-aå “that one”

1.93. #/P/: pé-e-ri-ia-aå “of the house”, pa-ra-a “forth, forwards”

1.94. /P/#: e-ep”seize” (imperative sg.)

50 1.95. /t/: kat-ta or ka-at-ta “down(wards)”, at-ta-aå or ad-da-aå “father”, e-eå-tu “let him be”

1.96. /d/: i-di or e-di “on this side”, wa-a-tar “water”

1.97. #/T/: ta-a-ru “wood, tree”, tu-uk “you” (sing. acc. or dat.)

1.98. /T/#: ke-eå-åa-ri-it “by the hand” (insttrumental case), e-ed “eat” (imperative sing.), i-it “go” (imperative sing.)

1.99. /k/: tu-e-eg-ga- “body”, lu-uk-ke-et “he set fire to”, åa-ag-ga-aæ-æi “I know”

48 Also patterning with q and t≥ in Semitic lanbguages is the sibilant œ. But in the Hittite cuneiform syllabary there are no signs for this œ that cannot as easily be read as z. 49See Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 14 n. 11; HZL #21 even lists qa alongside gafi and ka› as legitimate transcriptional values for Hittite. 50 The usual form is kat-ta, but a rare occurrence of ka-at-ta (…) and one of ka-at-ta-an (KUB 56.46 vi 21) show that the double writing of the dental is secure. C⁄VC_-C_V writings do not always infallibly represent C⁄V-VC_-C_V.

19 1. Orthography & Phonology 20

1.100. /g/: la-a-ki “he bends”, la-ga-an

1.101. #/K/: kat-ta “down(ward)”, ke-eå-åar “hand”, ki-iå-åa-an “thus”, ku-ú-åa-ta “bride-price”

1.102. /K/#: la-a-ak “bend” (imperative), åa-a-ak “know”, zi-i-ik “you”, am-mu-uk “me”, æu-u-da-a-ak “promptly”

1.103. /kw/: a-ku-an-zi “they drink”

1.104. /gw/: åa-a-ku-wa “eyes”

1.105. #/Kw/: ku-iå “who”, ku-en-zi “he kills”

1.106. /Kw/#: e-ku “drink!”, -ku … -ku “whether … or”

1.107. A cuneiform sign with the conventional value qa is employed in Hittite cuneiform. And since (unlike in Akkadian) there is no phoneme q in Hittite, it represents either k or g. But since it is cumbersome to always transliterate the qa sign as ka›, most Hittitologists transcribe it as qa. Beginners will see the letter q in the texts and wonder how it is to be pronounced. Pronounce it as “k”, and do not assume from this sign that Hittite had a third velar stop different from g and k, which was represented by q. For instance, these q-containing signs do not intend to represent the labio-velar /kw/.

Affricates

1.108. The affricate /ts/ written with z or zz may have had no voiced counterpart. It occurs word initial, medial and final: za-aæ-æa-iå “battle”, ú-ez-zi “he comes”, a-ru-na-az “from the sea”, ke-e-ez “on this side”, ne-ku-uz mËæur “in the evening time.” But see Yoshida 1998, who claims that original single intervocalic -z- is /dz/ and -zz- is /ts/.

1.109. The cuneiform signs which as conventionally transcribed contain a z attempt thereby to render a sequence of dental (d or t) + sibilant (å). Most Hittitologists render this as the sound in English /ts/, although there is no proof that it was not /tsh/ (or its voiced counterpart), or something else. The evidence for its probable value is derived from combinatory analysis: When the common gender nominative singular ending å is added to noun stems ending in dentals (d or t), the resulting t/d + å is represented by z. Thus nominative a-ni-ya-az (aniyat + å), but genitive a-ni-ya-at-ta-aå (aniyat + aå). This argument would lose its force, if it were demonstrable that in sequences of /d/ or /t/ + /s/ the dental component was lost. There is no compelling evidence for such a result, although sporadic examples of na-aå-åi for nu + -at + -åi might be explained by such a rule.

Spirants

1.110. The cuneiform signs containing æ (that is, æa, æi, æu, æar, aæ , etc.) are pronounced with a throat-clearing (saliva-rattling?) sound like Scottish “loch” or German “ach”. This is the pronunciation conventional among scholars. It is especially important to pronounce the sequence åæ as /s/ or /sh/ plus the separate strong fricative, and not as the single sound of English /sh/.

20 1. Orthography & Phonology 21

1.111. The cuneiform signs containing å (for example, åa, åe, åi, åu, aå, eå, etc.) are traditionally pronounced by Assyriologists with the sound represented by the letters “sh” in English, not simple “s”, although most 51 Hittitologists assume the sound in Hittite was closer to English “s”.

1.112. Although there is no phonemic contrast between h and æ, or between s and å in Hittite, and one may encounter transliterations of Hittite which for typographic economy use h for æ or s for å, one should not assume that they were necessarily pronounced as English s and h.

1.113. Both æ and å show contrasting single and double writing intervocalically: a-åa-an-zi “they are”, a-aå-åa-an- zi “they remain”, e-åa-an-zi “they sit” and e-eå-åa-an-zi “they work, produce”. We can cite no true “minimal pair” for the æ/ææ contrast, but a number of words consistently write intervocalic æ: e.g., laæu(wa)i- “to pour”, GIÅzaæurti-, the verb waæ-/weæ- “to turn” and its derivatives waæatar, waæeååar , mËæur (mËæuni, etc.) “time”, the 52 second æ in the middle ending -(æ)æaæari, -(æ)æaæati, etc. The contrast with æ is generally thought to reflect the tense/relaxed or voiceless/voiced distinction (Luraghi 1997 §1.2.3). The lax/voiced æ is reflected in the spelling of the Hittite personal and royal name µTudæaliya is Ugaritic alphabetic script as tdgπl (cf. Hebrew tidªal), and in the 53 place name written gt trgπnds, which as in the city/country name Taræuntaååa certainly contains the name of the storm-god ∂Taræunta.

1.114. The examples of consistent contrasting å and åå, on the other hand, are interpreted as consonantal length (i.e., gemination) (Luraghi 1997 §1.2.3). I know of no good example of Ugaritic alphabetic writing of words that 54 show the intervocalic å or åå by which to test this hypothesis.

Sonorants (m, n, l, r, y, w)

1.115. Hittite sonorants include two nasals /m/ and /n/, two liquids /l/ and /r/, and two approximants or semivowels /y/ and /w/ (European scholars often write these as /¥/ and /∑/). The nasals and liquids contrast with geminates: ku-na-an “struck/killed” (neuter participle), ku-un-na-an “righthand” (adj.), a-ra-aå “colleague”, ar-ra-aå

51The evidence is complex. Advocates of the /s/ interpretation usually point to writings of Hittite royal names in Egyptian Hieroglyphs with the sign representing a folded cloth (Gardiner 1957 507, sign S 29) and conventionally transcribed by Egyptologists as sπ. On this see Edel 1948; 1973. But the interpretation as /sh/ can appeal to the writing of the royal name Åuppiluliuma (which happens to be the only Hittite royal name that is linguistically Hittite (versus Luwian, Hurrian, etc.: åuppi- “pure” + luli- “pond” + ethnicon um(n)a) in alphabetic Ugaritic as tpllm. The best evidence is that the phoneme represented in alphabetic Ugaritic as t was pronounced like English “sh”, not “s”. Hurrian names compounded with -åarri and spelled with å-containing signs at Boghazköy appear in Ugaritic alphabetic texts as tr. 52 There are, of course, occasional lapses: me-na-æa-an-da (KBo 3.27 obv. 7) for normal me-na-aæ-æa-an-da.

53 See also the personal name trgπds with nasal reduction.

54 It is tempting to see in the Ugaritic alphabetic place name lwsnd a reflection of the city name URULawa(z)zantiya (del Monte and Tischler 1978 237f.).

21 1. Orthography & Phonology 22

“anus”, ma-a-la-i “she agrees”, ma-al-la-i “she mills”. The phoneme /r/ never occurs in intial position, nor /m/ in final position. Examples:

1.116. /m/: ma-aæ-æa-an “when”, la-a-ma-an “name”, æa-me-eå-æi “in spring”, æu-u-ma-an-te-eå “all” (pl.), me- ma-al “meal, groats”

1.117. /m:/: am-mu-uk “me”, dam-mi-iå-æa-aå “oppression”, mi-im-ma-i “he refuses”, kam-ma-ri “in a swarm/cloud”, nam-ma “again, next”, wa-an-nu-um-mi-ia-aå “orphan”

1.118. /n/: ne-e-wa-an “new”, ku-na-an “struck, killed”, ú-nu-wa-an-zi “they decorate”, ú-na-at-ta-al-a-an “merchant”, ki-nu-na “now”, æu-ú-ni-ik-zi “injures”, pu-nu-uå-åa-an-zi “they inquire”, pít-ti-nu-zi “he runs off with”, ga-pí-nu-uå “threads”

1.119. /n:/: åu-ul-la-an-na-az “as a result of a quarrel”, a-ra-wa-an-ni-iå “free”, an-ni-iå-ki-iz-zi “he performs”, an- na-aå “mother”, u-un-na-i “he drives (here)”, åu-un-na-i “he fills”, túæ-åa-an-na-i “he shall harvest (a grapevine)”, zi-in-na-i “he finishes”, in-na-ra-a “rashly”, in-na-ra-u-wa-an-za “vigorous”.

1.120. /l/: la-a-la-an “tongue”, ma-a-la-i “he agrees”, kar-ma-la-aå-åa-i “he causes permanent injury”, i-da-a-lu-uå “evil”, da-a-la-i “he leaves”, æa-a-li “corral, pen”, æi-i-li “in the courtyard”, lu-ú-li-ia “in a pond”, tu-li-ia “to the assembly”, wa-aå-tu-la-aå “of a/the sin”.

1.121. /l:/: ma-al-la-i “she mills”, åu-ul-la-an-na-az “as a result of a quarrel”, ú-na-at-ta-al-la-an “merchant”, iå- kal-la-a-ri “he tears off”, æu-ul-la-an-zi “they contest”, æu-uå-åe-el-li-ia-az “from the mud pit”, il-lu-ia-an-ga-aå “serpent”, åe-æi-il-li-ia-aå “of purity” (Hurrian loanword), ta-az-zi-il-li-iå (a kind of priest).

1.122. /r/: a-ra-aå “colleague”, ke-eå-åa-ra-aå “hand”, ka-ru-ú “long ago, formerly”, e-åa-ri “he sits down”, ku-u- ru-ri “to a foreign (land)”, i-wa-a-ru “dowry, inheritance share”, ta-ra-an-za “promised”, GIÅma-a-ri-in “spear”.

1.123. /r:/: ar-ra-aå “anus”, åa-ar-ra-an-zi “they divide”, ú-wa-ar-ra “for help”, tar-ra-nu-ut “he wore out”, pár- ra-an-da “across”, mar-ri “rashly”, mar-mar-ri “in a marsh(?)”, me-er-ra-a-an-ta-ru “let them disappear”, mi-ir-mi- ir-ru-uå “drainage waters, foul waters” (acc. pl.), u-ur-ri-ir “they came to the aid of”, kat-te-er-ra-aæ-ta “he subjected”, me-æur-ri ÆI.A “times”.

1.124. /y/: åu-wa-i-ez-zi “he shall look”, ta-ki-ia “in another”, i-ez-zi “he does/makes”, ta-i-ez-zi, ta-a-i-e-ez-zi and ta-ia-az-zi “he steals”, ma-ia-an-za “young adult”, i-ú-ga-an “yoke”.

1.125. /w/: ú-ez-zi “he comes”, ú-e-te-ez-zi “he builds”, wa-a-tar “water”, na-ú-i “not yet”, a-ra-a-u-wa-aå “exempt”, i-wa-a-ru “dowry”, i-wa-ar “like”, ú-wa-a-tar “vision, sight”, åu-wa-i-ez-zi “he shall look”, du-wa-a-an

22 1. Orthography & Phonology 23

“on one side”, da-åu-wa-an-za “blind”, a-ú “see!”, ne-e-wa-an or ne-e-u-wa-an “new”, ne-e-u-[it] or né-u-i-i[t] 55 “with new”.

1.126. PIE initial *y was lost in Hittite before *e (Hitt. ewa- “barley(?), ega- “ice” and Ëkt- “hunting net”), but preserved before *o (> Hitt. a) and *u (Phon. 14): (i)yanta(ri) “they go, march”, ya-an-zi “they go, travel” KBo 17.1 obv. 7 (OS), yugan “yoke”. Perhaps it was restored in i-(e-)ez-zi “he makes” on anaology with the plural *yanzi.

1.127. Although PrAnat *w preceded by a dental and followed by PrAnat *o (= Hitt. a) was lost in OH (Melchert, AHP 128), PrAnat *y in clusters between *d and a vowel caused assibilation of the dental (*dy > *zy), but no loss of the *y: -zziya- < *-tyo- and åiu- “god” < *dyËu- (Melchert 1984a 80, AHP 129).

Consonantal clusters.

1.128. The cuneiform writing cannot represent initial or final clusters of two consonants or medial clusters of three consonants without employing an invalid vowel. *spanti “he libates” must be written either iå-pa-an-ti or åi-pa-an- ti, *ept as e-ep-ta, *ispants as iå-pa-an-za,*karpt ari as kar-ap-ta-ri, *sanhz i as åa-an-aæ-zi or åa-aæ-zi, *spantsk itsi as åi-pa-an-za-ki-iz-zi, *tsk itsi as zi-ik-ki-iz-zi. In the case of internal triconsonantal clusters, the sequence of sign types is significant. Normally in a sequence CV-CV-VC-CV (e.g., ka-ri-ip-ta “he devoured”) all vowels but the final one are probably real, e.g., ka-ri-ip-ta was probably /kaript/. Whereas the sequences CVC-VC and VC-VC indicate that the V in the second VC is invalid, e.g., kar-ap-ta “he lifted” was /karpt/ and åa-an-aæ-ta 56 “he sought” was /sanht/. Frequently one meets writings like kar-ap-pa-an-zi for /karpanzi/. Probably the -ap- is retained on analogy with the singular form kar-ap-zi /karpzi/, where it was needed.

1.129. In most cases initial clusters beginning with å are expressed by iå-CV-, but rarely also by åV-CV-, e.g., åi(-ip)-pa-an-ti for /spanti/ “he libates”, za-ak-kar for /skar/ “feces”, åepikkuåta- and åapikkuåta- for /spikusta/ “pin”, åe-me-æu-na and åa-me-æu-na for /smehuna/ “(a kind of cereal)”, ta-ri-ia-al-la, te-ri-ia-al-la and 3-ya-al-la for /triyalla/ (a kind of beverage whose name contains the numeral “three”), and åa-me-en-zi and åe-me-en-zi for /smentsi/ “he withdraws”. Some scholars view the i- of iå-CV as a linguistically real prothetic vowel, although the problem of the few exceptions awaits a full explanation.

1.130. In the last four cases the fluctuation in the invalid (or “ghost”) vowel a~e following the å is a clue that it 57 is invalid. Another clue is variant spellings: wa-al-aæ-zi and wa-la-aæ-zi combine to suggest /walhtsi/.

55In the absence of any example of *NI-i-u-it we choose to read the NI sign here as né. The issue is similar to the case of PÍ- di, which Eichner (…) would analyze as /pidi/ with umlaut of the vowel in the (stressed!) initial open syllable, but which in view of the writings pé-e-di and in the absence of *PÍ-i-di writings we prefer to read pé-di. 56 Naturally, there are exceptions: wa-la-aæ-ta “he struck” for the most usual wa-al-aæ-ta (probably pronounced /walæt/).

57See Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 14f. on “silent vowels” in Hittite.

23 1. Orthography & Phonology 24

Assimilatory Changes

Assimilation of Consonants

1.131. In certain circumstances n assimilates to immediately following m, å (® §1.135, §7.47, §11.3), z, often 58 producing a gemination in the following consonant: m: ad-da-am-ma-an < *attan–man “my father” (acc. sc.) KBo 3.44:9; tu-ek-kam-ma-an < *tuekkan–man “my body” KUB 30.10 obv. 14, ARAD.MEÅ-amman < *ARAD.MEÅ-an–man “of my servants” KBo 3.27 obv. 10; la-a-ma-mi-it < *laman–mit “my name” KUB 1.16 iii 13; ma-a-am-ma-an < *mΩn–man KUB 30.10 obv. 22; å da-a-aæ-æu-uå-ma-aå-ta StBoT 8 iv 38 (OS) < 59 *dΩææun–åmaå–åta, ∂åi-ú-åum-m[i-in] < *∂åiun–åummin “our deity” KBo 3.22:39 (OS); ∂åi-ú-åu[m-(mi-in)] ibid. 41; an-na-aå-ma-an-na < *annan–åman–a “and their mother (acc. sg.)” Laws §191; iter. kuaåkir “they have been accustomed to execute” and kuwaåkandu “let them continue to execute” KUB 13.2 iii 12, 13 is from *kwan- grade of kuen- “to kill” + iter. suffix -åka/i-; z: lingazi < *linkanzi “they swear”, åanæazi < *åanæanzi “they seek”; UN.MEÅ-an-na-za < *antuæåannanza (ergative of antuæåatar ) KUB 1.1 i 30.

60 1.132. In certain circumstances n is lost before immediately following æ, k, t, w. æ: åa-a-aæ (imp.) for åa- an-aæ “seek”; k: æi-kán-ni KBo 3.35 i 9 for æinkani, likuwanni KUB 9.31 i 42 for *linkueni “we will swear”; t LÚæalugatallattin < *æalugatallan–tin “your messenger” VBoT 1 obv. 19; æu-u-ma-da-az KUB 13.2 iii 35 (MH/NS) alongside æ„mandaz, ú-e-eå-åa-ta with dupl. weååanta “they clothe themselves”, iåæuzziyateå KUB 9.31 61 i 39 for *iåæuzziyanteå “belted”; also in sandhi: ki-iå-åa te-ez-zi “thus he says” (for kiååan tezzi); w: ma-a-wa < *mΩn–wa “when/if (+ quotative particle)” KUB 36.45:2 and passim.

1.133. Conversely, an n can arise where it is etymologically unjustified (Oettinger 1994): nepiåanza (nasalized abl.) for nepiåaz “from heaven”, æaååannanza for æaååannaz “from the family”, tetæeånanza “with thunder”, æanteånaz “from the hole” (<æatteånaz), naæåarantan for naæåarattan “fear” (acc. sg. of naæåaratt- ), li-in-kán-ta 62 KUB 13.35 i 9 for correct li-in-kat-ta “he swore”; tanantezzi for *tannattezzi or *tannatteåzi “it will be laid 63 waste”. Most of these cases result from what Oettinger calls “remote nasalization” (Fernnasalierung).

1.134. The unassimilated sequence nå is rare in Hittite: a-an-åi “he wipes” (and other forms of this verb anå-), the noun anåaååiwi- “corpse(?)”, enclitic sequence -an–åi, -an–åan and mΩn–åan , and ú-wa-an-åi-ki-u-en “we repeatedly raped(?)” KBo 3.60 iii 13 (from wen-).

58Goetze 1930 5f. with many exx.; Friedrich 1960 §31, §36}.

59 Otten and Souc√ek 1969 57f.

60Goetze 1930 5f. with many exx.; Friedrich 1960 §31, §36}.

61Kümmel 1967 17.

62Friedrich 1960 §31b.

63Riemschneider 1970 32.

24 1. Orthography & Phonology 25

1.135. The assimilation of nå to åå or å is fairly common already in OH (Otten and Souc√ek 1969 57f.): not graphically geminate e-er-ma-aå-me-et (< Ërman–åmet), ir-ma-aå-ma-aå-kán (<*erman–åmaå–kan ), æa-tu-ga/ka-aå- me-et, da-a-aæ-æu-uå-ma-aå-ta ; graphically geminate: pé-e-ra-aå-åi-it, [tar-l]i-pa-aå-åa-an, and na-aå-åa-an. Less usual, nå > z : pé-e-ra-az-mi-it (<*pËran–åmit ) (OH/OS).

1.136. [CONTINUE HERE WITH OTTEN 58]

1.137. Verbs showing earlier assimilated forms, such as iter. stems æaååiki- (< æanna- “to judge”) and taråiki- and 64 tar(a)åki- (< tarna- “to let”), occasionally later developed more “regular”, unassimilated forms: æanneåki- and tarneåki-.

1.138. tn > nn : æattatar , gen. æattannaå (from *æattatnaå ), ® §2.1, §3.2, §4.99, §4.105, §4.107. Exceptions: utne “land”, and Luwian loan words in Hittite like kattawatnalli-, æuitar , gen. sg. æuitnaå “wild animals”, wetnaå and æaratar “offence” with loc. æaratni , “Hittite” abl. æaratnaza (Luw. abl. would be *æaratnati ). Retention of tn in æuitnaå is related to Luwian origin by HE §32 2 and G. Neumann, MSS 16 (1964) 50 (with lit.), and explained as Hittite *æuit-tar , gen. sg. *æuit-tnaå > *æuit-nnaå > æuitnaå by Carruba 1966 18f. n. 27, who uses this derivation to explain atypical gen. sg. æuittaå . Note that several words in Hittite preserve the tn unassimilated: utne- “land”, wetna- (a wild animal), mitnaz, æalwatnalli-, iyatnaå (gen. of iyatar “abundance”) and its derivative iyatniyant- (adj.) “productive, prosperous”, the causative verbs æatnu- “to dry (something) out”, and titnu- (tittanu- “to make stand” with epenthesis), and the strange variant of æanneånit, æa-an-ne-et-ni-it (found in a MH text). CREF also §4.107.

1.139. mn > m : tameummaææ- “to make to change,” tameummeåå- “to be changed” from earlier *-eumnV.

1.140. mn > nn ? The gen. æilannaå in Laws §82 and §89 was derived by Friedrich 1959 from gen. æilamnaå < nom. æilammar “portico”, but by Laroche (RHA vol. XV, fasc. 60, 18) from *æilatar .

1.141. tå > åå ? HE §36c claimed this assimilation on the basis of ta-aå-åe Laws §28a (< ta–at–åe “und es ihm”) and na-aå-åa-an KBo 5.2 iv 12 (< nu + -at + -åan ). But his interpretation of these forms contextually is open to question.

1.142. åz > zz or z , as was entertained by Riemschneider 1970 65, is refuted by Watkins 1973, who showed that the verb forms in -e(z)zi on which Riemschneider based his theory are statives in -e-. Cf. also Oettinger 1979 338ff. and Phon. 32f. But there is other evidence for this simplification: see pár-za < pár-aå-za and AHP 166.

1.143. Possible partial assimilations such as nt > nd are masked by the lack of a means in Hittite cuneiform for showing the voiced-voiceless distinction in the obstruents (-an-ta- and -an-da- are in free variation).

64Otten 1969 5 with n. 4.

25 1. Orthography & Phonology 26

Dissimilatory Changes

1.144. The form wa-ra-a-ni “it burns” from the verbal stem war- and the middle ending -ari is evidence for a dissimilartory shift of r to n.

1.145. u + w > um in: verbal endings -weni (arnummeni), -wen (arnummen, aumen), infin. -wanzi (waænumanzi 65 66 < waænu-), -want- (nekumant- < neku-, ® §1.60, §1.72, §2.1, §4.94, and the bird name tarumaki-, if < taru 67 “wood, tree” + wak- “to bite”, but not in takku–wa–åan KBo 3.60 ii 14, or pandu–wa–z KBo 3.1+ ii 13, which contain the quotative particle -wa (§31.13 and Chap. 33).

68 1.146. w + u > mu: idΩlu- “bad” forms its nom. pl. com. as idΩlaweå, but its acc. pl. com. as idΩlamuå, and th the acc. pl. com. of newa- “new” is ne-mu-uå. Similarly in texts from MH into the 13 Century the acc. pl. of åiu- “deity, god” is DINGIR.MEÅ-mu-uå (= *åimuå < *åiwuå) (Neu 1974 121f. with notes). HE §§29, 75, 169, 174, EHS §59f. and Otten and Souc√ek 1969 57 regard this as a true dissimilatory sound change (“Lautwechsel”), but Neu 1974 121f. maintains that this writing is a “graphic substitute” (“Ersatzschreibung”), and indicates a pronunciation /siwus/, not /simus/. Cf. other unusual acc. pl. com. forms such as æenkumuå “gifts?” (< æengur), 69 zaåæimuå “dreams” (< zaåæai-), laææemuå “errands, trips” (< laææa-?), åu-u-wa-mu-uå “filled”.

1.147. The opposite of remote assimilation, namely remote dissimilation (Oettinger 1994 310-314), occurs in the following examples:

1.148. n—m > l—m Here the unassimilated forms are pre-OH (or pre-Common Anatolian?) ), the assimilated forms already in OH. lΩman “name” (< pre-OH *nΩman), lammar “hour”, perhaps also lË “let not” (< pre-Hittite *nË) arising from combinations lË–man and lË–mu.

1.149. m—n > m—l irmanant- > irmalant- “sick, ill”.

1.150. l—l > l—r Cf. æapalzil > æapalzir .

1.151. r—r > r—n *urΩri > OH urΩni “it burns” (the verb is war- middle “to burn”). ® §9.9

Syncope

1.152. Loss of intervocalic y is attested in *eya > *ea > a in the following: *åallayaå > åallaå, åuppayaå > åuppaå (Sommer 1932 357 with lit., Goetze and Pedersen 1934 18ff.).

65Friedrich 1960 §29a, Otten and Souc√ek 1969 78, Melchert 1984b 23f.

66Forrer, RHA 1:151; Kammenhuber, MSS 8:50f., Oettinger 1988, but on nekumant- see Melchert 1984b 28 note 58.

67Hoffner 1966.

68 Goetze 1928 120 n. 4, Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 76 n. 1, Friedrich 1960 §29b, Melchert 1984b 22f.

69Otten and Souc√ek 1969 57.

26 1. Orthography & Phonology 27

1.153. y seems to have been lost intervocalically in pre-OH, and secondary y emerged as a glide between the 70 vowels i and a, and w between u and a.

1.154. ye / ya > MH i, and uwa > MH u: Forms such as ti-in-ti-eå (IBoT 1.36 ii 49, for normal ti-ya-an-te-eå), æu-u-la-li-it-ta-at (ibid. iii 39, for normal æu-u-la-li-ya-at-ta-at ), and åu-u-un-ta-an (ibid. ii 41, for åu-wa-an-ta-an) show syncope, as do SIGfi-in “well” (KUB 31.105:4, for *lazzin < *lazziyan, neut. sg. of stem *lazziyant-), and 71 iteratives of stems in -ye-/-ya- (ilaliåke- < ilalye-, wemiåke- < wemye-, etc.). But there are many cases where this shift fails to occur.

Secondary Epenthesis

1.155. Secondary epenthesis of a [t] in the sequence [ns], contrasting with assimilation of original */VnsV/ to /VssV/ (Melchert, AHP 121): PA *n˘sós > *ansás > anzaå “us”, PA *sumË∏n + secondary nom. sg. s > åumanz(a).

1.156. Similarly Liquid (l or r) + å alternates with liquid + z: ∂Gulåeå and (verb) gulå- alongside noun gulzi-, nom. gulzatar IBoT 3.101 obv. 4, abl. gulzattanaz ; as well as in maråaåtarri- and marzaåtarri- “sacrilege”, 72 ∂Paææurzeå and ∂Paææuråeå, piråaææanna and pirzaææanna, Éarzana and Éaråana, naæzi and naæåi. [How about æaåterza /hasters/?] guråipi- and gurzippant-.

Other Alternations

1.157. Some of the other vowel and vowel sequence alternations noted by HE §13 cannot yet be diachronically controlled, so as to determine which way the development went. (1) ai versus e or i: paiåta and peåta “he gave”, 73 74 naiåæut and neåæut / niåæut “turn yourself”. (2) etymologically well-founded e rarely written ai or ae: a-ep- ta KBo 5.6 i 11 for e-ep-ta “he seized”, ma-eq-qa-uå KUB 26.1 iii 58 for me-eq-qa-uå “many”, ap-pé-e-ez-zi- alongside [ap-p]a-iz-zi-an and [ap-p]a-iz-zi-uå-åa, and æe(n)k-/æai(n)k- (Neu 1974 41 with notes). Neu thinks this ai was monopthongized and closely resembled e.

1.158. å and z alternate word-initial in zamankur “beard” (AHP 94) and åamankurwant- “bearded” (AHP 111, 155, 159, 172), in zakkar and åakkar “dung” and zaågaraiå “anus” (lit. “feces-mouth”) (AHP 121),

75 1.159. å and z alternate word-internally when in direct contact with æ: zaåæi- and zazæi- “dream”,

70Melchert 1984b 31ff.

71Melchert 1984b 58, 133.

72Carruba 1966 36 and Melchert, AHP (1994) 121.

73Sommer and Ehelolf 1924 74, 1932 355. But kappuezzi and kappuet are apparently older than kappuwΩizzi and kappuwΩit (Oettinger 1979). 74Friedrich 1960 §13b.

75Friedrich 1960 27c with literature.

27 1. Orthography & Phonology 28

1.160. æ can alternate with g/k in the writing: tetæeååar and tetkiååar “thunder”, æameåæanza and æameåkanza 76 “spring”, as can true k with æ: UZUiåkiåa and UZUiåæiåa “back” KUB 33.112 iv 14, MUNUS.MEÅæazkara- and 77 MUNUS.MEÅæazæara -, and iåkaruæ alongside iåæaruæ . More doubtful is the equivalence of ta-aæ-åa-at-ta-ri and 78 *takåattari .

1.161. æ can occasionally be lost in the writing: idΩlawaæti and idΩlawatti “you harm” For Ëåæar and gen. eånaå ® §4.102.

1.162. Hittite possessed no word-initial r. There was also a weak articulation of internal, intervocalic and final r, causing sporadic non-representation in writing (Friedrich 1960 §30b, EHS 65-70; Melchert 1988b and Melchert, AHP 125). Intervocalic: pé-an for pé-ra-an “before”, TÚGkueååar for TÚGkureååar (a garment), pu-u-ut for purut “mud”. Internal but not intervocalic: wagganteå for warkanteå “fat ones”, artati- for artarti- “mushroom(?)”. To these one might also add: naæåarnuåki–wa[r–an kuieå] uritenuåki–war–an kuieå “[those who] were frightening [him,] those who were terrifying him” KUB 60.157 iii 7-8, where one expects the third preterite plural ending -ir. It this is not a double scribal error, it might be an example of assimilation of r to immediately following w, analogous to nw > w (® §1.132 [*1.9.2.5.1.1.1]).

79 1.163. Loss of final -r is a regular process, distinct from the irregular loss of word-internal -r-. Word final, even when a clitic is appended: paprΩta as well as paprΩtar “impurity”, miyata alongside miyatar “prosperity”, æatreååa alongside æatreååar “message”, kuåduwata alongside kuåduwatar “slander, false accusation”; æa-an-ne-eå-åa-åe-et, [pár-t]a-a-u-wa-aå-åi-it-wa, æa-at-ta-ta-mi-it . This phonological principle probably explains the alternations between -wa and -war in the particle of direct discourse: always -wa in final position, usually but not always -war- 80 when followed by a vowel.

1.164. The sequence nunu can appear haplologically as nu in: kiåtanun KUB 27.67 iii 11 for *kiåtanunun “I extinguished”, mernun KUB 13.35 i 28 for *mernunun “I caused to disappear”. Such haplology is not, hoever, limited to nunu: kap-pu-u-wa-ar “counting” HKM 21:6 (MH/MS) <*kappuwawar, arkuwar “plea” < *arkuwawar.

81 1.165. Metathesis of å and p is possible in the passage of Akkadian loan LÚA-ÅI-PU into Hittite LÚa-pí-åi-, 82 as well as Akkadian/Hurrian and Hittite guråip-/gurzip-/gurpiåi-. Metathesis of å and r is attested in the

76Friedrich 1960 §28a.

77Kronasser 1966 98, Kümmel 1967 109.

78Kümmel 1967 109.

79 Melchert 1988b.

80 Goetze and Pedersen 1934 30ff., Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 66.

81Kümmel 1967 95f.

28 1. Orthography & Phonology 29 alternation aåara/i - and araåa/i - (HED A ). 128f. Forms like OH e-uk-åi “you drink” alternating with post-OH e-ku- uå-åi (*/ekwsi/) reflects not metathesis, but the uncertainty of the scribes as to how to write a unitary labio-velar consonant [kw]. Cf. also tar-uk-zi for */tarkwzi/, elsewhere written tar-ku(-uz)-zi.

1.166. Sandhi has been claimed above (® §1.132 [*3.5.1] for ki-iå-åa te-ez-zi < ki-iå-åa-an te-ez-zi. But the 83 similar claim for æalkim pianzi (with dupl. æalkin pianzi) in Laws §112 has recently been rightly questioned by Otten 1990, who argues from a duplicate that æal-ki-im should be read ÆAL-QÍ-IM, i.e., as an Akkadian genitive.

Phonotactics

1.167. 1.10.1.1.1 All voiceless obstruents and all sonorants except /r/ occur initially (Melchert, AHP 110). Cuneiform orthography prevents unambiguous representation of initial and final clusters (§§1.6, §1.37, §1.84) or internal tri-consonantal clusters. The following types of initial consonant clusters are probable (Melchert, AHP110): (1) stop + liquid: /pr/ in p(a)rΩ, /kr/ in k(a)rΩwar “horn”, k(a)ra/ip- “to devour”, k(a/i)rit- “flood”; (2) stop + nasal: /tm/ in t(a)mΩi- “other”, t(a)ma/eåå- “to oppress”, /kn/ in k(a)neåå- “to recognize”; (3) stop + glide: /tw/ in tuekka- “body”, t/duwΩn “far”, /kw/ in kuwaåå- “to kiss”, /ky/ in gyemi (gi-e-mi “in winter”).

1.168. Immediately juxtaposed vowels sometimes merge, with the …… [Craig: I seem not to have this continuation. Do you? Can you FINISH THIS? ]

82Kümmel 1967 105f. We possess through the courtesy of its author a pre-publication print of an article by K. Hecker, entitled “Zur Herkunft der hethitischen Keilschrift”, that makes a case for deriving the Old Hittite writing from a variant type of the Old Assyrian writing. 83Friedrich 1960 §35 and in the editions and older translations of the laws.

29 2. Nouns & Their Formation 30

CHAPTER 2 NOUNS AND THEIR FORMATION

2.1 7.1 Derived nouns and adjectives consist of a root (whether noun, adjective, verb, or adverb) to which a derivational suffix has been added. The resulting combination constitutes the derived stem, to which the case endings are added. Cf. Meriggi 1980 §§1-4, and Friedrich 1960 §§43-53. The following table shows the principal suffixes for forming derived noun stems and examples of the resulting forms.

Suffix84 Examples

-a- alwanzaææa - “sorcery” < alwanzaææ - “to bewitch, hex,” æarga- “ruin, destruction” < æark- “to perish, be destroyed,” æaååa - “grandchild” (perhaps originally “offspring”) < æaå- “to give birth to, generate,” karåa- “cut (of meat), sector (of territory)” < karå- “to cut off,” LÚ maya- “adult” < mai- “to grow,” maniyaææa- “administration, district” < maniyaææ- “to administer, govern (in iter.),” maninkuwaææa- “vicinity, neighborhood” < maninkuwaææ- “to approach, draw near,” NINDA paråa- “bread fragment” < paråiya- “to break, fragment,” åarra- “part, share” < åarra- “to divide.”85 86

-aæit- tuæukantaæit- “status of a crown prince (tuæukanti-),” malæaåallaæit - “practice of ritual magic,” nakkuåaæit- “status of a scapegoat (nakkuååi-),” tarpaååaæi(t)- “status of a substitute” < tarpaååa - “substitute,” muwaddalaæi(t)- “overpowering might” < muwattalla-, muwattal(l)i- “overpowering, victorious.”

-ai- linkai- “oath” < link- “to swear,” æullanzai- “defeat,” æurtai - “curse,” iåæamai- “song,” iåtarninkai- “illness,” kurkurai- “verbal intimidation, threat,” maniyaææai- “administrative district,” åagai - “omen, sign,” åaklai- “custom, rite,” wagai- “grain pest,” waåtai- “sin,” zaææai - “fight,” zaåæai - “dream.”

-al wenal “pole,” katral (a metal part of the harness), iåæi(y)al “band,” memal “meal.”87

-ala- or Denominal examples: auriyala - “border guard” < auri- “border post,” æaråiyala- “one who offers NINDAæaråi- ,” -alla- æeyawalla- “rain gutter” < æeu-/æeyau- “rain,” iåpanduziyala- “one who offers libations” < iåpanduzzi “libation,” karimnala- “temple servant” < karimn- “temple,” LÚåeræala - < åeræ(a)- (a substance), tawalala- “one who serves tawal-drink,” LÚwalæiyala- “one who serves walæi drink,” LÚ/MUNUSarkamiyala- “player of the arkammi-instrument,” LÚzuppariyala- “torch-bearer” < zuppari- “torch,” LÚ/MUNUSæuwaååanala - “worshiper of ∂Æuwaååana,” appaliyalla- “deceived person, fool,” arzanala- (a functionary) < Éarzana-, zeriyalla- “cup-stand”

< zeri- “cup,” iræuitalla - “basket (iræuit-) carrier.” Deverbal examples: gangalaLÚ - “scale (for weighing)” < gank- “to weigh,” LÚtarweåkala - “dancer” < aspectual form of tarwai- “to dance,” laææiyala- “traveler(?)” < laææiya- “to travel,” ardala- (cutting tool) < ard(a)- (verb of cutting?), UZUpappaååala- “oesophagus” < redupl. of verb paå- “to swallow”.

-alli- æaråanalli - “crown” < æaråan - “head,” kupiyatalli- “pertaining to a plot (kupiyati-),” MUNUS.GIÅiræu(i)talli- “female basket-carrier” < iræui- “basket,” targaånalli - “donkey-driver” < targaåna - “donkey,”

-an æenkan “death,” naææan “fear,” mudan “garbage.”

-aåeååar tuzziyaåeååar “camp/settlement of an army (tuzzi)”; URU-riyaåeååar “settlement of a city.”88

84 Retrogradually alphabetized.

85 Berman 1972 115f. adds further examples, including uncertain ones such as LÚkÏta-.

86 The only adj. with this suffix, æuwappa - “bad, hostile(?)” < æuwapp- “to do harm/evil to” (with dat. obj.), may not belong in this category. 87 See also niniyal, puriyal, åakuwal, tarmal, æuæupal, etc. Other nouns with stems ending in -al, such as tawal (a beverage), may not be inherited words.

30 2. Nouns & Their Formation 31

-(a)åæa- unuwaåæa- “adornment” < unuwai- “to adorn,” æarnamniyaåæa - “revolt” < æarnamniya- “to revolt,” tariyaåæa - “fatigue” < ta(r)riya- “to exert oneself,” nuntariyaåæa - “haste” < nuntariya- “to hasten,” armuwalaåæa - “moonlight” < armuwalai- “to shine (of the moon),” cf. kariyaåæa- “compliance, pity,” maliyaåæa- “agreement, concurrence, approval.”, luliyaåæa- “swampland, moor” < luli(ya)- “pond,” marruwaåæa- (a stone).

-aååi- ∂Æilaååi “demon of the courtyard (æila -),” ∂Waådulaååi “demon concerned w. sin (waåtul),” ∂Iåtamanaååa, ∂åakuwaååa, URUTaræuntaååa, etc.

-aåti- Neuter exx.: dalugaåti- “length” < daluki- “long,” pargaåti - “height” < parku- “high.,” ¬lu(m)paåti- “pain, grief” without known base. Common gender: palæaåti- “width.”

-att- 89 Underived within Hittite: lukkatt- “dawn(?),” åiwatt- “day,” Derived from verbal base: aniyatt- “performance, equipment,” tuææiyatt- “gasping.”90 Derived from adj. base: kardimiyatt- “anger,” karuiliyatt- “previous state,” naæåaratt- “fear,” duåkaratt- “amusement, entertainment,”

-(a)talla- Denominal: æaliyatalla- “guard, watchman, sentinel” < æΩli “sector, watch,” æalugatalla - “messenger,” æukmatalla- “enchanter” < æukmai- “spell,” iåæamatalla - “singer” < iåæamai- “song,” LÚkuååanatalla - “wage earner” < kuååan “wage,” LÚkinartalla - “lyre-player” < *kinar “lyre,” MUNUSkankatitalla- “woman serving kankati-soup”. Deverbal: aråanatalla - “envier,” palwatalla - “crier,” µMuwattalla/i “conqueror” (< Luw. -ti muwa- = Hitt. -za taræ- “to conquer, defeat”), cf. Latin Victor, peran æuyatalla- “helper,” kuååanatalla-, kuååaniyatalla- “hired laborer,” palwatalla- “clapper (or) crier < palwai-,” many formed on the iter. stem: uåkiåkattalla- “watchman,” weæeåkattalla- “sentry,” weåuriåkatalla- “strangler,” maniyaæiåkatalla- “governor, adminstrator,” iåiyaææiåkatalla- “spy, informant,” wiwiåkatalla- “wailer,” memiåkattalla- “eloquent, verbose,” piåkattalla- “sparing (one)”.

-atar91 åullatar “strife,” maniyaææatar , armaææatar , aggatar “death”, idΩlawatar “evil,” palæatar “width,” marlatar “foolishness,” nakkiyatar “importance,dignity,” piånatar “manliness, manhood,” MUNUS-tar “womanliness,” gainatar “in-law-ship,” andayandatar “status of a live-in husband”, antuæåatar “humanity.”92

-eååar palæeååar “width,” parkeååar “height,” papreååar “impurity,” åuppeååar “purity”, æanneååar “judgment,” tetæeååar “thundering,” alwanzeååar “sorcery,” mukeååar “prayer”, aåeååar “seated group,” patteååar “hole (dug),” uppeååar “something sent,” iåkalleååar “torn garment,” tarupeååar “total”, tandukeååar “mortals,” lalakueååar “swarm of ants”

-(i)ya- iåpantiya- “nocturnal” < iåpant- “night,” iåtarniya- “middle” < iåtarna “in the midst of,” andurya- “internal, interior” < *andur - (cf. andurza “inside”), araæzeya- “outer, external,” appezziya- “last,” æantezziya- “first,” æantiya- “special, separate,” nuntarya- “swift, swiftly rising.”

88 Friedrich, HW1 (1952) 299, who was well aware of the syllabic reading æappira - for URU, nevertheless listed this word under the URU Sumerogram, because he was uncertain of its syllabic Hittite reading. Kammenhuber (MIO 2 [1954] 406) and Kronasser (EHS 291) considered it to stand for *æappiriyaåeååar and took the æappiri as d.-l. of the normal a-stem æappira - “city.” Neu (StBoT 18 [1974] 106f.) and Oettinger (StBoT 22 [1976] 46) considered it to be based not on a d.-l., but on an alternate stem æappiri(ya)-. Although Neu and Oettinger may be right about æappiri(ya)- “city,” the interpretation of URU-riyaåeååar as *æappiriyaåeååar has now been placed in doubt by the discovery of a new duplicate to KBo 6.34 iii 29, which instead of URU-ia-åe-eå-åar reads […]-æu-ri-ia-åe-eå-åar ! This suggests that underlying URU in this word was a word […]æuri(ya)-, not *æappiri(ya)-. 89 On this class of action noun see Berman 1972 155f., Laroche 1975. Berman observes that this suffix requires the zero grade of the root. 90 On the problematic maniyaææiyatt-, watarnaææaz, æuppart-, æandatt-, lamaræandatt-, see StBoT 44:120-125.

91 See §6.2.2. For discussion of the semantic content of this suffix see StBoT 44:118.

92 The Hittite word may have originally meant “status of a human being,” but its use in historical Hittite is always as a collective: “mankind, humankind.”

31 2. Nouns & Their Formation 32

-ili- karuili- “previous, former” < kar„ “formerly,” åannapili- “empty” < åannapi (adv. of disputed meaning), åuæmili- “rigid(?), firm(?),” taræuili- “victorious, mighty”; for adverbs in -li- ® §21.12.

-ima- æaææima- “rigidity,” lalukkima- “brightness,” ekunima- “cold,” weritema- “anxiety,” taåkupima- “screaming,” kurkurima- “intimidation,” katkattimma- “trembling,” laælaææima- “agitation, worry,” taåkupima- “screaming, howling, wailing,” tetæimma- “thundering,” tuææima- “gasping, shortness of breath,” wantewantema- “lightning,” wawarkima- “door-pivot, hinge,” weritema- “fear.”

-ganiya- tar(a)åganiyawant- “soiled with …”93 want-

-mai- æukmai- “incantation” < æuek- “to cast a spell”

-mi- mitgaimi- “sweetened,” ∂Åarlaimi “the elevated, exalted (deity)”

-pala- MUNUSæaånupala - “midwife,” taråipala - “driver”

-ri- auri- “observation post” (< au(å)- “to see, look”), eåri-, eååari- “form, shape” (< iåå-, eåå- “to make”?), etri- “food” (< ed- “to eat”), SÍG kiåri- (< kiå- to comb wool”), *miåri “brilliance” (< *maiå-) in miåriwant- “brilliant” and miåriwatar “brilliance”

-t- Deverbal nouns: åaåt - “sleep, bedding” (<åeå-/åaå- “to sleep”),94 ekt- “(hunting) net”,95 kaåt- “hunger,” nekut- “evening”

-tara- weåtara- “herdsman” < weå(iya)- “to graze,” ekuttara- “drink-server” < eku- “to drink,” possibly taptara - “wailing women”

-talla- See -(a)talla- above.

-ul aååul “benevolence,” takåul “peace”, iåæiul “obligation,” waåtul “sin,” paråul “bread fragment,” åeåarul “sieve”

-ulli iåtappulli- “lid, stopper” < iåtapp- “to stop up,” kariulli- “body-veil” < kariya- “to cover,” DUGæariulli- (a container), kuåkuååulli- (< kuåkuå- “to crush”) “mortar bowl in which foodstuffs are crushed,” papuli- (a bread-cooling tray).

-ulli96 æuttulli- “tuft, something plucked,” paråulli- “bread fragment,”97 pupulli- “ruins”

-ur aniur “ritual,” æengur “gift,” pankur (a body part), kurur “hostility”

-uzzi kuruzzi “tool for cutting (kuer-),” iåpanduzzi “vessel for libating (iåpand-),” iåæuzzi belt, sash” (iåæiya- “to bind”)

-want-98 åamankurwant- “having a beard,” kartimmiyawant- “having anger,” duåkarawant- “having joy,” pittuliyawant- “having anxiety,” naæåariyawant - “having fear,” kiåtuwant- “having hunger,” innarawant - “having vigor,” lalukkiwant- “having brightness,” miåriwant- “having brilliance,” eåæarwant - “having bloodstains,” lupannawant- “wearing a diadem,” kurutawant- “wearing a horned crown(?),” æupigawant- “wearing a veil,” naduwant- “(terrain) having reeds,” URUWiyanawanda “(city) having vines,” nekumant- “naked”99

93 The putative forms åeæuganiyawant- “covered with urine(?)” and åakkiganiyawant- “covered with feces(?)” in KBo 10.37 ii 24-25, suggested by Goetze, JCS 16:30 and JCS 22:20, were based upon a faulty restoration. For a more probable restoration see Melchert apud CHD S/1 sub åak(k)- “to know”. 94 StBoT 44:129ff.

95 See Hoffner 1977a 105-107. HED E 259f.

96 The following examples may be collective plurals in -i of noun stems in -ul.

97 paråulli- is com. gender with collective forms in -i. Also attested is an l-stem paråul . CHD P 192 s.v.

32 2. Nouns & Their Formation 33

-(u)war Verbal subst. of most verbs (® §6.9 ).

-zel åarnikzel “compensation,” tayazzel “theft”100

-zzi æantezzi- “former, first,” appezzi- “latter, later, last,” åarazzi- “higher, uppermost”

2.2 The suffix -ant- is more complex (Friedrich 1960 §48; Laroche 1962, Neu 1989b). It is attached to base nouns of both genders, and forms substantives of the following types: (1) collectives (utneyant- “all the inhabitants of a land,” tuzziyant- “all the members of an army,” parnant - “all the members of a household”); (2) when attached to a neuter noun, it cn also create an ergative form (see Laroche 1962; Neu 1989b; Garrett 1990a and in §3.3) which allows the neuter noun to serve as subject of a transitive verb; (3) it is frequently added to time words, especially the names of seasons: æameåæa- and æameåæant- “spring,” gima- and gimmant- “winter” (Goetze 1951); (4) in some cases there seems no difference in meaning between the base noun and the derivative: åankunni- and åankunniyant- “priest,” gaena- and gaenant- “in-law,” æuææa- and æuææant- “grandfather,” kaåt- and kiåtant- “hunger,” kalulupa- and kalulupant- “digit” (Friedrich 1960 §48 with literature).

2.3 The suffix -ant- also forms denominal adjectives (Friedrich 1960 §48 b 1):101 perunant- “rocky” (< peruna- “rock”), kaninant- “thirsty” (< kanint- “thirst”), natant- “provided with a drinking tube (nata-),” NINDAåarruwant - “belonging to NINDAåarru(wa)-,102 as well as adjectives built on a shorter adjectival base: aååu- and aååu(w)ant- “good, pleasant,” irmala - and irmalant - “ill,” åuppi- and åuppi(y)ant- “holy, sacred,” dapiya- and dapiyant- “entire.”

2.4 Nouns (frequently divine names) ending in -åepa- or -zipa- (Laroche 1947 67f.) may contain a derivational suffix or be true compound nouns, since -zipa- is phonotactically derivable from -åe/ipa-. As a suffix it occurs in daganzipa - “earth” (< tekan, dagan “earth”), taråanzipa - “platform,” ∂Æantaåepa (< æant- “forehead”), ∂Æilanzipa (< æila- “court”), ∂Iåpanzaåepa (< iåpant- “night”), ∂Miyatanzipa (< miyata- “fruitfulness”), (d)aåkaåepa (< aåka- “gate”).

2.5 Some derived adjectives have been borrowed from Luwian or show Luwian derivational suffixes (Friedrich 1960 §51): (a) -alli- and -talli -: æirutalli- “pertaining to an oath” (< æiru(n)t- “oath”), (b) the Luwian genitival adjective -aååi- (mostly employed in proper names): URUTaræuntaååa “(the city) of ∂Taræunta,” ∂Iåtamanaååa

98 See Goetze 1930 34f., Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 §119, Friedrich 1960 §49d, Kammenhuber 1969b 188-89, 294; Oettinger 1988, Sihler 1995 §346 (< the “hysterokinetic suffix” -went- in PIE). 99 nekumant- < *nekw + -want-; see §1.9.2.6.3 and 1.9.2.6.4.

100 The acc. pl. form [åa]r-ni-ik-zi-lu-uå KUB 46.42 iv 6, KUB 46.38 i 7, 10 (NH) indicates that at least åarnikzil had common gender forms as well as neuter ones. 101 Sturtevant (1951 §119) termed it an “IE possessive suffix”, while noting that Goetze (1930 34f.) interpreted the forms as participles of denominative verbs; cf. also Sommer 1932 62 n. 1. 102 Otten & Souc√ek, StBoT 8:100, Neu, StBoT 26:161. Cannot be the -want- suffix, since this would produce *åarruwawant- or *åarrumant -.

33 2. Nouns & Their Formation 34

“(deity) of the ears” (< iåtamana - “ear”), ∂Åakuwaååa “(deity) of the eyes” (< åakuwa “eyes”), ∂Waådulaååi “(deity) pertaining to sins/offences” (< waådul “sin, offence”), (c) the Luwian (passive) participial suffix -mi-: ∂Åarlaimi “the exalted (deity)” (< åarlai - “to elevate, exalt”), also with common nouns and adjectives: mitgaimi- “sweetened,” DUG tallaimi -, etc.

2.6 Hittite and Luwian vocabulary contains a considerable number of reduplicated nouns, verbs and adjectives. See van Brock 1964, Kronasser 1966 119ff., and Kammenhuber 1969b 184, §17,3. Reduplication is a feature of PIE (Beekes 1995 171).

2.7 Among the nouns and adjectives: memal “meal,” titita- “nose,” laplipa - “eyelash” (see Luwian lalpi-), duddumi- “deaf,” “deaf person,” æalæaltumari “cornerstone,” æaråiæaråi “stormy weather,” akuwakuwa- (a small animal, often said to be a frog, in which case the formation is onomatapoetic for the croaking), åaluwaåaluwa- and kallikalli- (bird name, imitating its call?), artarti (a plant name), wantewantema- “lightning,” GIÅkarkaralli , åiggaåigga - Not all of these need be inherited (i.e., Indo-European) words, especially the names of plants and animals.

2.8 Many verbs show only partial reduplication: kukuå- “to taste” (from kuwaå- “to kiss”?),103 kukkurå- “to mutilate,” lellepa- “to lap or lick up” (lip- “to lick”), wewakk- “to ask” (wek-), lilakk- “to bend,” tetæai- “to thunder,” pippa- “to overturn,” pupuååa- “to crush(?).”

2.9 7.2.3 Others show full reduplication: aåeå- “to seat (someone)” (eå- “to sit”), katkattiya- “to tremble,” laælaææiya - “to incite, spur on,” ¬æanæaniya-104 “to find fault with, criticize,” kuwaåkuwaå-/kuåkuå- (from kuwaå- “to crush”), æaåæaå - “to scrape,” parip(a)rai- “to blow (a horn),” partipartiåke/a - (unknown meaning), taåtaåiya - “to whisper,” uriwaran (neut. sg. participle) “burning” (reduplicated verbal stem uriwar - < *wariwar- < war-), waltiwalteåke/a- (unknown meaning, perhaps “to rage”). For this type of reduplication see Kronasser 1966 120 and Raggi Braglia 1989 208. Cf. kunkunuzzi (a huge stone, < kuen- “to strike”?).

2.10 7.2.4 Most of these verbs (e.g., aåeå-, lellepa-, parip(a)rai-, wewakk-) inflect according to the æi- conjugation (cf. Melchert 1985 on Luwian wiwidai-), but some (laælaææiya -, kuwaåkuwaå-) the mi-conjugation.

2.11 7.2.5 Of these, aåeå- is a causative of its unreduplicated stem; the others seem to denote repetitive actions. ® §§1.67, §27.8, 27.26, 28.43. Kronasser 1966 119 posits intensive engagement of the feelings (“verstärkte Gefühlsbeteiligung”) as the common semantic component in Hittite reduplicated forms. See also Oettinger 1998 on the functions of reduplication in Hittite.

103 On the semantic distinction between kuåkuå- and kukuå- see CHD sub parariya -.

104 The “¬” in front of transcribed Hittite words represents a pair of “marker wedges”.

34 2. Nouns & Their Formation 35

2.12 7.3 Composite (compounded) forms also exist (Güterbock 1955, Friedrich 1960 §53 a, Hoffner 1966; Kammenhuber 1969b 183-84; Neu 1986): dayuga- “two-year-old” (dΩ “two”+ yuga-), appaåiwatt- “future” (appa “after” + åiwatt- “day”), åallakartatar “negligence” (åalla “high” + kart- “heart” + -atar ), zaågaraiå “anus” (zaåkar “excrement” + aiå “mouth”), pattarpalæi - (a bird name: “broad of wing,” pattar + palæi-). The negation n„man “not want(ing) to” seems to consist of a negative element (n„?) added to the optative man (cf. CHD sub both man and n„man).

2.13 7.3.1 Compound nouns derived from verbs with their preverbs also exist (Friedrich 1960 §53 b): peran æuyatalla - “he who runs before, helper,” parΩ æandandatar “divine power, fate, luck,” kattakurant- “(jug) cut off beneath,” åerkurant- “(loaf) cut off above” (Hoffner 1966). When determinatives mark such compounds, they appear on the preceding genitive rather than on the head noun: LÚperan æuyatalla -, LÚmaniyaææiyaå iåæa-, LÚmukeånaå EN- aå, LÚ.MEÅæazziwaå iåæeå, NINDAåaramnaå æΩliå , etc. See Neu 1986, esp. the table on p. 116.

2.14 7.4 The Hittite ethnicon is in -um(a/e)na-, -uma- (Kammenhuber 1993 194f., 660f. Kammenhuber 1969b 120f., 124, 215, 268, 271, 295; Oettinger 1982b), while the Luwian one is in -wana- (Kammenhuber 1969b 153, 268, 295, 318): URUAnunum(i)neå “the men of Anunuwa,” URUÅutummanaå “the man of Åuta,” URUPuruåæandumnan (acc. sg.) “the man from Puruåæanda,” URUÆattuåumnaå, URUPalaumnaå , and note the ethnic pronoun kuenzumnaå “whatever his home” (KBo 1.35 iii 9; Kammenhuber 1969b 215, 271) built upon the interrogative-relative pron. kui- “who, what” (Kronasser 1966 102, 113, 194). Note also arunumana - “maritime” from aruna - “sea.”

2.15 7.4.1 Personal names are sometimes based upon ethnica (see Laroche 1957b; 1966, Hoffner 1998b). These names can use either the Hittite ethnicon -umna- or the old Hattic -il + Hittite theme vowel -i-. The following personal names contain -umna-: Åuppiuman, Artumanna, Zardumanni, Piriyaåauma, Naæuma, Åuppiluliuma. The following contain -ili: Æattuåili, Arinnili (“from Arinna”), Nerikaili (“from Nerik”), Gaågaili (“from the Kaåka people”), Æupeånaili, Katapaili, Taæurwaili (“from Taæurpa”), Æanikkuili (“from Ankuwa”), Æimuili (“from Æemuwa”), Karaænuili.

2.16 7.5 Hittite nouns have no formal feminine gender (Kronasser 1966 106f.). Most would posit (with Kammenhuber 1969b 253) a merger of inherited masculine and feminine into a common (or animate) gender in the Proto-Anatolian stage. According to Pedersen 1938 35f., the formal relic of the PIE feminine is adjectives of the type dankui- “dark,” parkui- “pure,” which have lost their original connotation as feminines.105 Since Hittite retains evidence for a productive stem mekk- “much” in Old Hittite, the more common stem mekki- “much” may be another example of this “feminine mutation” (Kronasser 1966 107, 115f. [here citing Goetze’s observation of Kanishite male PNs in -aåu versus feminine ones in -aåui], Oettinger 1987; Starke 1990; Rieken 1994; 1996; 1999a).

105 See also Kronasser 1966 107, Kammenhuber 1969b 253.

35 2. Nouns & Their Formation 36

2.17 7.5.1 A linguistic relic which occasionally serves to mark human females is the suffix -åara - which distinguishes the pairs æaååuå “king” and æaååuååaraå “queen,” iåæaå “lord” and iåæaååaraå “lady,” åuppiå “holy/consecrated man” and åuppeååaraå “virgin” (see Friedrich 1960 §50a, Laroche 1966302-306, Kronasser 1966 109, 111, 124, 129; Kammenhuber 1969b 189f., 198, 261, 269, 297;, 1993 #2878} 196-98), and the Hittite words underlying ARAD (ÌR) “male slave” and GÉME “female slave.”106 Compare Luwian nan-i-å “brother” and nan-aår- i-å “sister” (-aår -). On this element in onomastics see Laroche 1966 302-306. If the Luwian noun aåri - “woman” (Starke 1990 170f.) is probably related to this suffix, the word for “woman” in Hittite, however, appears not to be etymologically related to the Luwian aåri -. On the Luwian wanati - “woman” see Starke 1980. On the putative Hittite kuinna- “woman” see Neu 1990; Carruba 1991; 1993, but questioned by Güterbock 1992; 1995a. Puhvel (1997 306ff.) agreed with Güterbock in questioning the philological basis of Neu’s example of kuinna- “woman,” but agreed with Carruba’s identification of the adjective kuwanåa- and kuwaååa- “female” and reconstructed the Hittite noun “woman” as ku(w)an(a)-.

106 See the derived verb GÉME-aååareåå - “to become a (female) slave” for evidence that the noun underlying GÉME is derived from that underlying ÌR.

36 3. Noun Endings & Uses 37

CHAPTER 3 NOUN ENDINGS AND USES

3.1. 2.0 The Hittite speech system included the following grammatical categories: noun, adjective, pronoun, numeral, verb, adverb, place word, conjunction and particle.107 Inflectional categories of the noun, adjective and some pronouns are gender, case and number.

3.2. 2.0.1 Gender. Grammatical gender is inflectional (and pertinent) only in the nominative and accusative cases. Hittite recognized two grammatical gender classes, traditionally called “common” and “neuter,” alternatively “animate” (German “belebt”) and “inanimate” (“unbelebt”). Characteristics of the Hittite “neuter” or “inanimate” nouns are the same features that characterize “neuters” in other old IE languages: identical forms in the nominative and accusative cases, and a zero ending in the singular. These two grammatical classes conform broadly to the “inherent” or “natural” animacy” of the referents: nouns denoting living beings, human or animal, are usually “common” or “animate”. But numerous exceptions exist. Because of these exceptions it is important always to specify whether one is identifying a particular noun’s animacy as grammatical (i.e., formal) or inherent. Derivational suffixes entail a specific formal gender regardless of the inherent (non-)animacy of the referent. Nouns in -atar are always formally “neuter” or “inanimate,” even when their referents are inherently animate (i.e., living beings): antuæåatar “humanity, humans,” æuitar “wild animals.” Nouns in -anni- are always formally “common” or “animate”, even when their referents are inherently inanimate (i.e., not living beings): armanni- “lunar crescent,” armantalanni- and walpailanni- (kinds of bread). Many nouns of common gender denote non-living things: aimpaå “burden,” aggalaå “furrow,” alkiåtanaå “branch, bough,” alpaå “cloud,” arunaå “sea,” perunaå “rock,” egaå “ice,”108 ekza “net,” æalugaå “message,” etc.

3.3. Ergativity. According to Laroche (1962), when a neuter noun needed to be the subject of a transitive verb, it was built up by an -ant-stem extension and became common gender (® §2.2). He gave to this extended stem the name “ergative.” Some Hittitologists have opposed the idea that Hittite could be an “ergative language” (e.g., Neu 1989b). But it is notable that the vast majority of these extended stem forms are only attested in the “nominative,” used as the subject of a transitive verb, which strengthens Laroche’s case against those who object. Several Indo- Europeanists have supported the idea of a “split ergativity” in Hittite (Garrett 1990a; 1990b) and some kind of ergativity in Proto-IE (Luraghi 1987; Rumsey 1987; Comrie 1998). And even those who reject the idea of ergativity in Hittite will occasionally use the term “ergative” in quotation marks to refer to the -ant- forms with this function (Neu 1979a 184 “mit dem ‘Ergativ’-Suffix -nt- versehen”)). When Luraghi (1997 §2.1.2) states that “Neuter nouns, rather than as inanimate, can be better described as inactive, given the constraint [established by

107 Negations (such as English “not”) are here subsumed under adverbs.

108 The noun ega- “ice” was originally a neut. a-stem with nom.-acc. sg. egan, but developed secondarily into a common gender noun.

37 3. Noun Endings & Uses 38

Laroche] that they cannot occur as subject of action verbs,” she uses the words “action verbs” to mean transitive ones. Neuter nouns do serve as subjects of intransitive action verbs such as pai- “to go,” etc. For more on the suffix -ant- ® §§2.2 4.93, 4.110.

3.4. 2.0.3 Inherently animate Hittite nouns behave differently than inherently inanimate ones when expressing point of origin or destination ofa verb expressing movement (Starke 1977). Hittite nouns are syntactically sensitive to inherent (as opposed to overt, morphologically expressed) gender. Starke called the inherently inanimate class the “Sachklasse” and the inherently animate class the “Personenklasse,” but observed that the latter includes animals as well as persons (1977 100). Inherently animate nouns show the dative-locative endings when they express the point of origin (English “from”) or destination (“to”) (§17.33 and §17.35), while inherently inanimate ones show the ablative (§18.2) and the allative respectively (§17.45ff.). Inherently inanimate nouns appear to have taken the ablative for “from” and allative for “to,” while those of the animate class took the dative-locative for both. But exceptions exist.

3.5. ince, as stated above, the “gender” opposition in Hittite contrasts animate and inanimate, there is no formal distinction between masculine and feminine gender, only a derivational suffix -åara- used to form nouns denoting human (or divine) females (® §2.17, Kammenhuber 1969b 269) from corresponding male-denoting nouns. In respect to the lack of a masculine-feminine contrast the Hittite declension of pronouns and substantives resembles that of the epicene nouns, such as Latin fËlis “cat” and canis “dog,” Greek ai[louroı and kuvwn, which can be masculine or feminine according to the biological gender of the animal referent (Sihler 1995 244). In Hittite, as also with all PIE nouns, formal indications of gender were few. In most formal classes PIE masculine and feminine nouns inflected identically, and neuter nouns differed from them only in the nominative and accusative.

3.6. Case. The case system of the various IE languages varies greatly, with classical Greek having five cases, Latin six, Old Church Slavic seven and Old Indic eight. Evidence for reduction in the number of discrete cases exists in ancient Greek, and can be shown also in Hittite. Old Hittite possessed eight cases of the noun and adjective which in the singular only were formally distinct (Forrer 1922, Friedrich 1960 §§54-56). These are: (1) nominative, (2) vocative, (3) accusative, (4) genitive, (5) allative, (6) dative-locative, (7) ablative, and (8) instrumental. Dative and locative singular had already merged into a common “dative-locative” form in the singular in Old Hittite. Allative merged with the dative-locative in New Hittite. Merger of nominative, accusative and dative-locative cases in the plural was underway in New Hittite. This process can be called “syncretism” (Szemerényi 1996 §7.1.4.1 with literature). For the uses of the cases in detail ® chapters 16-19.

3.7. Number. PIE substantives distinguished singular, plural and dual (see Szemerényi 1996 §7.1.3). The dual is found in Old Indic, Greek, Old Irish, Old Church Slavic and Lithuanian. It seems to have been lost in Common Anatolian, since there is no clear evidence for the existence of dual forms in the daughter languages of the Old

38 3. Noun Endings & Uses 39

Anatolian family (Hittite, Luwian, Palaic).109 Thus, in the declension of substantives and pronouns (for the latter ® chapters 10-13) Hittite distinguishes only singular and plural number. Inflectional endings of the noun, adjective and clitic pronoun distinguish singular from plural in all cases but the instrumental (ending -it) and ablative (ending -az).

3.8. Hittite also preserves traces of a collective which ended in -i (Neu 1969 239f., Eichner 1985; Neu 1992). Eichner terms it a “comprehensive.” These collective forms have been previously regarded as neuters and their occurrence on substantives of common gender as evidence for heterogenericity in Hittite nouns (for heterogenericity NINDA ® §15.6). Some examples are: æaåtai “bones”, paråulli “bread fragments,” aniyatti “regalia,” æaråΩi “thick breads,” MUNUS.MEÅæazkarai (a group of female functionaries in ritual and cult), and A.ÅÀkulËi “fallow fields/land.” While such forms are inflectionally identical to neuter plurals,110 they are shown to be more than this by their contrast with common gender plurals (sometimes called “count plurals”) of the same nouns (e.g., paråulli and paråulliËå ). But because all neuter plurals, even those whose singulars are also neuter, take agreement with singular predicates (® §15.9) (cf. van den Hout, ……), Luraghi (1997 §2.1.4) may have a point when she writes: “This means that neuter plural rather has collective value and refers to uncountable entities.” Similarly, Prins 1997 xv-xvi, 1, etc. But surely, although the possibility of contrast between countable and uncountable would exist for nouns whose singular was common gender, no such contrast would be possible for those whose singular was neuter. There would be no “count plural” for a neuter noun. CREF further below (® §3.15). Further study is needed to account for apparent use of the collective ending on nouns of the “Personenklasse” erving as subjects of intransitive verbs, which then use the so-called ergative ending when they serve as subjects of transitive verbs (e.g., MUNUS.MEÅæazkarai and MUNUS.MEÅæazkaranza, see Hoffner 1998a).

3.9. The following is the scheme of noun and adjective endings in Hittite:

Old Hittite New Hittite

case sg. pl. sg. pl. com. nom. -å -eå111 -å -eå, -uå, -aå com. acc. -n, -an (cons. stems) -uå -n, -an (cons. stems) -uå, -eå, -aå neut. nom.-acc. -Õ, -n112 -Õ,113 -a114, -i -Õ, -n -Õ, -a, -i115

109For literature on the dual see Szemerényi 1996 §7.1.3.

110Hardarson 1987 regards the collective as a neuter singular.

111Luraghi 1997 §2.1.6 incorrectly adds -aå.

112 The neut. ending -n (in both OH and NH) occurs only on a-stem substantives and adjectives.

113 Luraghi (1997 §2.1.6) adds “with stem lengthening,” apparently referring to such nouns as uttar “word” and uddΩr “words”, which would have been distinguished in speech only by a long vowel in the final syllable. But this feature is found only in some sub-classes of neuter substantives and adjectives.

39 3. Noun Endings & Uses 40 gen. -aå116 -an, -aå -aå, -an? -aå, -an (archaism) all. -a — -a117 — dat. -ai (rare), -i, -ya -aå -i -aå loc. -i, -e, -ya (i-stems), -Õ -aå -i, -e, -ya (i-stems), -Õ -aå (cons. stems) abl. -az, -aza -az, -aza -az, -aza -az, -aza inst. -it, -d/ta -it, -d/ta -it, -d/ta -it, -d/ta voc. -e, -i, -Õ —118 -Õ —

3.10. Another way of presenting the endings is listing each with its use(s) in Old and New Hittite: ending Old Hittite possibilities New Hittite possibilities

-å nom. sg. com. nom. sg. com.

-n acc. sg. com., a-stem nom.-acc. neut. acc. sg. com., a-stem nom.-acc. neut.

-aå gen. sg.; gen. and dat.-loc. pl. sg. gen.; pl. nom./gen./dat./loc./acc.

-an acc. sg. com. (cons. stems); gen. pl. acc. sg. com. (cons. stems); gen. pl. (archaism)

-i loc. sg. loc. sg.

-ya loc. sg. loc. sg.

-eå nom. pl. com. nom.-acc. pl. com.

-uå acc. pl. com. nom.-acc. pl. com.

-az, -aza sg./pl. abl. sg./pl. abl.

-it/-et sg./pl. inst. sg./pl. inst.

-Õ voc.; neut. sg./pl. nom.-acc.; sg. loc. voc.; neut. sg./pl. nom.-acc.; sg. loc.

-ai dat. or loc. sg.119 —

3.11. Nom. sg. com.: The ending of the nom. sg. among substantives of common gender is å. When a vowel precedes it (e.g., in a-, i-, and u-stems), this vowel is not part of the ending, but of the stem (antuæåaå “human being” = stem antuæåa + ending å). On the other hand, in the cuneiform script an a vowel is often represented as

114 With consonantal stems.

115 The endings -a and -i are used with consonantal stems, -i verbal substantives. ® §2.5.3.

116 Some, including Luraghi (1997 §2.1.6), claim gen. sg. in -an in OH. We have found no unambiguous case in Old Script. ® §2.5.4.3.

117 To the extent that a distinctive allative form in -a occurs in NH compositions, it is an archaism and not a form of current speech. In NH the allative was replaced by the dat.-loc. 118 CREF §2.5.9.

119 Cf. labarnai LUGAL-i KUB 2.2 + 48.1 iii 9, tabarnai KUB 44.60 iii 15, ∂Mammai KUB 27.67 ii 45.

40 3. Noun Endings & Uses 41 following this sibilant when the stem ends in nt. The sequence of final (a)nt+å is represented in writing as -an-za: iåpanza “night” (written iå-pa-an-za, pronounced /ispants/). These spellings combined with the writing of the nom. sg. of t-stem nouns like kardimmiyatt- as kardimmiyaz show that the grapheme z represents t + å (® §1.109). On the pronunciation of å in Hittite ® §1.111. As in PIE, a few stem classes form the nom. sg. asigmatically.

3.12. Nom. pl. com.: The OH ending is -eå. In MH the ending -aå appears on a few nouns, e.g., the i-stem æalki- “grain, crop”: æal-kiÆI.A-aå HKM 19:6. In late New Hittite (Æattuåili III, Tudæaliya IV, Åuppiluliuma II) texts the earlier pl. nom. ending -eå was generally retained in the consonantal stems (e.g., æ„mant- and the participles in -ant-)120 and in the i- and u-stems121 (including the relative kuieå),122 but was replaced by -uå in the a-stems.123 For the pl. nom. l„liyaå in KUB 13.2 ii 24 (MH/NS) the stem could be either luli- or luliya-.

3.13. Acc. sg. com.: The acc. sg. of common gender nouns with vocalic stems is -n (æaååun “king” < æaååu + n). Consonantal stems use -an (kardimmiyattan “anger” < kardimmiyatt + an).

3.14. Acc. pl. com.: Accusative plural forms in -uå are regular in OH, but continue to be frequent even into the late NH period, including consonantal stems like åakuwaååaruå , memiyanuå, SIGfi-anduå, duwarnanduå, waååanduå, KA≈U.ÆI.A-uå (i.e., *iååuå “mouths” KUB 14.4 ii 10, a common gender plural for a word which is otherwise always neuter), UD.ÆI.A-uå (åiwattuå) “days,” i-stems like zakkiuå, tarpalliuå, and some a-stems like LÚ.MEÅ arkammuå, kurkuå, aråanatalluå (Melchert 1995). But in the post-OH period endings other than -uå occur: -aå and -eå. Use of -eå begins already in MH: LÚ.MEÅ åapaåallieå HKM 6:19, 7 obv. 4, etc., waraeå HKM 47.44, antuæåeå HKM 89:7, 15, [å]ulleå HKM 89:19, zakkiËå KUB 13.1 i 25, etc., all MH in MS. But there are no examples so far of consonantal stems with -eå for the acc. pl.

3.15. 2.5.3 Nom.-acc. sg. and pl. neut.: In the nom.-acc. sg. neuter most nouns use the bare stem. a-stem nouns add an -n. On the nom.-acc. pl. neut. in Hittite see Gertz 1982 and Prins 1997. Of the neut. pl. endings (-˜, -a, -i), the second is found in consonantal stems like åuppala (® §4.72), kudurra (® §4.76), iåkiåa (® §4.86) and aniyatta (® §4.91). The last-named ending (-i) is attested principally with the verbal substantives of the type ÆI.A ÆI.A arkuwarri and minumarri (cf. HE §185 b 2) and r-stem adjectives and nouns like kururiÆI.A (® §4.80), æalæaltumari, æuppari and aniuri (® §4.76, §4.77). The noun aniyatt- shows both an -a and an -i ending, the

120 But compare the late nominative IM.ÆI.A-uå (*æuwantuå “winds”) in KUB 24.1 iv 16 (Murs. II prayer).

121 But see nom. pl. com. iåæeniuå KUB 13.4 i 15 (MH?/NS).

122 But compare the late nom. pl. damauå from the adjective damai- KBo 4.12 obv. 28, and the alternation meqqaeå … meqqauå (both nominative) in KUB 26.1 iii 59-60. 123 Compare in the Bronze Tablet (Tudh. IV) the a-stem nominative plurals: damnaååaruå i 43, LÚ.MEÅ dudduåæialluå i 82, LÚ.MEÅ æuwantaluå i 83; and a-stem nom. pls. in other late texts like UN.MEÅ-uå (*antuæåuå), LÚ.MEÅ aruå and LÚ.MEÅ åalaåæuå, parΩ -ÅEÅ.MEÅ-uå–a–mu meqqaeå / LUGAL.MEÅ araæzenuå–a meqqauå KUB 26.1 iii 59-60, ZAG.ÆI.A-uå (*iræuå “borders”) PP 1 obv. 29, ÍD.MEÅ-uå (*æapuå “rivers”) KBo 11.1 obv. 29 (Muw. II), and nominative k„å–pat waåkuå in KUB 5.10 + 16.33 + 16.83 i 15 (late NH divination).

41 3. Noun Endings & Uses 42 latter possibly being the ending of the collective. Endingless neut. pl. nouns may have been distinguished from their singulars by a different accent placement, with attendant lengthening of the (second) root vowel, what Prins calls “an inherited lengthened grade of the suffix” (1997 1). That this happened with some nouns is clear from vocalic alternations (ablaut) in the stem: singular wΩdar (written wa-a-tar ) “water,” plural widΩr (written ú-i-da-a- ar) “waters,” singular uttar “word,” plural uttΩr (ud-da-a-ar ) “words.” In the word a-aå-åu-u “goods, possessions,” the pl. of the adjective a-aå-åu “good,” the plene writing of the final syllable reflects the presence of an old laryngeal (*-(e)h¤) (see Watkins 1982 and AHP 86, 131, 184).

3.16. 2.5.4.0 Gen. sg.: For the genitive singular in PIE Szemerényi posits the endings: -es/-os/-s. For the Hittite genitive singular only the ending -aå (from PIE *-os) is widely attested, although some scholars identify rare use of -å. The forms UD-az (= åiwaz) “in/on the day” and nekuz meæur “in the evening,” on which some have based the case for genitives in -å, may not be genitives, but nominatives. The genitive personal names µNunnuå and µTaruæåuå and the DN ∂Taåammaz of the old language (see Neu 1979a 185f. w. n. 22), as well as the form åankuwaiå “of the fingernail,” may be relics of such a genitive in -å (advocated by Weitenberg 1984 and Neu 1979a 186, opposed by Melchert 1984a), but pose problems which cannot yet be resolved. If there was a Hittite genitive in -å, it was rare. In Luwian the place of the gen. was taken by a genitival adjective ending in -aåå(i)-, and fully inflected to agree with the head noun (Laroche 1959 133 §24).

3.17. 2.5.4.1 Gen. pl.: On the genitive ending -an see Laroche 1965. In OH there existed a distinct form for the genitive plural ending in -an (< PIE *-ˇm. Kammenhuber 1969b 304f., 311, 313), thought by some to be confined GIÅ to semantically animate nouns. It occurs on padΩnn–a GÌR.GUB “stool of the feet,” åiunan antuæåiå “people of the gods,” ÅEÅ.MEÅ-n–a NIN.MEÅ-n–a iåtarna “among brothers and sisters,” DUMU.MEÅ-an parna “to the house of the children,” and DINGIR.MEÅ-nan–a iåtarna “among the gods too.” By MH times -an it began to appear alongside -aå as a gen. singular ending: nepiåan DINGIR.MEÅ taknaå DINGIR.MEÅ “the gods of heaven, the gods of earth” (KUB 26.6:6’-7’, the duplicate KBo 8.35 ii 10 reads nepiåaå DINGIR.MEÅ; cited CHD L-N 448 as either gen. pl. or sg.). Further examples with text citations can be found below in Chapter 24.

3.18. 2.5.4.2 In some cases it may be possible to see the Old Hittite genitive in -an used as a singular: LUGAL- an aåki “to/in the gate of the king” Laws §71, KUB 30.10 rev. 22, KUB 13.4 ii 49, LUGAL-an INA UDUN “in the king’s oven” KBo 20.10 i 3, although one cannot exclude the possibility that these are plurals (“of the kings”). Further examples with text citations can be found below in Chapter 24. Laroche surmised an originally collective character, while Kammenhuber (1969b 254f. [§30.2c] and 304f. [§42]), claimed that already in OH the originally sg. -aå and pl. -an genitive endings developed into a means of distinguishing animate (-an) and inanimate (-aå) possessors. Included as animate possessors are even body parts such as the foot (padΩnn–a GIÅGÌR.GUB “footstool”). Such a theory would seem to have difficulty explaining an OH sentence like: kuiå ÅEÅ.MEÅ-n–a

42 3. Noun Endings & Uses 43

NIN.MEÅ-n–a iåtarna idΩlu iyazi nu LUGAL-waå / æaråanΩ (written æar-aå-åa-na- ≠a±)124 åuwayezzi KBo 3.1 ii 50-51 (Tel. pr., OH/NS), where “brothers,” “sisters” and “king” are all genitives of animate beings, but the two plurals take -an and the singular “king” takes -aå. Equally problematic for her view is the construction nepiåan (dupl. nËpiåaå) DINGIR.MEÅ “the gods of heaven,” since nepiå “heaven” is not an animate being.

3.19. 2.5.4.3 In view of the exceptions to Kammenhuber’s proposed rule perhaps it is better to assume that beginning already in OH, the ending -aå of the genitive singular was gradually extended to cover the plural, and subsequently (in MH and NH) the old genitive plural ending -an became a free variant of -aå, used both in the singular and plural.

3.20. 2.5.5.0 Dat. and loc. sg.: In Hittite the dative and locative, which were formally distinct in the sg. in PIE (dative*-ei, locative *-i), share the same endings: merged -i in the sg., -aå in the pl. They may be differentiated by the inherent animacy of the respective nouns and (at least in OH) by word order constraints (Starke 1977). This situation justifies the use of the term “dative-locative” to designate a category of nouns showing this distribution of inflectional endings, although individual words showing this form should certainly be assigned to only one of the two cases.

3.21. Loc. sg.: The usual loc. sg. ending is -i, much rarer -e. For locatives in -e compare a-stems eåæe and iådammane (® §1.46, §4.2), the consonantal stem [æ]„mante–ya HKM 88:5 (MH/MS), KUB 13.2 iv 10’ (MH/NS), and the u-stem forms a-aå-åa-u-e and i-da-la-u-e cited above in §1.46. From a pre-Hittite IE locative in *-won-t-i was derived the inifinitive in -wanzi, while the supinum in -wan may have been derived from the endingless locative *-won (Laroche 1970 41f.; Neu 1979a 189).

3.22. But locatives of consonantal stems occasionally show forms without endings (or with ending zero) in the locative singular: É-er (*per) “in the house,” åiwat “on the day,” ÅÀ-er (*ker) “in the heart,” dagan (from tekan) “on the ground,” nepiå “in heaven, in the sky,” keååar–ta “in your hand.” Some suggest that the place word åer “above, upon” originated in this way. Neu (1979a 190, 1980) saw the PIE origin of these forms as the same unmarked, undifferentiated “casus indefinitus” that underlies the vocative and commemorative. He suspected that ablative forms like É-erza (versus parnaz ), nepiåza (versus nepiåaz), tapuåza, and kitkarza were based on the undifferentiated stem form. For examples and uses CREF below in Chapter 17.

3.23. All.: Old Hittite had in the singular a noun case ending in -a indicating motion “to” or “toward.” This case was discovered by Forrer 1928 who called it the “Richtungskasus.” It is often called the “directive” (Laroche 1970; Kammenhuber 1979a; Brixhe 1979; Luraghi 1997) or “terminative” (Starke 1977; Held, Schmalstieg, and Gertz 1987). The CHD III/1 (1980) p. xvi intoduced the term “allative”. On the history of the research see Starke 1977; 1990. From the allative form of the heteroclitic action nouns in -atar is derived the so-called “infinitive” in

124 See Hoffner 1982b.

43 3. Noun Endings & Uses 44

-anna (Laroche 1970 41f.; Neu 1970 55 n. 30). Perhaps beginning already in OH (Neu 1979a 189f.) and intensifying in MH, the allative forms in -a were replaced by forms in -i. In NH speech the allative no longer existed, although allative forms continued to be copied by NH scribes from older archetypes. And even in OH where the allative is formally distinct from the locative, some verbs expressing motion (such as iåæuwa- “to pour (solids into),” laæuwa- “to pour (liquids into),” mauåå- “to fall (upon),” dai- “to place (upon)”) are construed with the locative rather than the allative. For further discussion CREF below in §17.45.

3.24. Abl.: The usual abl. ending is -az, or -aza (cf. Melchert 1977 443ff.). But occasionally one finds an ablative in -anza, -za, or even -azzi, instead of in -az (Melchert 1977 439f., 448f.): æaååannanza “out of the family,” nepiåanza “from heaven,” luttanza “out of the window,” GIG-anza (*irmananza ) “by illness,” uddananza “by a word” (® §3.25, 4.101). The post-consonantal ending -za (-aza is not meant here!) is archaic and thus far found only in É-erza “from the house,” nepiåza “from heaven” (OH/OS), åittarza (§4.78) and the frozen ablative in the local advs. tapuåza “to the side” (compare GÙB-laz “to/on the left,” kunnaz “to/on the right”), andurza “inside” (§§18.5, 21.4, 21.10, 23.16). As Melchert pointed out, the endings -az (following vowels) and -za (following consonants) are almost in complementary distribution in Old Script manuscripts. But already in these oldest manuscripts -az begins to encroach on -za in the consonantal stems. There are occasional instances of the use of the Akkadian preposition IÅTU “from” followed by the inflected ablative form of the noun: IÅTU KUR URULuwiyaz “from the land of Luwiya” (Laws §20).

3.25. The ending -azzi (in parå„razzi [® §4.76], antuæåazzi–ya, æ„mandazzi–ya, Ωågazzi–ya, etc.; ® §1.80) preserves the original i-vocalic ending, reflected also in the Luwian ablative -adi. A reasonable reconstruction of the ending’s history is: */(o)ti/ > */ati/ > /atsi/ > /ats/ (Melchert 1977 457, Neu 1979a 186). The final two stages are attested in Hittite, the second stage (with the further development of */ati/ > /adi/) in Luwian. With regard to the endings -anza, -az, and -aza caution is needed: some of the examples adduced to support this writing of the ablative may actually be ergatives in -anza (® uddananza in both cases in the paradigms in §4.101).

3.26. 2.5.7.2 Ablative forms do not distinguish singular and plural. In general, and especially in OH, ablatives occur only on inherently inanimate nouns (§3.2 and §3.4). On the ablative see Chap. 18. On the ergative ® §3.3.

3.27. 2.5.8 Inst.: Although the prevailing instrumental ending is -it or -et, the instrumental singular (especially with noun stems whose final syllable contains a resonant: l, n, r) ends in -d/t(a): ganut and genut < genu “knee”,: kiååarit and kiååarta “with the hand,” iåtaminit and iåtamanta “with the ear,” wedanda and wetenit “with water,” åaganda “with oil/grease.” See also kad-du-ut “with (the eagle’s) talons” KUB 43.60 i 17. It is plausible (so Melchert 1977, Neu 1979a 190)) that the simple dental without preceding i was the earliest Hittite instrumental ending, with the i developing (anaptyxis, CREF §1.77ff, §1.84) in the environment of a preceding dental. One also finds this ending with the demonstratives: apedanda “with that, therewith” (HED A 87), kedanta “with this.” Cf. Melchert 1977 458. There are also two examples of an instrumental ending -at: åΩkuwat KUB 23.72 + rev. 15 (Mita text, MH/MS) and namma alwanzenan i-e-eå-na-at DINGIR.MAÆ-aå iwa [r …] / […]andu “Let them […]

44 3. Noun Endings & Uses 45 the sorceror with ieååar, like the Mother Goddess” KBo 21.12 rev.? 23-24. Instrumental forms do not distinguish singular and plural. In general, and especially in OH, instrumentals occur only on semantically inanimate nouns. But see GUD.ÆI.A-it “by the oxen” in Laws §121 and MUNUSENSI-t–a “and by means of a dream-interpreter” KUB 30.10 rev. 21 (OH/MS), appantet kunantit “including captured and killed (men)” HKM 10:40 (MH/MS).

3.28. 2.5.9 Vocative: It is likely that the Hittite vocative (sg.) arose out of an earlier dative sg. (Hahn 1950 237, followed by Eichner 1974, Neu 1979a 179 n. 7 and Neumann 1982-83). Neumann has plausibly suggested that this usage could have arisen as an abbreviation of a clause such as “I say to …” In OH, u-stem appellatives and names take the ending -i: ∂UTU-i (*∂Iåtanui) “O Sungod,” LUGAL-ui (*æaååui) “O king” (Neu 1979a 179, Eichner 1974 234f.). In a later text based on Babylonian forerunners (CTH 372) -u-i was sporadically altered to -u-e. In most common nouns and adjectives (including a few u-stems125) the vocative singular appears as the bare stem. Cf. iåæΩ- mi “my lord,” wappu–mit “O my river-bank,” ∂Mukiåanu “O Mukiåanu,” ∂Iåtanui åarku (wr. åar-ku) LUGAL-ue “O Iåtanu, pre-eminent king” KUB 31.127+ i 58 and dupl. KUB 31.129 obv. 4 (OH/MS). In one case the a-stem noun atta- “father” has a vocative in -i, namely atti–me (wr. at-ti-me) “O my father.” With i-stems the evidence is ambiguous: ∂Kumarbi, ∂Impaluri, åalli “great” in ∂Iåtanu åalli LUGAL-u≠e± (i.e., *æaååue) “O Iåtanu, great king” KUB 31.127+ i 22, [∂Ala]waimi le–aå namma zaææiåkiåi “O Alawaimi, don’t fight them any longer” KUB 27.67 ii 31. Consonantal stems seem also to use the -i ending: pedanti “O place!” and KÙ.BABBAR-an-ti “O Silver!”126 The post-OH use (not yet attested in OS!) of the clitic possessive -met/-mit (wappu–mit, ∂UTU–met, EN–mit, DUMU–mit 127) rather than -mi with vocative is to be explained as a re-analysis of the forms in -i, -e, and zero as nom.-acc. neuters. No unambiguous example of a vocative form of a neuter substantive is yet known in Hittite, although wappu–mit in KUB 30.35 i 8 whose context is somewhat broken may be such (CREF above in this paragraph). To serve as the vocative of pedan “place” Hittite speakers used the vocative of a common gender -ant- extended stem: pedanti “O place!” Of the situation in PIE Szemerényi (1996 159) writes that “In the neuter, nom. voc. acc. of the same number are not distinguished.”

3.29. Neu 1979a 178 and Luraghi 1997 15 §2.1.6 claim a pl. voc. ending -eå, but give no example to substantiate it. They may have in mind an example of what we will call an appositional direct address. We distinguish this from the real vocative. The former is imbedded in a clause; the latter forms its own separate clause. CREF above in §3.28 and Chapter 16.

3.30. 8.1 As indicated in Chapter Two, Hittite nouns and adjectives have eight cases : vocative (3), nominative (2), accusative (4), genitive, allative, locative, ablative, and instrumental. Each case has its set of usages. These

125 This fact seems to undermine Luraghi’s attempt (1997 §2.1.6.2) to distinguish u-stems in naming constructions (e.g., µTuttu ÅUM–ÅU “Tuttu is his name”) from u-stem vocatives, since both use the bare stem. 126 Although the break before the form in question might be restored as [… DUMU-iå-å]i KÙ.BABBAR-an-ti lË–mu–kan kueå[i] KUB 36.18 ii 7, and the form in question understood as a dative concluding the preceding clause. 127 For refs. cf. CHD -mi-.

45 3. Noun Endings & Uses 46 usages will be described and illustrated in Chapters 23 though 26. Here we only intend to sketch the principal uses of each case. A “ninth” case, the dative, is not formally distinct from the locative except in a few OH examples of the dat. sg. in -ai (Friedrich 1960 p. 44 § 59c): µLabarnai, æaååannai. 128

3.31. 8.2 The nominative is the case of the subject of the sentence, the entity about which some assertion will be made or question asked in the predicate. The primary usage of the nominative case is as subject of the clause. If this clause has as its verb “is, are, was”, its predicate will be either (1) a noun, (2) adjective, (3) adverb, or (4) adverbial phrase (for nominal sentences CREF below in Chapter 38). For example, “the king is (1) a warrior, (4) in the palace, (2) brave, (3) nearby”. If the predicate is an adjective (2), it will agree (CREF below in Chapter 15) with the subject in number (singular, plural), gender (common or neuter), and case (nominative, accusative, genitive). Noun predicates of “to be” sentences (1) can be any number or gender, and any case except accusative or instrumental.

3.32. 8.2.1 Examples of “to be” or nominal sentences with predicates in various cases: LUGAL-uå utneya “The king (is) in the land (predicate = locative)”; ÉRIN.MEÅ–wa–kan ANÅE.KUR.RA.MEÅ kuiå INA URUMurmuriga åer “What army (was) up in Murmuriga (loc.)”; kΩåa–za URUÆattuåi MAÆAR LÚ.MEÅTAPPI–NI “I am now in Æattuåa in the company of our colleagues” (loc.); takku LÚ-aå ELLUM GÉME-aå–a åieleå “If a free man and a slave woman (are) lovers (nom. pl.)”; kÏ–ma tuel Ëåtu “let this be yours (gen.)”; nu–za kΩåa åumeå LÚ.MEÅ KUR URUIåmirika æ„manteå ITTI ∂UTU-ÅI linkiyaå–åaå “All you men of Iåmirika are (men) of his oath (gen.) with respect to His Majesty”; ablative : kÏ–ma AWATEMEÅ UL kuitki 1-edaz 1-edaz IÅTU KUR URUÆATTI–at “These matters (i.e., treaty regulations) (are) by no means reciprocal (literally, from [this] one, from [that] one); they are (solely) from the land of Æatti” KUB 21.1+ iii 76-77 (Targ. treaty).

3.33. 8.3 Use. The vocative (see Güterbock 1945 and Hoffner 1998a) is used in exclamations and in direct address. Hittite does not employ an interjection (such as English “O”) to introduce the vocative.

3.34. 8.3.1 Form. The vocative form is only attested for the singular. Its ending is either zero (i.e., the bare noun stem) or the vowels e or i: dUTU-e (= dIåtanue) iåæa–mi “O Sungod, my lord!” KUB 31.127 i 1, and dUTU-e åarkui LUGAL-ue “O Sungod, heroic king!” (ibid. 15). The ending -e has been affixed to ∂Iåtanu-, åarku- and LUGAL-u- (æaååu-), while the zero ending appears on iåæa- and the possessive -mi-. The -e/i ending is usually found on u-stems, but also on two a-stem nouns: atti–me “O my father” and [ÅE]Å-ni–mi “O my brother” (= negni–mi from negna-) (cf. CHD sub -mi-e 2’, and sub negna-). For more on the vocative CREF Chapter 16 and Neu 1985; Weitenberg 1984.

3.35. 8.3.1 Syntax. The true vocative stands in its own clause (Hoffner 1998a) and often does not take the quotative particle -wa.

128 Forms of the dat.-loc. of the i-stem adjectives åuppai and åalllai are not examples of this archaic ending, but can be

46 3. Noun Endings & Uses 47

3.36. 8.3.2 Appositional direct address. But Hittite also employs what one could call an “appositional vocative”, nouns or pronouns imbedded in verbal clauses in order to indicate direct address. If the one addressed is also the subject of the clause, the case will be nominative : åumeå BE_LU_ TU‡ æ„manteå “all you (nom.) who are in charge of (lit. ‘lords of’) the stew!” KUB 13.3 ii 20. With the dative : [tuqqa–war]–aå ANA m[Maddu]watta apeniååan menaææanta k„rur Ëåtu “Against [you (d.-l.)], O [Maddu]watta (d.-l.), let him likewise be hostile!” KUB 14.1 obv. 31. With genitive: nu tuel åiunaå uddanta natta lazziyaææat (wr. SIGfi-aææat) “Did I not prosper by your word, O god?” (lit., “of you, of the god”) KUB 30.10 obv. 18. CREF Chapter 16.

3.37. 8.4 The accusative case is the primary case governed by the finite transitive verb. As such its most common use is as the immediate direct object of the transitive verb. But, like the accusative case in Greek and Latin, the Hittite accusative can serve as (1) a second object (as in English “he made me captain of the team”, “he called me a coward”, “they consider him handsome”) (CREF §16.16),129 (2) a cognate accusative (the figura etymologica of the classical languages, sometimes called an inner accusative) (CREF §23.3.5),130 åullatar åulliya- “to quarrel a quarrel”, åarnikzel åarnink- “to pay a payment”, æullanzan æulle- “to fight a fight”, åaåtan åeå- “to sleep a sleep”, iåæiul iåæiya- “to tie a tie”, (3) accusative of the way (CREF §16.23,131 (4) accusative of specification (CREF §16.24), (5) accusative of extent/duration (CREF §16.26 (*23.3.4), (6) accusative of direction (CREF §16.21, and (7) adverbial accusative (§23.3.3). In general CREF Chapter 23.

3.38. 8.5 Unlike in some Indo-European languages, in Hittite the genitive case form does not cover the ablative idea. See Meillet 1964 294 (“Génitif-ablatif” in Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, Old Irish). Instead, Hittite preserves a separate ablative case. The genitive is the principal adnominal case. It thus differs from the other oblique cases (dative, allative, locative, ablative, instrumental) which are more adverbal. The genitive is regularly used to express the relation of one noun to another. As an adnominal case it may denote: (1) the possessor of the governing noun, (2) the material from which the governing noun is made, (3) the contents of the container described by the governing noun, or (4) the quality. When the governing noun expresses a verbal notion, the governed genitive may denote the subject (subjective genitive, “the flow of water”) or the object (objective genitive, “drinking of water”) of the verbal notion. On this latter usage in Old Hittite see Yoshida 1987. In Old Hittite certain postpositions govern the genitive: attaå–maå Ωppan “after (the death of) my father,” LUGAL-waå peran “in front of the king”, annaå–maå katta “with my mother”, nepiåaå kattan “under the sky”; ammel katta “with me” or (with verbs of sending) “to me, to where I am”, æaååaå katta “next to the brazier” (§23.14).

explained in terms of the behavior of i-stem adjectives (cf. §4.4.1). 129 See van den Hout 1992. In linguistic terminology the second object is sometimes also called the “object(ive) complement.” 130 See Friedrich 1960 119 sub §199 a.

131 See Friedrich 1960 120 sub §201 b. Example: man–kan ÆUR.SAGTeæåinan åarΩ pΩun “I would have gone up Mt. Teæåina.”

47 3. Noun Endings & Uses 48

3.39. 8.5.1 In Hittite the genitive normally precedes the noun which governs it. Exceptions to the preferred order exist in Hittite, but are not common. They are usually conditioned by the presence of an ideogram (Sumero- or Akkadogram) serving to represent the governing noun. CREF Chapter 24.

3.40. 8.6 The Hittite allative was first properly described and defined by Laroche 1970 22-49. It has been called “directive” by some, “terminative” by others, and confused with the “locative” by still others (CREF §24.8.1). The allative expresses that person or object to or into which an action is directed (parna “to the house,” laææa “to a campaign,” Ïååa “into the mouth,” tunnakiåna “into the bedroom,” nepiåa “to the sky”). The locative, on the other hand, designates the object in or on which a thing is situated (parni “in the house,” Ïååi “in the mouth,” nepiåi “in the sky”). Whereas the allative implies movement, the locative implies rest. It may be, as Kammenhuber contends, that in PIE, as presently reconstructed, the two functions were performed by one case, the locative. If so, the allative developed within the Anatolian branch. Within the early phases of Hittite (OH and MH) a separate ending -a was used to designate the case of “toward”, “into”. So long as the case in -a is kept distinct from the dative and the locative in -i, it is of little consequence which of the several proposed names one gives it. In this grammar we will use the term “allative.”

3.41. 8.6.1 In NH (after c. 1400 BC) the allative (which existed only in the singular) assumed the same ending as the locative, -i, and thus became formally indistinguishable from the latter.

3.42. 8.6.2 The dative , which in Old Hittite was sporadically distinguished from the locative by the ending -ai (CREF above §8.1), usually shared with the locative the ending -i. Because the two cases are usually outwardly identical in Hittite, we denote the singular forms in -i and the corresponding plural in -aå “dat.-loc.” or “d.-l.” The Hittite dative denoted: (1) the indirect object of the verb (“I gave to him [dat.] an apple [acc.]”), (2) possession (“To him [dat.] was a house” = “He had a house”), (3) the person from whom something is taken (“I took from him [dat.] an apple [acc.].” The “from” case for things is the ablative, for persons i.e., humans and gods) it is the dative (§24.6.4.1). Hittite datives represented by ideograms are indicated by the Akkadian preposition ANA “to, for”.132 CREF Chapter 24.

3.43. 8.7 As the case which denotes rest in or on some spot, the locative is used to express: (1) spatial location, (2) location in time, i.e., temporality, and (3) measure or dimension (iåæueåni “in large amount,” palæaåti “in width,” dalugaåti “in length”). When a noun in the locative is represented by an ideogram, it is often marked by the Akkadian preposition INA “in, on”. CREF Chapter 24. There is also a so-called endingless locative (also called a stem locative; see Neu 1980). The most common example of this stem locative is the word dagan “on the ground” (from the nom.-acc. neuter noun tekan). But only a small subset of nouns occur iin the endingless locative form. Most take the common endings -i (sg.) and -aå (pl.).

132 Hittite scribes insufficiently aware of the distinction sometimes confuse the Akkadian prepositions ANA “to, for” (usually representing the Hittite dat.) and INA “in, into” (usually representing the Hittite loc.).

48 3. Noun Endings & Uses 49

3.44. 8.8 The ablative principally expresses the notions of source and separation (“from, out of, away from”). Derivative ideas led to perlative (“through”), partitive (“of”) and causal (“because of”) uses. In later Hittite the boundaries between ablative and instrumental became less strict, so that one finds in these texts “instrumental ablatives.” Ablatives can also be used for directional notions: kunnaz “on the right”, GÙB-laz “on the left”, tuedaz “on your side”, anzitaz “on our side”, kez “on this side”, etc. For a systematic study of ablative and instrumental in Hittite see Melchert 1977 and Chapter 25.

3.45. 8.9 The instrumental designates the tool, instrument, means, or material by or through which an action is accomplished (GUD.ÆI.A-it “by the oxen,” åaganda “with grease,” paææunit “with fire,” lΩlit “with the tongue,” natit “with an arrow,” etc.). Only rarely therefore will a noun denoting a person take this case (see antuæået “by human(s)”, åiunit “by the god”). In late texts one finds ablatival instrumentals such as åaææanit luzzit “(exempted) from tax and corvée.” When a noun in either the ablative or instrumental case is represented by an ideogram, it is specified as to case by the Akkadian preposition IÅTU “from, with, by means of”. CREF Chapter 25.

49 4. Noun Declension 50

CHAPTER 4 NOUN DECLENSION

A-STEM NOUNS

4.1 3.1 Hittite a-stems continue PIE stems in o (§1.29). Of the Hittite nouns and adjectives with vocalic stems those with stems in a equal in number the total of those in i and u combined. They form the largest and most regular Hittite stem-class. In this class substantives and adjectives decline identically, in contrast to the i- and u- stem classes (Chapter 4). For a-stem nouns in the Old Anatolian languages cf. Kammenhuber 1969b 193f., 279f., and Meriggi 1980 §§5-40. Derived stems in -a- include nominal abstracts in -ima-, action nouns in -åæa-, agent nouns in -tara-, -talla-, and -ala-, derived adjectives in -ala-, ethnica in -umna-, and the female-forming suffix -åara-. All of these suffixes form common gender nouns. For more on these derivational suffixes CREF Chapter 2.

4.2 3.2.1 The following are paradigms of a-stem common gender nouns (Friedrich 1960 45f. §§64-65):

Case “human being” “mother” “sea”

Common Gender Singular nom antuæåaå, ant„waææaå, annaå arunaå antuwaææaå 133 o acc anduæåan, antuwaææan, annan arunan ant„æåan, antuæåan 134 voc.135

136 o o+ gen anduæåaå, antuæåaå annaå arunaå O+137 antuwaææaå dat.-loc. antuæåi,138 antuæåe,139 UN-åi140 anni aruni

o 141 all aruna

133Fully syllabic writings of antuæåaå or antuwaææaå in OS are rare: sg. gen. an-du-uæ-åa-aå KBo 17.1 + 25.3 i 22, an-tu-wa- aæ-æa [-?…] KUB 36.105 rev. 12. From the stem antuwaææa/i- the sg. nom. forms antuwaææaå and antuwaææiå and the gen. sg. antuwaææaå are attested: an-tu-wa-aæ-æ[a-aå] KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44 + i 7 (OH/NS); an-tu--aæ-æa-aå KUB 31.127 + ABoT44+} i 35 (OH/NS); an-tu-u-wa-aæ-æa-aå KUB 31.127 + FHG 1 ii 18 (OH/NS), KUB 29.4 i 1; 134an-du-uæ-åa-an KUB 30. 10 rev. 23 (OH/MS), an-tu-uæ-åa-an KUB 31.127+ iii 15 (OH/NS). 135Another a-stem vocative: ne-eg-na “O brother”. 136 For a sg. gen. in -an see labarnan KUB 20.92 vi 11 (Kammenhuber 1969b 193). 137 an-du-uæ-åa-aå KBo 17.1 + 25.3 i 22 (OS); an-tu-uæ-åa-aå KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44 i 37 (OH/NS); 138 an-tu-uæ-åi KUB 26.41 (+) 23.68 + ABoT 58 obv. 23’ (MH/NS), 139 Dative in an-tu-uæ-åe KUB 43.58 i 52, KUB 44.61 rev. 7, 19. For dat.-loc. in -e see §2.5.5.1. 140 In KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44+ iv 8 (OH/NS)

50 4. Noun Declension 51

Case “human being” “mother” “sea” abl annaz arunaz(a) ins142 antuæået143

Common Gender Plural nom 144 anduæåeå, antuæåe/iå, 145 anniå *aruniå n146 antuwaææe/iå, antuæåuå

147 m148 acc anduæåuå, antuæåuå, antuæåeå annuå arunuå gen. antuæåaå *annaå arunaå 149 dat.-loc. ant„waææaå, antuæåaå, anduæåaå *annaå *arunaå abl. antuæåaz150 *arunaz inst.151 — — —

Case “lord” “ear”152 “clay” “father”

Common Gender Singular nom iåæΩå iåtaminaå, IM-aå attaå iåtamanaå 153

141 a-ru-na KUB 36.110 iii 21 (OS), and fairly frequently in OH/MS or OH/NS. 142 Other a-stem sg. instr.: teåæit “by means of a dream,” patet and GÌR-it “by foot, on foot,” unuwaåæit “with decoration,” zapzakit “with glaze,” and lalit “with the tongue.” 143 an-tu-uæ-åe-et 1691/u ii 5. 144Other a-stem nom. plurals are: æaååeå, æanzaååeå, kakkapiå, pappanikneå, tuekkeå and walleå. in -eå or -iå, and kakapuå, ZAG.ÆI.A-uå (*iræuå “borders” KBo 5.13 i 27) in -uå. 145an-tu-wa-aæ-æe-eå KBo 3.60 ii 16 (OH/NS) is possibly sg. nom. by context, although seemingly pl. nom. in form. an-tu- uæ-åi-iå KBo 3.1+ ii 32 (OH/NS), [an-tu-u]æ-åe-eå HKM 50:5 (MH/MS); 146UN.MEÅ-uå Bronze Tablet ii 48. For other examples of a-stem nouns with late NH nom. plurals in -uå CREF above sub §2.5.1. 147Other a-stem pl. acc.: nËkuå “sisters,” ÅEÅ.MEÅ-uå (*negnuå )“brothers,” DUMU.MEÅ-uå “sons, children,” ZAG.ÆI.A-uå “borders” KBo 4.10 rev. 21, ÍD.MEÅ-uå “rivers,” ÆUR.SAG.MEÅ-uå “mountains”. 148 HKM 89:15 (MH/MS) is acc. by context. [åu]lleå in 89:19 seems also to be acc. pl. 149 KUB 36.89 rev. 4 (NH), cf. HED A 179. 150 an-tu-uæ-åa-az “together with (its) inhabitants” (abl. of accompaniment, on which see Melchert 1977 365ff., 397ff.) Bronze Tablet i 88 (Tudh. IV), an-tu-uæ-åa-az-zi-ia (with clitic -ya “and,” CREF §1.6, and §8.5, and §25.1) Bronze Tablet i 89 (Tudæ. IV). 151 As examples of pl. instr. see æaåået æanzaååit and LÚ.MEÅ-it apud Kammenhuber 1969b 194, 206. See also GÌR.ÆI.A-it (*patit) in KBo 10.2 ii 19, iii 32 (OH/NS) and KUB 19.39 ii 4 (ed. AM 162), ÆUR.SAG.DIDLI.ÆI.A-it KUB 26.19 ii 44 (MH/NS), ANÅE.KUR.RA.ÆI.A-it KBo 5.3 ii 28 (Åupp. I), SAG.DU.MEÅ-it (*æaråanit ) KUB 27.67 iii 26. 152Kammenhuber 1969b 273. There is no neut. form *iåtaman of this noun in KUB 14.13 i 18-20, as HED E/I 458 claims.

51 4. Noun Declension 52

Case “lord” “ear”152 “clay” “father” acc iåæΩn iåtamanan IM-an attan voc.154 iåæΩ, iåæa atta,155 atti 156 gen. iåæΩå —157 wilnaå attaå o++ dat.-loc. iåæÏ, eåæe, iåæa 158 iådammane,159 ulinÏ161 atti iåtamani160 all.162 abl. IM-az ins. iåtaminit, iåtamanta 163 wilanit

Common Gender Plural n nom.164 iåæËå165 iåtamaneå166 attËå, attiå, adduå, acc167 EN.MEÅ-uå iåtΩmanuå, iåtamanuå wilanuå, IM.ÆI.A-uå attuå gen. iåæΩå addaå dat.-loc. iåæaå168 addaå

UZU 153 iåtamanaå–kan KUB 55.20 + 9.4 i 4, cited by HED E/I 458 as genitive, is clearly nominative. 154Another a-stem vocative: ne-eg-na “O brother” (see Hoffner 1988). 155 Attested in ∂IÅKUR-ta [a]t-ta-åu[m-mi] “O Taræunta, our father!” KUB 33.66 + 40.333 iii 8, ed. Groddek 1999 38, 40, 46 (Otten). 156Attested in the form at-ti-me “O my father!” KBo 12.70 rev.! iii 10, cf. CHD sub marnan A and parganu-.

157 UZU The form should be iåtama/inaå*, but it is not yet attested. The form iåtamanaå Bo 2139 + KUB 9.4 i 4 cited in HED E/I 458 as a gen., is actually nom. 158 iå-æa-aå-åi KUB 24.9 i 52 with var. iå-æi-eå-åi KUB 41.1 i 10. 159 For dat.-loc. sg. in -e cf. §2.5.5.1. 160The unique writing UZUiå-ta-ma-aå-ni KUB 9.4 + 55.20 i 5 may be a scribal error. 161 Cf. §1.9.1.5.2. 162 Among a-stem allatives: laææa “to/on a campaign” (OS), æapΩ “to the river,” ZAG-na “to the right.” 163Cf. §2.5.8, §6.2.1.1.1. 164Other a-stem nom. plurals are: æaååeå, æanzaååeå, kakkapiå, pappanikneå, tuekkeå and walleå. in -eå or -iå, and kakapuå, ZAG.ÆI.A-uå (*iræuå “borders” KBo 5.13 i 27) in -uå. 165 iå-æe-e-eå KUB 30.68 obv. 6, KBo 19.88:4’, iå-æé-eå KBo 3.46 obv. 38. There are no examples of pl. nom. *iåæiå or *iå- æi-i-iå. 166 iå-ta-ma-né-eå KBo 13.31 ii 10-11. 167Other a-stem pl. acc.: nËkuå “sisters,” ÅEÅ.MEÅ-uå (*negnuå )“brothers,” DUMU.MEÅ-uå “sons, children,” iræuå KBo 3.1 i 7 (OH/NS), ZAG.MEÅ-uå KUB19.37 ii 18 (NH), ZAG.ÆI.A-uå KBo 4.10 rev. 21 (late NH) and ZAG.MEÅ-iå “borders” Bronze Tabl. i 16 (late NH), ÍD.MEÅ-uå “rivers,” ÆUR.SAG.MEÅ-uå “mountains” KBo 4.4 iv 30 (NH). 168 iå-æa-[aå?-]åa-aå-ma-aå-åa-an (iåæaå–a–åmaå–åan ) KBo 3.1 i 21 (OH/NS).

52 4. Noun Declension 53

Case “lord” “ear”152 “clay” “father” abl. iåtamanaz — inst —

Case “spring (season)” “roof”

Common Gender Singular nom. c. *æameåæaå169 åuææaå acc. c. æameåæan170 åuææan nom.-acc. n. — åuææa gen. æameåæaå171 åuææaå all. — åuææa dat.-loc. æameåæi, æamiåæi, æammeåæi (1≈) åuææi abl. — åuææaza, åuææazi–ya

Common Gender Plural acc. åuææuå

4.3 3.2.1.1 For keååar, keååara- “hand” CREF §4.78.

4.4 3.2.2 Because only one vocative of an a-stem noun (iåæΩ “O lord”) used to be known, it was assumed that the vocative of the a-stems was the bare stem form (Kammenhuber 1969b 193). But with the recognition of atti–me (NH) “O my father” (CHD L-N sub -mi- e 2’ a’) alongside atta–åumma “O our father” the picture is no longer so simple (CREF §3.34 , §16.9).

4.5 3.2.2.1 The common a-stem noun pada- “foot” is mostly written with the logogram GÌR. But some syllabic forms exist: pl. acc. pa-a-tu-u[å] KBo 25.46:3, pl. gen. pa-ta-a-n(a) KBo 20.8 obv.? (4), 19 (OS), pa-ta-a-an KBo 20.12 i (10) (OS), KBo 17.74 i 9 (OH/MS), [p]a-a-ta-an KUB 34.120:6 (OH/NS), KUB 44.36 ii 14

169 The animate stem in -ant-, æameåæanza or æameåkanza, is regularly used, when “spring” must be a subject: æameåæanza kiåari “spring comes”. The previous observation is, of course, influenced by the so-called “ergative” use of the -ant- forms. It does not prejudice the case against some slight semantic differentiation between the long and short forms of these (common gender!) season names and time words, as was suggested by Goetze 1951 469-470. 170 KUB 50.90:20 (late NH). 171 Often with “broken” spellings æa-me-iå-æa-aå and æa-mi-eå-æa-aå. Hittitologists are generally reluctant to use the secondary values of the signs: æa-mé-eå-æa-aå and æa-mì-iå-æa-aå (or even æa-me-eå⁄fi-æa-aå). The i-vocalization of the second sylable is clearly attested in dat.-loc. æa-mi-iå-æi. Also often replaced by æameåæandaå from the longer stem æameåæant-.

53 4. Noun Declension 54

(OH/NS), dat.-loc. pa-ta-a-aå (-åa-aå) KBo 17.15:10 (OS), inst. pa-te-et KUB 51.20 rev. 5 (NS), cf. GÌR.ÆI.A- it (*patit) in KBo 10.2 ii 19 (OH/NS).

4.6 3.2.2 Other common gender a-stem nouns are: aåka- “gate,” æarnamniyaåæa- “revolt,” iræa- “border, boundary,” laææa- “campaign,” luliyaåæa- “marsh,” nata- “reed; arrow,” nuntarriyaåæa- “haste,” palzaææa- “statue base, pedestal,” nega- “sister,” negna- “brother” (logograms ÅEÅ and AÆU), åenaææa- “trap, ambush,” dammeåæa- “oppression, injury,” teåæa- “sleep,” unuwaåæa- “ornament,” etc. Note the many nouns in the list built to the -åæa- suffix. Notable are the common gender a-stem nouns denoting body parts: antaka- “loins(?),” arra- “anus,” titita- “nose,” iåtamana- “ear,” kalulupa- “digit,” keååara- “hand,” lala- “tongue(?),” pappaååala- “oesophagus,” pata- “foot,” patalæa- “sole of the foot,” tetana- “hair.”

4.7 Neuter a-stem nouns are less common (Friedrich 1960 §64). Examples are: peda- “place,” ega- “ice,” arziya- “cultivated land, granary,” taruåæa- (a leather part of the harness), åiptamiya- (designation of a liquid), (UZU)åuppa “meat,” yuga- “pair, yoke,” kuåata “bride price,” åar„pa- “quarrel(?), strife(?),” etc. For GIÅeya- (an evergreen tree) CREF below in §4.67. Some apparently neuter nouns in -a may be collectives, indicating items consisting of aggregates of components: KUÅ taruåæa “harness,” TU‡ æaramma (a kind of stew), GIÅ galamma (a part of the door).

“place” “ice” “yoke” (others) sg. nom.-acc. pedan ekan172 yugan arziyan, taruåæa 173 gen. pedaå ekaå yugaå dat.-loc. pedi eki yuki inst. yukit abl. pedaz, petaz pl. nom.-acc. AÅ-RIÆI.A pl. gen. pËdaå pl. dat.-loc. pedaå

4.8 3.2.3.1 On vocatives of neuter substnatives CREF §3.28.

4.9 3.3 The following are a-stem adjectives: annalla- “earlier, former,” annanuææa- “tamed, trained,” andara- “blue,” anturiya- “interior, inner,” armala-, irmala- “ill,” arunumana- “maritime,” attalla- “fatherly, paternal,” ikuna- “cold,” æatuga- “terrifying,” æuwappa- “hostile, malevolent,” iåpantiya- “nocturnal,” iåtarniya- “medial, located in the midst,” karpiwala- “furious(?),” kattera- “lower,” genzuwala- “merciful, compassionate,” kunna-

172 A secondary common gender sigmatic nom. sg. is also attested: e-ga-aå KUB 21.18 rev. 19 (HED E/I 257, citing Laroche, Ugaritica 6:372f.). Cf. also Hoffner 1971. No attested form of ega- unambiguously indicates an n-stem. 173taruåæa could be a plural. If so, then all sg. neut. a-stem nouns take the ending n in the sg. nom.-acc.

54 4. Noun Declension 55

“righthand,” liååiyala- “pertaining to the liver,” maninkuwa- “near,” nuntariya- “swift, swiftly rising,” pittalwa- “plain,” dannara- “empty, plain, unornamented,” dannatta- “empty, depopulated,” tuwala- “distant,” walkiååara- “skilled,” wanummiya- “fatherless, widowed, childless.” Other examples can be found in the lists of Reichert 1963, pp. 65-74, and Jie 1994 6-21.

4.10 3.3.1 The paradigm of a-stem adjectives (Friedrich 1960 §65):

Case Endings “empty” “surrounding, “right-hand” “earlier, former” external”

Singular nom c -aå —174 araæzenaå 175 kunnaå annallaå acc c -an dannattan, araæzenan 176 ZAG-an annallan tannattan n.a neut -an dannattan, dannatta, araæzenan kunna, ZAG-an annallan tannata gen -aå araæzenaå ZAG-naå annallaå dat.-loc. -i dannatti araæzeni kunni annalli all. -a araæzena ZAG-na abl -az araæzenaza kunnaz annallaz ins177 -it ZAG-nit

Plural nom c -eå,178 late *dannatteå, araæzeneå, 180 ZAG-niå annall(i)eå, annalliå,181 NH -uå179 dannadduå n araæzenuå, araæzenaå acc c182 -uå *dannadduå araæzenaå ZAG-nuå —183

174 dan-na-at-ti-iå KUB 21.29 i 12 (Hatt. III) is obviously either from an i-stem alternative stem or shows the so-called “i- mutation.” Cf. also dan-na-at-te-eå kitt[ari …] KUB 25.21 iii 5, and dan-na-at«-ta»-te-eå … dan-na-at-te!-in KUB 36.89 rev. 41-42. 175 We do not distinguish the signs ZI and ZÉ in the bound transcription of this word, since ZI can also be read ze. 176 Written a-ra-aæ-ze-na-an with zi sign, not zé. 177Other a-stem sg. ins.: ne-e-u[-it], and ni-u-i-i[t]. 178 Other nom. plurals in -eå: arunumaneå, araweå, katterreå. 179dannadduå KBo 11.1 obv. 36 (Muw. II), araæzenuå KUB 26.1 iii 60 are contextually nom. pl. 180Wr. a-ra-aæ-zé-né-e-eå (with the NI sign) and transcribed araæzenieå by HED A 134. 181An i-stem annalli- also exists, for which the neut. sg. annalli, the com. acc. sg. annallin and the plural form annalliuå are attested. 182For the a-stem adj. newa- the pl. acc. ne-mu-uå reflects the shift *newuå > nemuå (CREF §…). 183 annalliuå KUB 38.34:7, 9, KUB 40.2 rev. 8, and annaliuå HT 4:13 appear to be from an alternative i-stem.

55 4. Noun Declension 56

Case Endings “empty” “surrounding, “right-hand” “earlier, former” external” n.a.neut -a dannatta araæzena kunna annalla gen -aå araæzenaå annallaå dat.-loc. -aå tannattaå, dannattaå annallaå

Endings “bewitching” “first” “last” “exempt, free”

Singular nom c -aå alwanzenaå æantezziyaå appezziyaå arawaå acc c -an alwanzenan æantezziyan appezziyan arawan n.a neut -an alwanzenan arawan gen -aå alwanzenaå arawaå dat.-loc. -i alwanzeni arawi all. -a alwanzena abl -az alwanzenaz æantezziaz, æantezziyaz appezziaz, apezziyaz arawaz ins184 -it alwanzinit arawit

Endings “bewitching” “first” “last” “exempt, free”

Plural nom c -eå alwanzeneå æantezzieå appezzieå araweå acc c -uå alwanzenuå æantezziuå appezziuå n.a neut -a alwanzena gen -aå alwanzenaå dat.-loc. -aå alwanzenaå abl -az alwanzenaz ins -it alwanzinit

Endings “internal, interior” “central, middle” “nocturnal” “upper, superior”

Singular

184Other a-stem sg. ins.: ne-e-u[-it], and ni-u-i-i[t].

56 4. Noun Declension 57

Endings “internal, interior” “central, middle” “nocturnal” “upper, superior” nom c -aå anturiyaå iåtarniyaå iåpantiyaå — acc c -an — iåtarniyan — — n.a neut -an — iåtarniyan — åarazziyan gen -aå dat.-loc. -i anturiya iåtarniya åarazziya all. -a abl -az ins -it

Endings “internal, interior” “central, middle” “nocturnal” “upper, superior”

Plural nom c -eå anturieå åarazzieå acc c -uå anturiuå åarazziuå n.a neut -a gen -aå dat.-loc. -aå anturiyaå iåtarniyaå abl -az ins -it

The oblique case forms (gen., abl., inst.) of æantezziya-, appezziya- and åarazziya- would be indistinguishable from those of the shorter, i-stem forms of these two words, æantezzi-, appezzi-and åarazzi- (§2.1, §4.10, §4.37).

DECLENSION OF I- AND U-STEM NOUNS

4.11 4.1 According to a rough estimate nominal and adjectival stems in a number about 620, while those in i total 550, and those in u 100. That means that of the nouns and adjectives with vocalic stems the a-stems constitute 49%, the i-stems 43%, and the u-stems 8% of the total. A substantial sub-group of the a-stems exhibits the ending -iya-: about 46, or 7% of all a-stems, 4% of all vocalic stems. This sub-group shows many affinities in declension to the i-stems, as does the sub-group in -ai-, numbering about 45 (3% of all vocalic stems). There are about 250 common gender i-stem nouns and about 25 neuter ones.

4.12 For the i- and u-stem nouns in Old Anatolian languages cf. Meriggi 1980 §§41-92. For the u-stem nouns in Hittite cf. Weitenberg 1984 and the reviews of it (e.g., Melchert 1984a, Carruba 1989, Eichner 1991.

57 4. Noun Declension 58

4.13 4.11 Many common derivational suffixes end in i: -ai-, -alli-, -ili-, -ulli-, -mi- (Luwian passive participle), -anni- (diminutive?185), -ri-, -uri-, -aååi-, -aåti-, and -uzzi- (CREF §2.2). The Luwian nouns with nom.-acc. in -aæi are actually t-stems (see Laroche, DLL 132 §5).

4.14 4.12 Many Hurrian nouns end in i. Often a characteristic Hurrian formative immediately precedes it: -åæi- (aæruåæi, æubruåæi ), -æi-, -ki-, -åki-, -ugari-, -uri-, -arti-, etc.186

4.15 Complicating the picture of the i-stem noun is the existence in Hittite and Luwian of what has been called either “i-motion” or “i-mutation”.187 Starke set up a scheme for the Luwian noun and adjective in which he distinguished (1) consonant-, (2) a-, (3) u- and (4) i/¥a- stems. In the first two groups (consonant- and a-stems) mutated forms appear, in the third (u-stems) only in adjectives, and in the fourth not at all. [This section is UNFINISHED. There will be more. I need to write about how this affects Hittite nouns.]

4.16 Hittite shows ablauting stems of i- and u-stems primarily in the adjectives but also sporadically in substantival i- and u-stems (Kammenhuber 1969b 194 [§19.2], 280f. [§40.2]).

4.17 4.2 In purely descriptive terms, the following are the characteristics of the declension of i-stem nouns (see also Neu 1985):

4.18 4.2.1 When the ending is a simple consonant (-å, -n) or zero, this ending is added directly to the i-stem: æalkiå (nom. sg. com.), æalkin (acc. sg.). Case endings which consist of or begin with an a vowel are connected to the i-stem by a glide or hiatus marker (y): æalkiyaå, æalkiyaz, æalkiya, or by the loss of the i-stem and direct affixation of the case ending to the preceding consonant: æulugannaå (gen. sg. of æuluganni-), æulugannaza (abl.). This second pattern is much less common.

4.19 4.2.2 Case endings which begin with a u vowel (acc. com. pl. -uå) are affixed directly to the i-stem: æalkiuå. A glide may have existed in speech, but no special spelling (such as *æal-ki-i-uå) indicates this.

4.20 4.2.3 In NH, case endings which begin with an e vowel (nom. com. pl. -eå) sometimes merge the e with the i stem-vowel, so that the vowel may appear in the spellings as i: æal-ki-iå for earlier æal-ki-e-eå (Kammenhuber 1969b 304). These NH nom. plurals in -iå may cause confusion in parsing with the nom. sg. com. gender. Nom. plurals like æal-æal-tu-ma-RI-eå could obviously be read either as æalæaltumarieå or æalæaltumareå . Similarly æal- ki-e-eå, which can be read æal-ke-e-eå. A writing *æal-æal-tu-ma-ri-i-eå or *æal-æal-tu-ma-ri-i-e-eå would be unambiguous evidence for non-merger. Obviously, ambiguous forms should not be used as evidence for merger of

185So Friedrich 1960 §50c, but see Güterbock apud Bittel and Güterbock 1975 170f. with n. 23.

186 For these derivational suffixes in Hurrian see the grammatical treatments of Hurrian, such as Speiser 1941; Bush 1964; Neu 1988b; Girbal 1990; Wilhelm 1992. 187 Its morphological function was first recognized by Starke 1990 56-93, especially 92f., and subsequently discussed by Rieken 1994; 1996; 1999a. See also already Oettinger 1987.

58 4. Noun Declension 59 ie to e. Since unambiguous examples of ie exist in OH and MH, and it is only in NH that some ambiguous examples of the merger appear, ambiguous OH examples should not be interpreted as mergers.

4.21 4.2.4 The allative and d.-l. sing. of the i-stems end in -iya188 or -i. The former ending (-iya) may represent the Old Hittite allative ending -a connected to the i-stem by a glide.

4.22 4.2.5 Rare nom. singulars like tuzziyaå (instead of the normal i-stem noun tuzziå “army”) may be analogic formations with the stems in -iya-.

4.23 4.2.6 Paradigms of common gender i-stem substantives with non-ablauting stem:

Singular

case “grain” “army” “light chariot”189 n. æalkiå tuzziå, tuzziaå190 æuluganniåm191 ac. æalkin tuzzin æuluganninm, æulukannin 192 gn 193 æalki(y)aå tuzziyaå æulugannaå m æuluganniya[å?]194 all.195 or æalkiya tuzziya æulugannim, æuluganniyam, loc. æuluganiya 196 abl æalkiyaza tuzziyaz, tuzziaz æuluganniyaz, æulukannaz, æulugannaza m197 ins æalkit *tuzzit æulugannit

Plural nom æalkiËå,198 æalkiå199, æalkiaåm200 tuzzieå, tuzziå201

188 Cf. n–an–kan tuzziya / anda uwate “Bring him in to the army” HKM 35:6-7 (MH/MS).

189 Kammenhuber 1969b 281 attributes the lack of ablaut in æuluganni- and æalæaltumar(i)- to their status as loanwords.

190A rare form found only in KBo 2.5 ii 13 (NH), ed. AM 182.

191 GIÅæuluganniå KUB 5.10 + 16.33 + 16.83 i 5 (NH).

192 GIÅæulugannin IBoT 1.36 iii 68 (MH/MS), GIÅæulugannen KUB 29.1 i 23 (OH/NS), GIÅæulukannin KUB 2.3 v 44.

193 Other gen. sgs. åËliyaå Laws §86 (HL 87f.), luliyaå Laws §119 (HL 109f.), [arauw]aniyaå Laws §194 (ms. aa, OS), ed. HL 152f., ubatiyaå KBo 3.34 ii 26 (OH/NS), 194 GIÅæulugannaå IBoT 1.36 ii 12 (MH/MS), GIÅæuluganniya[å?] IBoT 1.36 iii 76 (Güterbock and van den Hout 1991 32, 57 for uncertain restoration). 195 Other examples of allatives/locatives: artaææiya KUB 30.34 iv 15; GIÅkurakkiya KUB 34.66 + 39.7 iii 1 and kurakki KBo 4.1 rev. 13; (NA›)æuwaåiya KUB 53.14 ii 13, æuwaåi KUB 10.90 rev. 1. 196 GIÅæuluganni IBoT 1.36 ii 13, etc. (MH/MS), GIÅæuluganiya KBo 30.54 i 16, 20 (OH/NS), GIÅæ„lukanni KUB 2.3 v 33.

197 GIÅæulukΩnnaz IBoT 1.36 iii 71 (MH/MS), GIÅæulugΩnnaza iii 63, GIÅæuluganaz iv 18, KUB 10.18 i 22.

59 4. Noun Declension 60

Singular

case “grain” “army” “light chariot”189 acc æalkiuå, æalkeå tuzziuå, tuzziyaå gen æalkiaå loc. æalkiaå202 abl

Collective [Craig: I’m not sure how you would like collectives treated. Like cases or numbers, etc.?] nom.-acc æal-kiÆI.A

Singular

case “corner” (mostly pl.) “valley”203 “artery(?), sacrificial animal” n. *æalæaltumariå *æΩriå auliå ac. *æalæaltumarin *æΩrin aulin gn 204 æΩriyaå auliyaå d.-l. or all. [æal-æa]l-tu-u-ma-ri 205 æΩriya auliya, aulÏ abl æΩriyaz aulati ins

Plural nom æalæaltumarieå æΩriËå aulieå, auliuå n acc æΩriuå gen æalæaltumariyaå

198Spelled æal-ki-e-eå, possibly to be interpreted as æal-ke-e-eå, in which case the i stem vowel has been absorbed into the following e. Cf. §4.2.3. 199 “æalkiå” HW 47 without citation. Perhaps KUB 15.11 ii 6 [x-x-x] nu æal-ki-iå iåæiyanteå was meant. This form not registered in HED H 37. 200 æal-kiÆI.A -aå in HKM 19:6 (MH/MS), cf. HED H 37.

201 tu-uz-zi[-iå?] HKM 86b: 7’ (MH/MS), ed. Alp, HBM 286f., and nu kuwapi tu-uz-zi-iå / anda ariåkanzi KUB 31.42 iii 19- 20 (MH/NS). 202æal-kiÆI.A -aå in HKM 19:10 (MH/NS); not acc. pl. (misunderstood in HED H 38).

203 Craig: do you take this as stem æari- like Friedrich, or as æariya- ?

204 Other gen. sgs. åËliyaå Laws §86 (HL 87f.), luliyaå Laws §119 (HL 109f.), [arauw]aniyaå Laws §194 (ms. aa, OS), ed. HL 152f., ubatiyaå KBo 3.34 ii 26 (OH/NS), 205 So in HW2 H 27b, but doubtful, since the context is damaged, and all other examples are plural.

60 4. Noun Declension 61

Singular

case “corner” (mostly pl.) “valley”203 “artery(?), sacrificial animal” d.l. æalæaltumariyaå æΩriyaå abl æalæaltumaraza

case “lip” (a priest) (a priest)n

Singular n. p„riå, puriå purapåiå patiliå, pΩtiliå, pΩteliå ac. p„rin, purin gn d.-l. or all. p„ri, p„iya purapåi abl ins

Plural nom p„riËå purapåiËå, purapåÏËå, purapåiuå patiliËå, pΩtilieå, batiliËå acc p„riuå, p„ri„å, puriuå purapåiuå gen patiliËå, patiliyaå d.l. p„riyaå, p„riaå purapåeyaå patiliËå, pΩtiliyaå abl p„riyaz, puriyaz

case “latch” “border province” (=Akk. “spring, water source” madgaltu)

Singular n. zakkiåo+, zakkeåm auriå altanniå, aldanniå, aldaniå ac. zakkinm gn zakkiaån, zakkiyaåo++ auriyaå, awariyaå d.-l. or all. zakkitÏn, zakkiya auriya altanni, aldanni, aldani abl auriyaza altaniyaz ins

Plural

61 4. Noun Declension 62

case “latch” “border province” (=Akk. “spring, water source” madgaltu) nom auriËå altanniå, altannuå acc zakkiuåm+, zakkiuåÆI.A , zakkiËån, auriuå, auwariËå altanniuå zakkÏËån, za-ak-ki!ÆI.A m206 gen d.l. auriyaå altanniaå, aldannaå abl

case “belt, sash” “anger” “testicle”207

Singular n. iåæuziå karpiåo+ taåkuås ac. iåæuzzin karpino+ gn iåæuzziyaå d.-l. or all. karpin taåkuwaya, taåkuis abl ins

Plural nom karpiuån taåkueås acc iåæuzziaån gen d.l. taåkuwaås abl

4.24 4.2.7 Paradigm of neuter i-stem substantives:

“stela” “libation” “clay tablet”

Singular nom-acc æuwaåi iåpanduzzi tuppi gen æuwaåiyaå iåpantuzziyaå tuppiyaå, tuppiaå d.l. æuwaåiya, æuwaåi iåpanduzzi, iåpantuziya tuppi, tuppiya abl. tuppi(y)az, tuppiazza

206 Either a neut. pl. or a collective.

207 Weitenberg 1984 270f. regards this word as a secondary u-stem from a primary i-stem taåkui-. The seconday u-stem forms are marked with superscripted s.

62 4. Noun Declension 63

“stela” “libation” “clay tablet” erg. tuppianza

Plural n.-a. nt. æuwaåiÆI.A tuppaÆI.A gen tuppaÆI.A -aå d.-l.208 abl.

Singular

nom-acc æarmiyalli, GIÅTUKUL-li gen d.l. abl. erg.

Plural n.-a. nt. tilipuriÆI.A , gen d.-l.209 abl.

4.25 Other neuter i-stem nouns: annanuzzi (part of the leather harness), appali “deceit, trickery,” appuzzi “tallow, fat, grease,” arkammi (a musical instrument), armizzi “bridge” (< “arch”?), erimpi “cedar,” etri “food,”210 æΩli “pen, corral, sector,” æaråiæaråi “bad weather,” æaråiyalli “pithos vessel,” æazziwi “rite, cult act,” æuååelli “garbage pit,” intaluzzi “shovel,” iræui “basket,” iååalli “saliva, spittle,” iåæuzzi “belt, waistband,” etc.

4.26 In addition to tuppianza listed above, an ergative of the de-adjectival noun åannapili- / SUD-li “void” exists with the form SUD-li-an-za (cf. CHD sub åannapili- ).

4.27 Perhaps dual or collective in origin: elzi “scales,” æaåtae “bones,” æulali “distaff,”

208 Other loc. pls. æΩli(y)aå Laws §66 (HL 76f.; cf. also Melchert, AHP 35), ukt„riaå Laws §44b (HL 52f.),

209 Other loc. pls. æΩli(y)aå Laws §66 (HL 76f.; cf. also Melchert, AHP 35), ukt„riaå Laws §44b (HL 52f.),

210 This form may be a collective rather than the noun itself being neuter. Other derived stems in -ri- such as eåri- and SÍGkiåri- are common gender.

63 4. Noun Declension 64

4.28 4.2.7.1 Paradigms of common gender i-stem substantives (shown by nom. or acc. sg. forms) also having collective forms:

case “ritual pit” “shape, form”

Singular collective a-a-pí (SÍG)Ëåri, Ëååari nom. com. SÍGËåriå acc. com a-a-pí-in, a-pí-in SÍGËårin gen a-pí-aå d.-l. a-a-pí-ia, a-a-pí-ti Ëåri, Ëååari abl a-a-pí-ta-az, a-a-pí-da-az, a-a-pí- da-za ins

Plural nom-acc a-a-pí acc. com. a-pí-i-ia-aå gen d.-l. a-a-pí-ia-aå abl a-a-pí-ia-az, a-pí-ia-az ins

4.29 4.2.7.1 Paradigm of i-stem substantives with ablauting stem:211

Singular nom. com. weåiån acc. com. ma-a-ri-in o weåinn nom-acc gen d.l. ú-e-åa-i abl. ins. ma-a-ra-i-it o (/marayit/)

Plural nom. c. ma-a-ri-e-eå o ú-e-åa-e-eå acc. c. ma-a-ri-uå o ú-e-åa-uå

211 Largely based upon Neu 1985 259f.

64 4. Noun Declension 65 n.-a. nt. d.-l.

4.30 4.2.7.2 On the allative: antaki- is considered an i-stem, yet in the allative it shows a form antaga–ååa “to É his a.” KUB 36.44 iv 12.212 The stem of allative makziya KBo 22.186 ii 8 cannot yet be determined, since no case form exclusive to an i-stem has yet occurred.

2 4.31 4.2.8 Paradigm of mixed common and neuter i-stem noun æalæaltumar(i)- “corner” (HW H 27f.; HED H 20ff.). case “corner(s)” (mostly pl.)

Singular n. ac. gn all. or loc. [æal-æa]l-tu-u-ma-ri 213, æal-æal-tu-ma-ri 214 abl ins

Collective collective æalæaltumari, æalæalt„mari

Plural nom com.215 æalæaltumarÏËå gen æalæaltumariyaå, æalæaltumaraå, æalæaltummariyaå d.l. æalæaltumariyaå, æalæaltumaraå abl æalæaltumaraza

4.32 4.3 Of the gender nouns in -ai- the following are action nouns based on verbal roots: æalluwai - “quarrel”, æukmai- “incantation”, æullanzai - “defeat”, æurdai - “curse”, iåæamai- “song”, iåtarningai - “sickness”, maniyaææai- “administration, government”, åagai - “sign, portent”, åaklai- “law, custom”, wantai - “heat”, waåtai - “sin,” zaææai-

212 For antaki/a- see Melchert in Fs Hoffner (forthcoming).

213 So in HW2 H 27b, but doubtful, since the context is damaged, and all other examples are plural.

214 KBo 4.1 obv. 19 (so HED H 20).

215 A plural for æuluganni- is a priori unlikely, since it is a vehicle unique to the king. Alp’s (Alp 1991 162, 365) suggested restoration [æu-lu-]ga-an-ni-eå and interpretation as a plural (with a singular verb kitta!) HKM 24 left edge 2 is therefore not to be lightly accepted. The form can be an i-stem singular and even could be a form of æuluganni-, but surely not the plural nominative. Other pl. nom. forms: maåieå, paææurzieå, åaætarilieå, åapaåallieå, weåaeå.

65 4. Noun Declension 66

“battle, fighting,” lingai- “oath (< swearing)”. Not action nouns: æaåtai- “bone(s),” luttai- “window(s),” tuææuwai- “smoke”, zaærai - (an emblem).

4.33 Nouns in -ai- show ablaut in stem (Sommer 1932 356, HE2 §68a).

Case zaææai- “battle” lingai- “oath” æaåtae- “bone(s)” luttai- “window(s)”

Singular nom. com. zaææaiå lingaiå acc. com. zaææain, zaææin216 lingain, lingaen nom.-acc. neut. æaåtae, æaåtai gen. zaææiyaå linkiyaå, lingayaå luttiyaå d.-l. zaææiya linkiya, lingai, lenqai, luttiya lingae all. abl. zaææiyaz(a) li/enkiyaz(a) luttiyaz, luttanza inst. zaææait (< *zaææayit) erg. luttanza

Collective

(kË) MA-MITÆI.A æΩåtai, æaåtΩe luttai, luddΩi 217

Plural

GIÅ nom. com.218 lingaiå < *lingayeå AB.MEÅ-uå219 acc. com. lingauå, lingΩuå luttΩuå < *lingayuå d.-l. luttiyaå erg. linkiyanteå

Case “portent” “sin” “quarrel” “curse”

Singular nom. com. åagaiå waåtΩiå æalluwΩiå æurtΩiå acc. com. åagain waåtΩin æalluwΩin æurtΩin

216 With zaææain ~ zaææin compare åaklain ~ åaklin “law, custom”

217 Perhaps MA-MITÆI.A KUB 26.25 ii? 5-6 (*lingae), æΩåtai, æaåtΩe and luttai, luddΩi are rather collectives in -i. They inflect like neuters and take neut. sg. agreement. 218 Other forms in -auå in LH: åaklauå Bronze Tablet iii 66 (Tudh. IV).

219This and luttΩuå are “count plurals”, while luddΩi is a collective.

66 4. Noun Declension 67

Case “portent” “sin” “quarrel” “curse” gen. åakiyaå æurtiyaå d.-l. or all. æurtiya, æurtai abl. æalluwayaza æurtiyaz, æurdiyaz

Plural nom. com æurdaËå acc. com. åagauå waåtauå æurdauå, æurtauå collective åagae gen. æurdiyaå

Case “song” “law”

Singular nom. com. iåæamaiå åaklaiå acc. com. iåæamain åaklain, åaklin gen. d.-l. or all. abl.

Plural nom. com acc. com. collective åaklae gen.

4.34 An ablauting form of zaåæai- “dream” is pl. acc. zaåæimuå, which behaves as though the root were *zaåæi∑- ; cf. pl. acc. åimuå from åi∑- “god”. CREF §1.146, 4.41.

4.35 4.4 i- or u-stem adjectives (except for some substantival adjectives) show ablauting stems, taking the reduced grade in nominative and accusative singular, and the full grade ai or au in all other cases (Kammenhuber 1969b 194f., 280f., Neu 1985). For the origin of the oblique endings of the u-stem adjectives in -awaå, -awit, -aweå (PIE *ow + vowel), see Melchert 1984b 22. The (stem +) endings for the i-stem adjective would regularly be: nom. c. -iå -aeå or -aiå acc. c. -in, -auå nom.-acc. neut. -i, (older) -a, (secondary) -aya

67 4. Noun Declension 68 gen. (older) -aå, (secondary) -ayaå, loc. -ai, -ayaå ins. -it abl. (older) -az, (secondary) -ayaz

4.36 The forms in -a¥a- have a secondary restoration of intervocalic y which was lost in Proto-Anatolian (see (Sommer 1932 357 with lit., Goetze and Pedersen 1934 18ff., Melchert (1984b 44ff.). The forms that appear to be syncopated (åallaå < *åallayaå, åallaz < *åallayaz, åuppa < *åuppaya ) are actually the oldest in post-Proto- Anatolian Hittite. The four syllable adjective kar„ili- “old, former” regularly follows the nominal pattern of declension, with a non-ablauting i stem.

4.37 4.4.1 Paradigms of the i-stem adjectives (åalli - “large”, åuppi- “holy”, mekki- “many”, kar„ili- “former”; cf. also annauli-, appezzi-, æantezzi-, arawanni-, æaææari-, æarki-, æarwaåi-, æatuki-, æuelpi-, karåi-, lalukki-, palæi-, daluki-, dankui-, parkui-, waræui-): case “large” “holy, pure” “much, many”

Singular nom. c. åalliå220 åuppiå mekkiå acc. c. åallin åuppin n.-a.221 åalli åuppi mekki voc. *åalli (GAL-li) gen. åallaå, åallayaå 222 åuppayaå d.l. åallai 223, åalli åuppai, åuppaya, åuppi, åuppa all. åal-la 224 abl åallayazm225 åuppayaz(a), åuppaz(a)o226 meqqayaz ins åuppit

220 åal-li-iå KUB 29.1 ii 23 (OH/NS), åa-al-li-iå KUB 7.1 + KBo 3.8 iii 1 iv 17, KUB 12.66 iv 7, KUB 43.53 i 24 (pre- NH/NS), 221 Other neut. sg. forms: æarwaåi, …

222 åal-la-aå KBo 3.1 ii 31 (OH/NS), åal-la-ia-aå KUB 46.39 iii 22, IBoT 1.12 i 5.

223 åal-la-a-i KUB 31.100 rev. 10 (MH), åal-la-i KBo 34.185 i 1 (OH/MS?), KBo 3.1 ii 49 (OH/NS), KUB 1.1 iv 65 (NH).

224 Hapax in KBo 24.21 left edge 2 (MH?/MS).

225 åal-la-ia-a [z?] KUB 31.80 obv. 2, GAL-ya-az IBoT 1.36 i 60, 62, 63, 67 (MH/MS).

226 åuppaz GIÅBANÅUR-az KBo 17.74 + 21.25 + ABoT 8 ii 35, 43 (OS). åuppayaz KUB 2.5 i 21 (OH/NS, replacing åuppaz in older dupl.), KBo 27.42 iii 63, åuppayaza KUB 17.9 i 21 (myth, NS), åuppayazzi–y[a KUB 4.47 obv. 17 (NH).

68 4. Noun Declension 69

Plural nom c åallaËå, åalleå 227 åuppaËå, åuppiå228 meggaËå, meqqauå, mekk(i)eå229 acc c åallauå, åalliuå n230 åuppauå meggauå, meqqauå n.a åalla o, åallaya, åallai 231 åuppa meggaya gen åallayaå 232 meqqaiaå d.l. åallayaå åuppayaå abl åuppayaza

case “rough, dense” “pure” “dark”

Singular nom. c. waræuiå, waræ„Ïån parkuiå, parkueå dankuiå, tankuiå, dankuwayaån233 acc. c. waræuin, waræ„Ïnn, waræuÏn parkuin dankuinn, dank„Ïnn n.-a. waræui, waræ„i m+ parkui234 dankuio+ voc. gen. waræuwayaå parkuwaån, parkuwayaån dankuwayaåo++ d.l. parkuwaim, parkuwaya(?) dankuwaio++, dankuwΩio++, dankuio+, tankuin all. dankuwam+235 abl waræ„wayazn parkuwayaz(a) dankuwayaz,dankuwayazza, dankuyazn, dankuwazn ins parkuwΩitm dankuit

Plural

227 åal-la-e-eå KUB 36.118:10 (MH/MS), KBo 1.30:10, åal-le-eå Meskene 74.57:9 (NH).

228 åu-up-pa-e-eå KUB 17.21 ii 10, iii 4 (MH/MS).

229 me-eg-ga-e-eå KBo 3.1 ii 25 (OH/NS), me-eq-qa-e-eå KBo 5.3 iii 26 (Åupp. I), KUB 26.1 i 10 (Tudæ. IV), me-eq-qa-uå KUB 26.1 iii 60. 230 Vow of Pud. ii 25; analogic to subst.

231 åa-al-la (?) KUB 1.16 ii 66 (OH/NS), åa-al-la-ia ibid. ii 72 [Sommer, HAB 111], åal-la-i KBo 1.42 iv 24.

232 KUB 33.95 + 93 iv 15 (Ullik., pre-NH/NS).

233 KUB 6.46 ii 48 (Muw. II), ed. Singer 1996.

234 Written pár-ku-i, pár-ku-ú-i and pár-ku-u-i.

235 da!-an-ku-w[a tág]-na KBo 11.14 iii 26 (Hantitassu rit.).

69 4. Noun Declension 70 case “rough, dense” “pure” “dark” nom c waræuwaËå, waræ„iå n, waræuiå n, parkuwaËåm, parkuËåm, parkuwΩeå n, tankuwaËå, dankuwaËån, tankuËå waræuËå n parkuwaiå, parkuiËå n, acc c waræuwauå n n.a waræuwao++, waræuwayao++ parkuim, parkuem, parkuwan, tankuwaya, dankuwaya, tankuwa, parkuwae m, parkuwaya 0++ dankuwa, dankuwai gen d.l. parkuwayaåm, parkuiyaå abl uncert. waræuwaeåo++

case “white, bright” “wide” “former, primeval”

Singular nom. c. æarkiå palæiån236 kar„iliå, kar„ileå n acc. c. æarkin *palæin kar„ilin, kar„lin o++ n.-a. æarki *palæi kar„ili voc. gen. kar„iliyaåm+ d.l. kar„ilin all. abl kar„iliyazm+, kar„iliyaza ins kar„i[li]t m

Plural nom c æargaËå n palæΩËå o, palæΩeå m, palæaËå o++. kar„iliËåo++,m, kar„eliËåo++, palæiËå kar„ilieån, kar„iliuån, kar„iliyaån, kar„iliån, kar„ila n acc c kar„iliuåo++, kar„iliaå m n.a æarga kar„ila n, kar„ilim+, kar„iliyam+ gen d.l. kar„iliyaåm+, kar„iliaå n abl

236 Forms included here are only the adjective palæi-, not the noun. Additional forms attested for the noun are: sg. acc. com. palæan, palæin, gen. sg. palæaå, sg. loc. palæi, pl. nom.-acc. neut. palæa, palæaea , etc.

70 4. Noun Declension 71

4.38 4.4.1.1 The adjective æatuka/i- “long” has sg. nom. and acc. a-stem forms, but all other case forms approriate to an i-stem: sg. nom. c. æadugaå, sg. acc. c. æatugan, n.-a. neut. æatugan, loc. æatugai, abl. æatugayaz, pl. nom. com. æatugaeå, æadugaeå, acc. com. æatugauå .

4.39 4.4.1.2 The adjective daluki- “long” has an a-stem nom. com. sg. form (GÍD.DA-aå, NH), several oblique case forms approriate to an i-stem (dalugai, dalugayaz, talugaeå, dalugauå, talugay [a], and a d.-l. pl. form dalugawaå ,237 which resembles the corresponding form of the u-stem adjectives (CREF §4.49-§4.51). The unambiguous a-stem forms are NH or NS, and dalugawaå , if it is not an error, is MH/NS, probably from the NH scribe. The oldest occurrences (OH/MS and NS) point to an i-stem. case singular plural nom. com. GÍD.DA-aån238 talugaeå m acc. com. *dalugan dalugauå, dalugaeå n nom.-acc. neut. daluga 239 talugay[a240 gen. talugaå d.-l. dalugai 241 dalugawaå 242 abl. dalugayaz243 ins.

4.40 4.4.2 The adj. mekki- “much, many” also has a k-stem which exhibits the following forms: sg. com. acc. me-e-ek-kán, me-ek-kán, sg. nom.-acc. me-e-ek, pl. com. nom. me-e-ek-e-eå, me-ek-ke-eå, me-ek-ke-e-eå, pl. com. acc. me-ek-ku-uå. These forms are often erroneously mixed in with the forms of the stem mekki- in Hittite grammars (cf. Held, Schmalstieg, and Gertz 1987 16).

U-Stems

4.41 4.5 The inflection of u-stem and au-stem nouns is analogous to that of the i- and ai-stems (see Weitenberg 1984 and Neu 1985). The ablaut rules are the same: (1) endings which consist of simple consonants or zero are

237 KUB 27.67 ii 40, iii 44 (MH/NS), marked as suspect with “!” in HW 206.

238 KUB 26.1 iii 15 (Tudh. IV).

239 da-lu-ga TI-tar VAT 7481 iv 6 (EZEN› ITU, OH/NS??). Neut. sg./pl. as adv. taluga KBo 10.7 ii 27, 31.

240 KUB 17.10 iii 29 (OH/MS).

241 da-lu-ga-i KBo 10.24 v 9 (OH/NS).

242 KUB 27.67 ii 40 (MH/NS).

243 dalugayaz M[(U.KAM-za)] KUB 15.17 i 5 (NH).

71 4. Noun Declension 72 affixed directly the u, (2) case endings which begin with a vowel are affixed to the longer stem in -uw- or -aw-. In the acc. com. pl. the consonant m joins the stem to the ending -uå (æeyamuå, DINGIR.MEÅ-muå for *åimuå).

4.42 4.5.1 Several irregularities must be pointed out: (1) in the sg. d.-l. in NH an ending -e emerges as an alternative to -i,244 and (3) instead of the sequence *awu, amu was spoken (CREF §1.65): thus in acc. pl. forms: substantives: æeyamuå “rains”, kËlamuå “?”, wappamuå “banks”, adjectives: Ωååamuå “dear”, æalluwamuå “deep”, itΩlamuå “evil”, pargamuå “high”, åargamuå “preeminent”, å„wamuå “full”, daååamuå “heavy”, etc.

4.43 4.5.1.1 Some authorities affirm the existence of a sg. gen. in -uå (e.g., Weitenberg 1984 p. 315 §836). Others (e.g., Melchert 1984a) have declared themselves unconvinced by the sparse evidence. For emending the GIÅ GIÅ contextually gen. LÚ. TUKUL-uå (Laws §40, ms. A) to LÚ. TUKUL-åa! see HL 47f. The OS form of ÅA (HZL #158/11, see HL 237, third shape of ÅA in ms. A) is much closer in form to UÅ than are its post-OS forms.

4.44 4.5.2 For the m + -uå where it apparently does not belong see zaåæimuå “dreams” (< zaåæai-) Tunn. iii 51, GAL-lamuå (*åallamuå < åalli -) “great”.

4.45 4.5.3 The (stem +) endings for the u-stem (non-ablauting) substantive would regularly be:

Case Singular Plural nom. c. -uå -ueå acc. c. -un, -uå nom.-acc. neut. -u, -uwa gen. -uwaå -uwaå, -uwan245 loc. -ui, -uwaå ins. -uit -uit abl. -uwaz -uwaz

4.45 4.6 Paradigms for sample u-stem common gender nouns:

non-ablauting

“meadow” “king”

Singular nom com wËlluå LUGAL-uå 246

244 A thorough discussion of the ending -e on u-stems can be found in Neu 1985 187f. and Weitenberg 1984 p. 318.

245 It cannot be determined for certain whether LUGAL-an (*æaååuwan) is singular “of the king” or plural “of the kings”. Since the Hittite gen. ending -an derives from a PIE pl. gen. *-ˇm, we have listed it here as pl. 246The alleged syllabic writing of the nom. sg. æa-aå-åu-uå claimed by Güterbock 1957 in KUB 31.100 rev. 9-10 is shown by the parallel passage KBo 24.57 i 7-8 to be pl. acc. of æaåå- “ashes” (cf. Puhvel, HED H 210).

72 4. Noun Declension 73

non-ablauting

“meadow” “king” acc com wellun LUGAL-un n.-a. neut wellu247 voc LUGAL-ue gen wËlluwaåm, welluwaån æaååuwaå, LUGAL-wan d/l wËlluim, wËll„in LUGAL-i , LUGAL- ue248 all. Ú.SAL-wa abl welluwazm, wËlluwaz,well„waz LUGAL-waz ins Ú.SAL-it LUGAL-it?

Plural nom 249 LUGAL.MEÅ-iå acc LUGAL.MEÅ-uån gen. d/l wËlluaå, welluwaå LUGAL.MEÅ-aå

ablauting250 -au- diphthong stem

“rain”251 “river bank” “birth-stool”

Singular nom æeuå æarnauå acc æeun wappun æarnaun voc wappu gen æewaå, æeyawaå wappuwaå d/l wappui æarnawi abl wappuwaz ins æeawit

247 Weitenberg 1984 182f. considers this noun neut. in MH (ú-e-el-lu KBo 5.7 = LS 1), with a transfer to com. in NH. Cf. other neut. forms ú-e-el-lu VBoT 58 i 10 (OH/NS), ú-el-lu KUB 17.8 iv 27 (pre-NH/NS). ú-e-el-lu-wa[, probably neut. pl., in KUB 8.41 (StBoT 25 no. 109) ii 16. 248 Cf. §4.42 with fn., and §4.53 with fn.

249 Other u-stem pl. nom. com. forms: Étarnueå, æuppidanueå.

250 Also ablauting is (TÚG)åeknu- (longer grade åeknau-); on the ablauting suffix -nu-/-nau- cf. Weitenberg 1984 221f.

251 On Hittite æeu- see Ünal 1977 and Neu 1981a with their literature.

73 4. Noun Declension 74

Plural nom 252 æeweå, æeyaweå acc æeuå, æeamuå wappamuåo gen. d/l

4.46 Weitenberg 1984 270f. regards taåku(i)- “testicle”, warku(i)-,and waåku(i)- as secondary u-stems developed from primary i-stems.

4.47 The noun æeu- “rain” already in OH has an ablauting paradigm of the type shown by the adjective idΩlu-, but this is far too early to be the result of analogy with the u-stem adjectives (Kammenhuber 1969b 281, Neu 1985 260 §2.1).

4.48 kutru-253: Nom. sg. kutru(w)aå254, d.-l. kutrui, nom. pl. com. kutrueå, kutruwaå, kutruå, kutruwaneå, kutruweneå255, d.-l. pl. kutruaå.

4.49 4.6.0.1 Paradigms for nouns with -nu-/-nau- stem (see Oettinger 1976):

“birth-stool” “sole (of foot)” “upper arm” (a garment) “stream”

Singular nom. c. æarnauå acc. c. æarnaun åeknun, åiknun n.-a. neut æarganau iåæunau åekunu, åiknu aråanu voc gen æargan[awaå ] iåæunawaå åeknuwaå, åeknuå(?) d/l æarnawi æarganawi iåæunawi åËknawi, åeknu(i) abl åiknuaz, åË[knawaz] ins

Plural nom. c. acc. c. åeknuå

252 Other u-stem pl. nom. com. forms: Étarnueå, æuppidanueå.

253It is possible that this word is an a-stem, kutruwa-, kutruwana-. Weitenberg 1984 220 “Die Bildung von kutru(wan)- ist aber im Wesentlichen unklar.” 254 So also HW 121. Kronasser, EHS 76 argued for a sg. gen. form.

255 On the spelling ku-tar-ú-e-né-eå for /kutruwenes/ see EHS 16, AHP 29, and Melchert 1997b.

74 4. Noun Declension 75 n.-a. neut gen. d/l æarganawaå iåæ„nawaå

4.50 4.6.0.2 The noun åiu- “god” has a complex inflexion.256 From the stem åiu-: sg. nom. DINGIR-uå (*åiuå), pl. acc. åimuå, DINGIR.MEÅ-uå (< *åiwuå). An augmented stem åiun(i)- co-exists (sg. nom. åiuniå, acc. åiunin, pl. nom. åiwannieå), from which all oblique case forms derive: sg. gen. åiunaå, d.-l. åiuni, pl. gen. åiunan, åiunaå, inst. åiunit.

4.51 4.6.1 Paradigms for the (non-ablauting257) u-stem nouns of neuter gender:

Singular Plural

“knee” “tree” “knee” “tree” n/a genu258 tΩru genuwa tΩru gen genuwaå tΩruwaå genuwaå tΩruwaå all genuwa d/l tΩrui genuwaå abl genuwaz ins tΩruit

4.52 4.6.1.1 The nouns æaååu- “king” and taru - “tree, wood” have been normalized in the above paradigms. In the actual texts they are only rarely spelled phonetically, and usually are written with the LUGAL-uå and GIÅ-ru. The phonetically identical sg. and pl. forms of the nom.-acc. neuter noun are distinguished graphically in the texts ÆI.A by means of the plural determinative: GIÅ-ru (sg.) and GIÅ-ru (pl.).

4.53 4.6.2 The (stem +) endings for the u-stem adjective would regularly be:

Case Singular Plural nom. c. -uå -aweå acc. c. -un, -amuå nom.-acc. neut. -u, -awa gen. (older) -aå, (secondary) -awaå, loc. -awi, -awe259 -awaå

256 See Ehelolf 1936, Goetze and Pedersen 1934 72f., 80, Laroche 1967, Kammenhuber 1969b141, 182f., 186, 290f., and Steiner 1971. 257 The only form in the paradigm showing ablaut is the acc. pl. com.(!) wappamuå.KUB 33.10 ii 11 (OH/MS)

258 The alleged common gender form ge-nu-uå abstracted from genuååuå, ginuååi, ginuååin (see HW 107 and Held, Schmalstieg, and Gertz 1987 16) has been explained by Eichner 1979 as a false analysis of genuååi-.

75 4. Noun Declension 76 ins. -awit, abl. -awaz,

4.54 4.6.3 Substantivized adjectives sometimes ablaut, and sometimes not: e.g., Ωååuwaz and Ωååawaz “with goods” in the NH composition Deeds of Åuppiluliuma (Weitenberg 1984 322f.).

4.55 4.7 Paradigms for the u-stem (non-substantivized, i.e., ablauting) adjectives (for other forms cf. alpu-, æallu-, æatku- “narrow”, æueåu-, panku-, åarku-, åuu- “full”, dampu-, daååu- “heavy, mighty”, tepåu-, tepu- “small, few”):

“good” “high” “bad” “raw, uncooked” “all, entire”

Singular n c Ωååuå parkuå idΩluå — pankuå, panguå a c Ωååun parkun idΩlun — pankun n/a n Ωååu parku idΩlu æuiåu, æueåu panku gen Ωååawaå —260 ÆUL-uwaå261 pangauwaå d/l Ωååawi, pargawi, pár-ga-u-e- idΩlawi, idΩlawe pangawi, Ωååawe i262 pangawe abl Ωååawaza pargawaz idΩlawaz, ÆUL- æueåauwaz(a), æuiåawaz, pangawaz uwaz263 æuiååauwaza, æuåuwaza, æueåuwaza ins Ωååawet idΩlawit pankuit

Plural nom Ωååaweå pargaweå idΩlaweå æuiåaweå, æuwiåaweå, æueåaweå pangaweå com acc. Ωååamuå pargamuå, pargauå, idΩlamuå panqaweå com pargaweå 264

259 Cf. §4.42 with fn. In the loc. sg. of u-stem subst. and adj. the stem vowel u tends (already in OH) to color the loc. ending vowel i to e. This is so common as to resist interpretation as an anomaly. Weitenberg is cautious and claims the formation is not prior to Muw. II. But in view of three cases of OH/NS and two of MH/NS we would hesitate to exclude its beginnings in the pre-NH period. 260 pár-ku-wa-aå KUB 10.11 i 11 (HW 161) for expected *pargawaå, does not exist, since the form in question is from parkui- “pure”. 261 Forms like ÆUL-u-wa-aå KBo 4.14 iii 17 need not imply *idΩluwaå, since the complement can represent the final signs of *i-da-a-la-u-wa-aå. 262 pár-ga-u-i. A form pár-ga-u-e-i is also attested once (KBo 3.8 iii 10), a conflation of pár-ga-u-i and pár-ga-u-e. All currently attested sg. loc. forms are NH or at least NS. 263 The hapax i-da-a-la-az uddΩnaz KUB 15.42 ii 9 (HW and HED) may be a mistake for i-da-a-la<-u>-az. There is no phonological explanation for the form as it stands.

76 4. Noun Declension 77 n-a Ωååawa pargawa idΩlawa neut gen idΩlawaå , ÆUL- uwaå d/l pargawaå idΩlawaå æuiåaaå abl idΩlawaza ins Ωååawet

case “small, few” “heavy” “narrow, tight” “deep” “blunt”

Singular n c tepuå daååuå, taååuå æatkuå — a c tepun daååun æatkun n/a n tepu daååu, taååu dam-pu gen tepawaå æalluwaå d/l tepawe abl tepawaz(a) æatgawaz O æalluwaz ins

Plural pl. n c tepawËå daååaweå æalluËå, æalluå 265 pl a c *tepamuå daååamuå æalluwamuå, [æal]luwauå pl n-a neut tepawa daååawa gen d/l æalluwaå abl ins

4.56 4.8 The verb utne “land, country” has the following forms. For preservation of tn cf. §1.138

Sg. Pl. nom.-acc. utne utne erg. utneyanza utneyanteå gen. utneyaå utneyaå

264pár-ga-u-e-eå KBo 4.4 iv 30 (AM 138).

265 æal-lu-uå KUB 31.71 iii! 9 (LH).

77 4. Noun Declension 78 loc. utne, KUR-e utneyaå all. — — abl. utneyaz utneyaz

NOUNS WITH CONSONANTAL STEMS

4.58 5.1 For athematic nominal suffixes in PIE see Watkins 1998 62f. For nouns with consonantal stems in the Old Anatolian languages cf. Kammenhuber 1969b 196ff., 283ff., and Meriggi 1980 §§93-130.

4.59 5.1.1 Only a limited number of consonants or consonant clusters are capable of occurring in this final position: æ, l, n, t, r, and å. In OH, however, alongside the more common adjectival stem mekki- “much, many” there existed a k-stem mekk- (CREF §2.16 and CHD sub mekki-). This is the only velar stem known at present. Bilabial consonants do not occur in stem-final position. There are no b/p-stems, and the only m-stem is giem- “winter,” attested in the loc. sg. gi-e-mi “in winter” (Rieken 1999a 77f.). No Hittite word ends in m, and word-final b/p is rare (Melchert 1994 111f.).

4.60 5.2 Most n-stem nouns are neuter (Kammenhuber 1969b 197f. [§19.5], Oettinger 1980): tekan “earth,” argaman “tribute,” erman “illness,” laman “name,” kuååan “wage,” åaææan “feudal due,” naææan “fear, reverence,” æengan “death, plague,” takåan “midst,” åekan “span,” ilan “step, degree,” inan “disease.” Hittite tekan continues a PIE noun that was animate (CREF §4.64).

4.61 5.2.1 The a in the final syllable -an of some n-stems does not appear in their oblique cases: laman “name” (gen. lamnaå, not *lamanaå), åaraman (a kind of bread) (abl. åaramnaz ), kuååan “wage” (loc. kuåni), tekan “earth” (gen. tagnΩå ), wilan “clay” (gen. wilnaå).

4.62 5.2.2 Paradigms for the n-stems:

SINGULAR

(a tax or obligation) “name” (a kind of bread) nom. c. acc. c. n.-a. n. åaææan laman gen. åaææanaå lamnaå åaramannaå, åaramnaå, åarammaå d.-l. åaææani, åaææΩni lamni, lamman266 åaramni

266The so-called endingless locative. Melchert 1991 126 argues that Hittite signs of the type C⁄vC¤ followed immediately by a sign of type C¤v(C) should be read C⁄v unless there is elsewhere an attested writing C⁄v-vC¤-C¤v- which proves that C¤ was actually geminated. On that basis he would interpret lam-ma-an here as laman, not lamman. This represents a very cautious method, but perhaps too much so. The application of this method would mean that we could only know by

78 4. Noun Declension 79 abl. åaææanaz, åaææanaza ÅUM-za åaramnaz, åarammanaz inst. åaææanit, åΩææanit lamnit åaramnit

PLURAL nom. c. acc. c. n.-a. n. åaææani åaram(ma)na, åaramma, åarΩma d.-l. åaææanaå lamnaå åaramnaå

SINGULAR

“wage, fee” “plague” “oil” nom. c. acc. c. n.-a. n. kuååan, k„åan æinkan, æenkan *åagan 267 gen. æinqanaå, æinganaå, ÚÅ-aå åagnΩå d.-l. kuåni, kuååani æengani, æingani, æeganni, åagni268 æikanni, ÚÅ-ni abl. kuånaz, kuååanaz æinganaz(a). inst. åaganda 269

PLURAL nom. c. acc. c. n.-a. n. ku-uå-åa-ni270 d.-l.

4.63 5.2.3 Paradigms for n-stems with ablaut (only example: tegan “earth”) (Kammenhuber 1969b 197, 225, 283, 286, 302):

n.-a. neut. tËgan271

etymology that the common preverb/postposition kat-ta contained an internal t. Hittite words which begin with katt… and kapp… are almost always written with CVC signs. 267Written Ì-an.

268åa-ag-ni KBo 32.14 iii 11 (MH/MS).

269åa-gán-da KBo 22.2 obv. 2 (OS).

270This form in -i could be a collective.

79 4. Noun Declension 80

gen. tagnΩå

d.-l. tagnÏ272, tagΩn 273

all. tagnΩ 274

abl. tagnΩz (a)

Alternating vowel length in this paradigm as well as ablaut grades suggest word stress on the plene position (Melchert 1994 185), CREF §1.26.

4.64 5.2.4 Common gender n-stem nouns. Although inherited common gender n-stem nouns were rarely transferred to the neuter gender (CREF tekan “earth” §4.63 [*5.2.3] which developed in Hittite a derived common gender homonym daganzipa-), at least two patterns of treating inherited common gender n-stem nouns that preserve their original gender have been proposed (see Weitenberg 1995): (1) MUNUS-n- “woman,” nom. MUNUS-za,275 åumman- “rope,” nom. åummanza, iåtan- “soul,” nom. iåtanza, gen. iåtanzanaå , and (2) æΩran- “eagle,” nom. æΩraå , gen. æΩranaå , and iåæiman- “cord” (sg. nom. iåæimΩå [KBo 17.15 obv. 11, OH], acc. iåæimenan; so Oettinger 1982a 235; cf. also Gusmani 1979 133, Neu 1981b 350f., Oettinger 1982b 165ff., 174ff. Luraghi 1997 §2.1.6.1 considers memiya- “word” an n-stem common gender noun, which elides its n-stem immediately before the å of the nom. sg.276).

4.65 5.2.4.1 The first pattern is illustrated by the paradigm for MUNUS-n- “woman.” If Neu (1990) and Carruba (1991; 1993) are right, the underlying Hittite word was kuinn(a)-. But see Güterbock’s objections (1992; 1995a).

SINGULAR nom. c. MUNUS-za, MUNUS-aå277, MUNUS-iå 278

271This word is conventionally written tekan, taknΩå in broad transcription. The endingless locative da-ga-an with its single writing between vowels suggests that the velar was voiced. The nature (in Hittite) of the initial stop (d or t) is uncertain. 272 AHP 185, 187, 361.

273The grade tagΩn (OS) or dagan occurs also in the compound noun daganzipa- (dagan + z/åipa-) “earth-genius” > “earth.”

274Written tág-na-a .

275 On suggestions for the Hittite word underlying MUNUS (earlier reading SAL) “woman” (either *g(u)wen-, or *g(u)wan-) see Neu 1990; Carruba 1991; Güterbock 1992; Carruba 1993 and Puhvel (1997 306ff.). Cf. below in §7.5.1. 276But then one would expect the acc. sg. to be *meminan or *memiyanan rather than me-mi-an, in the manner of iåæimenan, iåæimanan with nom. sg. iåæimΩå. Cf. §5.2.2. 277Presumably, MUNUS-aå reflects the same treatment of *-an + -å as iå-æi-ma-a-aå. The normal form, however, is MUNUS- za. 278 MUNUS-iå KUB 44.4 + KBo 13.241 rev. 27.

80 4. Noun Declension 81 acc. c. MUNUS-nan, MUNUS-an gen. MUNUS-naå, MUNUS-aå d.-l. MUNUS-ni, MUNUS-i

PLURAL nom. MUNUS.MEÅ-eå, MUNUS.MEÅ-iå, MUNUS.MEÅ-uån acc. MUNUS.MEÅ-uå gen. MUNUS.MEÅ-aå d.-l. MUNUS.MEÅ-aå

4.66 5.2.4.2 Nouns following the second pattern of transferrance appear to decline partially as n-stems and partially as a- or i-stems (5.2.6): vocalic stems in the nom. and acc. sg., n-stems in most other positions. Partial a- stems are: arkamma(n)- “tribute,” alkiåta(n)- “branch,” æΩra(n)- “eagle,” kuwanna(n)- “(semiprecious) stone,” erma(n)- “sickness, and eya(n) “fir(?) tree,” memiaå “word, thing” (gen. memiyanaå, inst. meminit), and iåæimΩå (acc. iåæima/enan) “cord.” muri-, murin-, muriyan- “grape cluster” appears to be a partial i-stem. memiya-, arkamma- and muri- form their acc. sg. on the vocalic stem. æΩra- “eagle” has such a form in æΩran . The existence of the secondary nom. sg. iåæimanaå matching acc. sg. iåæimanan might suggest the existence of (as yet unattested) late nom. sg. *æΩranaå “eagle.”

4.67 5.2.5 Paradigms for the nouns that decline partially as n-stems and partially as a- or i-stems (Friedrich 1960 §88):

“word” “tribute” “cord, rope” “eagle” “stone” (an “grape evergreen cluster” tree)

SINGULAR

o nom.c memi(y)aå arkammaå iåæimΩå , æΩraå o mureå, iåæimanaå m„riå acc.c memi(y)an arkamman iåæimenan, æΩranan o, murin 279 iåæimanan, æΩran n iåæaminan n.a.neut memi(y)an kuwannan, eya, kunnanan, eyan280 kunnan gen memiyanaå arkammanaå æΩranaå o kunnaå, eyaå, kunnanaå eyanaå

279 Acc. sg. æΩranan is OH/OS; æΩran is not before MH and is probably a back formation, analogic to nom. æΩraå.

280Sometimews written e-a-an.

81 4. Noun Declension 82

“word” “tribute” “cord, rope” “eagle” “stone” (an “grape evergreen cluster” tree) d.-l. memini, arkammani eya, eyani memiyani, memieni abl memi(ya)naza iåæimanaz kuwannanaza eyaz ins memi(ya)nit iåæimanit, kunnanit eyanit m„rinit iåæimanda, iåæimanta

PLURAL nom.c iåæimΩneåo, æΩraniå iåæimanteåo acc.c memiyanuå, arkammuå, iåæimanuå m„riuåo, memiyaneå, argamanuå m„riyanuå memiyaå n.-a. kuwanna GIÅeye neut. gen memiyanaå arkammanaå d.-l. memiyanaå kuwannanaå

4.68 Note that the adverbial derivative “like an eagle” shows the n-stem: æΩranili . For the instrumental forms iåæimanda, iåæimanta CREF §3.27. iåæimanaå is the only example in this class of nouns of the longer n-containing ending in the nom. sg.

4.69 5.2.6 *kutru-/kutruwen- “witness” is thought by some to be a partial u-stem and partial n-stem (Kammenhuber 1969b 186); but this is probably an a-stem kutruwa-/kutruwana-:

SINGULAR PLURAL nom. kutruwaå281 kutrueå, kutruwaå, kutruå282, kutruwaneå, kutruweneå283, kutarweneå284 d.-l. kutrui kutruwaå

4.70 5.3 l-stem nouns. According to Friedrich 1960 p. 54 §79 all l-stem nouns are neuters (see also Kammenhuber 1969b 297ff.).

281KBo 15.25 obv. 35 nu–za zik ∂UTU-uå kutruwaå Ëå.

282In kutr„åå–a (var. kutruwaåå–a ) EGIR-an / iyanteå aåandu KUB 13.4 ii 36-37 the form kutr„å is nom. pl., not sg.

283 For ku-ut-ru-e-… and ku-tar-ú-e-… see Melchert, AHP 29.

284ku-tar-ú-e-ne-eå KUB 40.36+ ii 9. On this writing see §1.84.

82 4. Noun Declension 83

4.71 5.3.2 Nouns ending in -al are: æaææal (?), iåæiyal “band,” memal “meal,” æuæupal (musical instrument),285 åuppal “domestic animal,” tawaral (a kind of bread), katral (a metal harness piece), åiyattal “blade(?),” kurtal (a container), tawal (an intoxicating beverage), mal (a quality desirable for men in combat, such as boldness, ferocity, skill), puriyal “lip cover.”

4.72 5.3.5 Paradigms for the stems in -al:

SINGULAR

“brushwood(?), “meal, groats” (a beverage) (musical “cattle” underbrush(?)” instrument) nom com åuppalaå o++ acc. com n.-a. n. æaææal memal tawal æuæupal åuppal, åuppalan n erg. åuppalanza gen. æaææallaå memalaå, memallaå tawalaå d.-l. æaææali tawali æuæupali åupli, åuppali abl. memallaz tawalaz æuæupalaz inst. æaææallit, æaææalit memalit, memallit tawalit, tawallit æuæupalit

PLURAL nom com

n.-a. n. æuæupal, åuppala æuæupΩla, æuæupalli gen. åuppalan o+ 286 d.-l. æaææallaå nom.-acc. sg. and pl. iåæial .

4.73 5.3.3 Nouns ending in -e/il are: æurkel “unnatural sex act, incest,” alel “blossom, flower,” æurutel (kind of stew), dammaåæuel (variety of pear tree?), gazzimuel (leather harness piece), åuel “thread,” pa(æ)åuel (kind of fodder), tayazzel “theft,” åarnikzel “compensatory payment,” gazzimuel (a lether part of the harness), æurutel (a cooked food), æapalzel (kind of stew?). æapalzel sometimes dissimilated to æapalzir .

“blossom” “thread” “incest” “compensatory (Other) payment”

285 On this noun see Melchert 1988a; Polvani 1988; Güterbock 1995b; Prins 1997 57f, 117; Dinçol 1998.

286 åuppalan–a æanneååar KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44+ i 43 (OH/NS).

83 4. Noun Declension 84

SINGULAR nom com acc. com n.-a. n. alel, alil åuel, åuil æurkel, æurkil åarnikzil gen. alilaå æurkilaå287 åarnikzilaå d.-l. alili, aleli åuili abl. alilaz æurkilaza åarnikzilaz inst. åuilit æurutilit

PLURAL nom com alilaå (?)

åarnikziluå288 n.-a. n. aleliÆI.A gen.

4.74 5.3.4 Nouns ending in -ul (CREF §2.1 ) are: kazzarnul (a textile), pul “lot,” paææurul (an implement), aååul “goodness, favor, well being” takåul “peace, friendship,” and the deverbatives iåæiul “obligation, treaty” < iåæiya- “to bind,” immiul “mixture” < immiya- “to mix,” paråiul “crumb” < paråiya- “to crumble,” waåtul “sin, offence” < waåta- “to miss the mark, sin,” and åeåarul “sieve” < åeåariya- “to sift.” And alternate com. gender a- stem aååula- exists for aååul “favor, well being” with nom. sg. aååulaå and acc. sg. aååulan. The gen. sg. aååulaå and the d.-l. sg. aååuli could just as well belong to it as to the neut. l-stem. There are no l-stem adjectives unless takåul is one. A noun takåul means “peace, alliance.” According to Neu 1979b both kurur and takåul are nouns, not adjectives. Because the forms takåuli “peacefully” and aååuli “in a friendly way” frequently occur in adverbial position between preverb or negative and verb, it is possible that instead of d.-l. sg. they are neut. pl. like iåæiuli “treaties, obligations.” Adverbial neut. plurals are more common than dat.-loc.

“sin” “obligation, treaty” “well being” “peace, friendship”

SINGULAR nom-acc n waåtul, waådul iåæiul aååul takåul gen uåtulaåo, waådulaå, iåæiulaå aååulaå takåulaå waåtulaå, waåtullaå

287æur-ke-la-aå and æur-ke-la-za are also possible readings.

288 On this form as evidence of animacy see Melchert 1997a 713.

84 4. Noun Declension 85

“sin” “obligation, treaty” “well being” “peace, friendship” dat-loc waåduli, waåtulli aååuli takåuli abl waåtullaz, waådulaza iåæiulaza ins waådulit, waåtulit takåulit

PLURAL nom-acc n waåtulÆI.A iåæiuli aååuli takåul, takåuli

Case “mixture” “crumb”

SINGULAR nom.-acc. immiul, imiul paråiul gen. immiulaå

PLURAL nom.-acc. paråulli

Cf. also aåandul(a)-: dat.-loc. aåanduli.

4.75 5.4 Of the r-stem nouns, those in -ur are all neuters, likewise most of those in -e/ir (exception: æaåter- “star”289).

4.76 5.4.1 Paradigms of nouns in -ur and -er:

soup, stew ritual (a body part) brush wood star

SINGULAR nom.c æaåterza acc.c MUL-an290 n.a. parå„r aniur, aniyawar kudur æaåduir, æaåduer gen parå„raå aniuraå d.-l. *paråuri abl parå„razzi 291 aniuraz æaåduirraza

289See Weitenberg 1995 334f. citing anterior literature.

290Probably *æaåtiran.

291Cf. §3.25.

85 4. Noun Declension 86

soup, stew ritual (a body part) brush wood star ins parå„rit

PLURAL nom.c æalæaltumareå acc.c coll. æalæaltumari aniuri 292 n.a. kudur(r)a æaåduir

4.77 5.4.1.1 Of those in -ar all examples show a mixed paradigm containing some neuter and some common h gender forms. The PIE r-stem polysyllabic animate nouns (e.g., kinship terms like *ph2tË∏r “father” and *d ugh2tË∏r “daughter,” cf. Beekes 1995 174, 177; Sihler 1995 287-292 §§279-283) are generally transferred to the a-stem class in Hittite: e.g., agent nouns in -tara- (< PIE *-tor). Kammenhuber 1969b 288 noted Palaic åΩwidΩr (nom. sg.) with acc. sg. åΩwitiran “horn (as musical instrument),” which in Hittite has become a neuter noun åawatar , pl. åawitra , as a relic. It is the nouns in -ar also which exhibit occasional forms with vocalic stems (acc. pl. æappariuå , åuppiåduwariuå, kiååariuå, åittariuå, acc. sg. åittaran and åittarin, gen and d.-l. pl. æalæaltummariyaå ).

(a vessel) (com.) “purchase, sale” (neut.)

SINGULAR nom.c æupparaå acc.c n.a. æuppar æappar gen æupparaå d.-l. æuppari æappari abl æupparaza æapparaz ins æupparit

PLURAL nom.c acc.c æappariuå coll. æuppari n.a.

4.78 5.4.1.2 The nom. com. sg. åittar is to be compared with keååar–åiå “his hand” (animate gender by concord with the clitic possessive).

292Incorrectly registered as dat.-loc. sg. in HED 1:70.

86 4. Noun Declension 87

“sun disk” (com.) “hand”293

SINGULAR nom. com. åittar keååaro, kiååiraå, keååeraå, keååiraå 294 acc. com. åittara/in kiååeran, kiååiran 295 gen. kiååaraå d.-l. kiååari296, kiååiri, kiåri297, keååar all. kiårΩ298 abl. åittaraz, åittarza kiååaraz ins. kiååerit, kiååirit, kiååarta 299

PLURAL nom. åittareå kiååariå acc. åittariuå, åittaraå kiååeruå, kiååariuå, ÅU.ÆI.A-uå, ÅU.MEÅ-uå abl. kiååaraz ins. ÅU.ÆI.A-it

4.79 The alternation of e, i, a and zero between the åå and the r of the word for “hand” probably indicates that no vowel stood in that position, and the word contained a cluster ssr (so Melchert 1994 29). In the earlier stages of Hittite the word for “hand” had the following paradigm (Friedrich 1960 §80b): sg. nom. ke-eå-åar, sg. all. ki-iå-ra- a, sg. loc. ki-iå-ri300 or ke-eå-åar, sg. inst. ki-iå-åar-at, pl. dat.-loc. ki-iå-ra-aå. In OH the vowel in the first syllable of keååar was stressed e, but in the other forms of the paradigm was unstressed i (Melchert 1994 101). In the later language “hand” became a common gender a-stem noun.

293 Since even in OH there exists no accusative keååar, only nominatives, it may well be that OH keååar was a common gender r-stem, not neuter (pace Kammenhuber, HbOr 281, 287, 310). Thus keååar–åiå KBo 6.3 i 6 (Laws §3, OH/NS) would not show lack of concord. It would be like åittar. 294 ki-iå-åi-ra-aå VBoT 58 i 39 (OH/NS).

295 ki-åe-ra-aå-åa-an (*kiååeran–åan “his hand”) KBo 3.27 obv. 3 (OH/NS), ki-iå-åe-ra-an KUB 11.34+ IBoT 4.54 iv 6 (OH/NS), KBo 24.45 obv. 31 296 ki-iå-åa-ri StBoT 8 i 28 (OS), ki-iå-åa-ri-iå-mi “in(to) their hand” StBoT 8 i 20 (OS), ki-iå-åa-ri-iå-åi “in(to) his hand” KBo 3.1 i 70 (OH/NS), ki-iå-åa-ri-mi ibid. ii 22, KBo 3.23 i 4 (OH/NS), 297ki-iå-ri-i “in(to) the hand” HKM 44:10 (MH/MS), ki-iå-ri-mi “in(to) my hand” KBo 3.28:7, ki-iå-ri-it-ti “in(to) your hand” KBo 3.21 ii 5 (Adad hymn, MH/NS), KUB 31.127 i 23. 298 KBo 8.42 rev. 4 (OS or OH/MS).

299 ki-iå-åi-ri-it KUB 30.37 i 5, 6 (cult inv., NH?).

300 ki-iå-ri-mi KBo 3.28 ii 7 (OH/NS) from OS form *ki-iå-ri-im-mi with the stress on the second syllable. See ki-iå-ri-it-ti KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44+ i 23 (OH/NS). NS scribes retained the -it-ti and -iå-åi writings, but generally simplified the -im- mi ones. ki-iå-ri KUB 56.43 iv 7 (OH/NS).

87 4. Noun Declension 88

4.80 5.4.2 Paradigms for the r-stem adjectives:

Case “hostilility” “full, complete” “ominous, monstrous”

SINGULAR nom.c. kurur, kururaå 301 åakuwaååaraå acc.c. åakuwaååaran kallaran n.-a. neut kurur åakuwaååar kallar gen. kururaå åakuwaååaraå d.-l. kururi åakuwaååari abl. åakuwaååaraza ins. åakuwaååarit kallarit

PLURAL nom.c. kurur åakuwaååaruå acc.c. åakuwaååaruå n.-a. neut. kurur, kururi HI.A, kurura kallar, kallΩra gen. kururaå

4.81 5.4.3 Of the pure r-stems only two nouns exhibit both syncope (CREF §0) and ablaut (vowel gradation, CREF §1.53) in their declension. The noun keååar “hand” occurs as a common gender, asigmatic r-stem only in Old Hittite,302 so that all forms for it in this paradigm are taken from Old Hittite texts. åawatar “horn (musical instrument)” on the contrary exhibits syncope and vowel gradation in New Hittite as well. In NH the noun for “hand” declines as an a-stem of common gender (keååaraå).

4.82 5.4.3.1 The adverbs kitkarza and andurza may be original ablatives of r-stem nouns of the type åittarza , CREF §3.22, §3.24, §4.78.

4.83 5.5 Neuter s-stem nouns in PIE followed the protero-dynamic Beekes 1995 185-186) or acro-static h h inflection (Sihler 1995 305) (e.g., *néb os, *néb es- “cloud, heavens”). Where the derivation is transparent, neuter å-stem nouns were built to tonic e-grades of verb roots (Sihler 1995 305). In Hittite all å-stem nouns are neuter. The following nouns belong to the å-stem class: aiå “mouth,” ankiå (a kind of plant), æandaiå “heat,” æapuåaå (a body part), æaå “soap,” æupallaå “scalp(?) or skull(?),” iåkiå “back,” kutriå “reckoning” (cf. HED K 298), nepiå “sky, heaven,” purpuriå (a vessel), kalmuå “lituus, crook” maldaniå “mushroom(?),” dannaå (a kind of bread), zaåkaraiå “anus” (< zaåkar “excrement” + aiå “mouth”).

301Neu 1983 97 with n. 354 takes these two forms as nouns, the latter a genitive.

302There is no example of a contextually accusative form of keååar, nor any ergative. Therefore Neu reasons it is an asigmatic r-stem noun of common gender; cf. Greek oJ pathvr “father.”

88 4. Noun Declension 89

4.84 5.5.1 Another group of nouns shows alternation between the å-stem and a shorter vocalic stem: æapuåa(å) (a body part), tapuwa(å) “rib, side,” æulli(å) “pine cone,” iduri(å) (a kind of bread).

4.85 5.5.2 Yet a third group shows occasional extension of the s-stem by a thematic vowel a: iåkiå(a)- “back,” nepiå(a)- “sky,” ateå(a)- “axe.”

4.86 5.5.3 Paradigms for the å-stem nouns:

“sky” “mouth” “soap, ash, alkali” dannaå-bread

SINGULAR nom.c æaå, æaååaå acc.c æaååan n.a. nepiå303 aiå dannaå gen nepiåaå, nepiåan 304 iååaå d.-l. nepiåi, nepiå iååi, aiååi all. nepiåa305 iååa abl. nepiåzao306, nepiåaz(a)n iååaz dannaz (a) ins. iååit dannaåit erg. nepiåanza

PLURAL acc.c KA≈U.ÆI.A-uå307 æaååuå n.a. d.-l.

“lituus” “back” “side”

SINGULAR nom.c acc.c

303 ne-e-pí-iå (OS), ne-pí-iå (OS and later), ne-pé-eå only in NS; cf. CHD L-N 448. Plene writing of the initial syllable is common in OS. 304 This form may be gen. pl. (see CHD L-N 448).

305 ne-e-pí-åa (OS), ne-pí-åa (NS).

306 ne-e-pí-iå-za (OS), ne-pí-iå-za (OS and OH/NS). Understood from context as gen. sg. by Otten 1951 40 and Kronasser 1966 327. 307KUB 14.4 ii 10 (NH).

89 4. Noun Declension 90 n.a. kalmuå iåkiå tapuwaå gen kalmuåiyaå, kalmuåaå iåkiåaå tapuwaååaå, tapuwaå d.-l. kalmuåi iåkiåi all. iåkiåa abl. kalmuåati iåkiåaz ins. iåkiåitti? erg.

PLURAL acc.c n.a. iåkiåa d.-l. tapuwaå

4.87 5.5.4 One æ-stem noun is known, iåqaruæ (a vessel). Its declined forms are: n.-a. iåqaruæ , iågaruæ, iåkariæ (OH/MS), d.-l. iåqaruæi , ins. iågaruæit, iåkaruæit, iåqaruæit .

4.88 5.6 PIE t-stems are rare (Beekes 1995 178). But due to the wide use and productivity of a derivational suffix -att- used to form action nouns the number of t-stem nouns in Hittite is fairly large (Pedersen 1938 40-41; Kronasser 1956 129-31; Kronasser 1966 254-56; Kammenhuber 1969b 196); Rieken 1999b 83-170.

4.89 The combination of t/d with an immediately following å (as in the nom. sg. com.) is represented by the graph z in Hittite cuneiform (CREF §1.108-§1.109). If another consonant immediately preceded this /ts/ in final position, it was necessary to write it in cuneiform as -za with an unpronounced a. This situation is especially common with the stems in -nt-, where the final triple-consonant cluster /nts/ was written -a/i/un-za. t-stem nouns can be either com. or neut. There are a few adjectives in -nt- (e.g., amiyant- “small,” æ„mant- “all, every”).

4.90 There is one t-stem root noun in Hittite, the word for “year” (*witt-), which also — with the old å-stem (not nom. sg. inflected form) wizza (*wets) (Kronasser 1966 126f.) — occurs as the first constituent in the adjective wizzapant- “old” (Friedrich 1957 23; Güterbock 1955 64-65). kutt- “wall” may also be a root noun. Others are derived nouns: kaåt- “hunger” < *g(h)os-t-, the root of which shows both e (in kiåt-want- “hungry”) and o grades, åaåt- “sleep, bed,”, and the action nouns in -att-..

4.91 5.6.1 Paradigms of the t-stem nouns (Friedrich 1960 52 §76; Kammenhuber 1969b 196):

“anger, wrath” “task, ritual” “famine” “year” “day”308

SINGULAR

308 On åÏwatt- (PrAn díwot-, Palaic tiyat-) cf. Pedersen 1938 175; Kammenhuber 1969b 196, 204f.; Melchert 1994 102, 131; Rieken 1999b 102-105.

90 4. Noun Declension 91 nom.c. kardimiyazo+, aniyaz309 kaåza *wizza, MU.KAM-za UD.KAM-azo, UD- kartimmiyazan azm+, åÏwaz?310 acc.c kardimiyattan aniyattan kaåtan *wittan, MU-an UD-an gen kardimiyattaåm aniyattaå *wittaå, MU.KAM-aå UD-aå, åÏwaz?44 d.-l. TUKU.TUKU-atti, aniyatti, aniyatta kaåti witti åiwatti, åÏwato, n kartimmi(y)atti åiwΩt o++311 all. *åiwatta 312 abl MU.KAM-za UD(.KAM)-az ins kaåtit

PLURAL nom. c MU.ÆI.A-uå 313 UD.KAM.ÆI.A-uå

314 acc.c kardimiyattuåo, MU.ÆI.A-uå UD.ÆI.A-uå kartimmiyadduån n.a aniyatta, aniyatti gen wittan, MU.ÆI.A-aå d.-l. aniyattaå MU.KAM.ÆI.A-aå UD.ÆI.A-aå, UD.KAM.ÆI.A-aå

“flood” “joy” “fear” “wall”

SINGULAR nom.c. karaÏzo, kariz, gerËz duågaraz o+, naæåaraz m,316 kuzza duågaraza, naæåarraz duåqaraz n, duågaraåza 315

309 Against taking a-ni-ia-at-åe-et (OS) as evidence for secondary neuter gender see Rieken 1999a107, who emends to a- ni-ia-at--åe-et. 310Interpretation as nom. or gen. possible; cf. Neu, StBoT 26:15f. n. 74; Starke, StBoT 31:458 n. 1666, Rieken 1999a 102f.

311 See also the second member of the OH a-ni-åi-wa-at “today, henceforth” (Rieken 1999a104).

312 Abstracted from compound [ap-pa-å]i-wa-at-ta KUB 31.64 iv 1’ (MH/MS), Rieken 1999a 103.

313MSpr. obv. 6 (Murs. II).

314KBo 4.8 ii 22 (Murs. II).

315 duågaraz KBo 17.88 + 24.116 + iii 12 (=41) (OH/MS?), duågaraåza KUB 17.20 ii 9.

316 IBoT 1.36 i 59 (MH/MS) w. CHD L-N 344, cf. also Rieken 1999a 115, who excludes the interpretation as abl. of *naæåar- .

91 4. Noun Declension 92

o+ acc.c tuågarattan o, naæåaraddan, kuttan duågaratan m, naæåarattan duågarattan n, duågaradan n o gen tuåkarattaå o, kuttaå duåkarattaå n o d.-l. karaitti o, karitti317 duågaratti n318, naæåaratti kutti duåqarati n319 m abl duåkarattaza n, naæåarataza kuttaz duåkarattazza n ins

PLURAL m+ nom. c garitteå n, garittiå n, naæåaratteå kutteå karittiå acc.c naæåaradduå kudduå n.a gen m+ d.-l. naæåarattaå kuttaå

4.92 Among the t-stem nouns of common gender are: kartimmiyatt- “anger,” kar(a)it- “flood,” kaåt- “hunger,” witt- “year,” nekut- “evening,”320 watarnaææatt- “command,” æuipayatt- “wickedness(?),” maniyaææiyatt- “administrative district,” waråiyatt - “propitiation,” åarlatt - “praise,” duågaratt - “entertainment,” naæåaratt - “fear,” åiwatt- “day,” æalmaååuitt- “throne dais.”

4.93 5.6.3 Examples of nouns in -nt- can be subdivided into those which seem to be root noun stems and those which are expanded from an attested shorter stem by the addition of -ant- (CREF 2.2 (*7.81). Among the former are: iåpant- “night,” kant- (a cereal, ‘oats’?), kanint- “thirst” and æuwant- “wind.” Among the latter: tuikkant- (tuegga-) “body,” æamiåæant- (æameåæa-) “spring (season),” åuppalant - (åuppala -) “domestic animal, cattle,” gemmant- (gem-) “winter,” warwatnant- (warwatna -) “seed,” antuæåannant - (antuæåatar ) “population,” kaenant- (gaina -) “in-law, relative by marriage,” zenant- (zena-) “autumn, fall,” parnant - (parn-) “house.” For the ergatives CREF §3.3

317 karaitti KUB 36.110:18 (OS), karit[ti] KBo 22.6 i 27 (OH?/NS).

318 Signalement Lyrique 58.

319 KUB 22.42 obv. 6’ (NH), cf. StBoT 44:116 n. 533.

320 Attested only in nekuz meæur, of which the form nekuz is judged to be an old genitive < *nék∑-t-s (Rieken 1999b 84 with n. 400).

92 4. Noun Declension 93

4.94 5.6.4 Adjectives in -nt- can be root (æ„mant- “all”) or derivative. Some derivative adjectives are expansions in -(a)nt- from shorter adjectives: irmalant - (irmala -) “sick,” maklant- (*makla-, cf. maklatar “leanness”) “lean, thin,” æappinant - (*æappina - cf. æappinaææ - “to make rich”) “rich,” araæzenant - (araæzena -) ““surrounding, neighboring.” Others are expansions in -want- from non-adjectival (often noun) bases: æupigawant - (æupiki “veil”) “veiled,” lupannawant - (lupanni- “headband”) “wearing a headband,” eåæarwant - (eåæar “blood”) “bloodstained, bloody,” åamankurwant- (zamangur “beard”) “bearded,” kiåduwant- (kaåt- “hunger”) “hungry,” CREF §2.1.

4.95 5.6.5 A final type of substantive in -nt is represented by the participles in -ant- (CREF §§28.48-28.55).

4.96 5.6.6 Paradigms of Substantives in -nt-:

SINGULAR

“night” (noun) “all” (adj.) “living” (adj./participle) “captured” > “captive” nom.c. iåpanza æ„manza æuiåwanza appanza acc.c iåpandan æ„mandan æuiåwandan appantan n.a. æ„man gen. iåpandaå æ„mandaå æuiåwantaå appantaå d.-l. iåpanti æ„manti æuiåwanti appanti abl. iåpandaz æ„mandaz appantaz

PLURAL nom.c. æ„manteå, æ„manduå æuiåwanteå appanteå 321 acc.c. æ„manduå, æ„manteå æuiåwanduå appanduå n.a. æ„manda appanti 322 gen. æ„mandaå appantaå d.-l. æ„mandaå appantaå

NOUNS WITH HETEROCLITIC STEMS

4.97 6.0 Szemerényi 1996 168 remarks how few stems in -m- and -l- are to be found in Hittite. Actually there is not such a shortage of -l- stems. But it is true that stems in bilabial stops (b, p) or continuants (m) are rare: giem- and gimm- “winter” (on these stems see Rieken 1999a 77f.) being one of the few. Other PIE root nouns with bilabial stop stems have migrated to the vocalic stem class: æapa- “river” (HED H 115).

321 Other nt- stem nom. pls. are: IM.ÆI.A-uå (*æuwanduå) “winds” KUB 24.1 iv 16 (Murs. II).

322 Perhaps this is rather a collective in -Ï.

93 4. Noun Declension 94

4.98 6.1 The only class of heteroclitic nominal stems in Hittite is that which shows alternation between stem- final r (only in final position) and n (when protected by an ending). These are the so-called r/n stems. This class is known in other old IE languages (Beekes 1995 187; Sihler 1995 §§290-292; Szemerényi 1996 §7.3.4). In Hittite it is a large and productive class (HroznŸ 1915 24f.; 1917 64f.; Friedrich 1960 §81; Kammenhuber 1955b = Kammenhuber 1993 1-10; Kronasser 1966 278-321, Oettinger 1982a). No adjectives or proper names belong to this class.

4.99 6.1.1 All these nouns are neuter and several of the most common belong to acrodynamic inflectional class (Rieken 1999a 269; called by Beekes 1995 174-176, 187; Szemerényi 1996 161f. §7.1.4.4.1 “protero- dynamic”):323 uttar “word”, gen. uttanaå , pl. uttar ; lammar “hour”, gen. lamnaå. The collectives follow the holodynamic inflection: watar “water”, pl. widΩr. The above-mentioned words are inherited words with un-derived stems in Hittite. There are also derived stems in -atar, -eååar, -war, and -mar.

4.100 6.2 There are five groups of nouns which exhibit this r/n alternation in their declension:

4.101 6.2.1 Old inherited IE words, some with and some without ablaut (CREF §1.52ff.): uttar “word”, Ëåæar “blood”, lammar “hour”, wΩtar “water”, paææuwar /paææur “fire”, mËæur “time”, kuttar “neck(?), strength”, åËæur “urine”, pankur (a body part). Cf. Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 82ff., Kronasser 1966 278ff., Friedrich 1960 55ff., Kammenhuber 1969b 198f., Sihler 1995 298ff. As Sihler notes, “the lexicon involved belongs to the most basic stratum of vocabulary — body parts and words like ‘water’, ‘fire’, ‘blood’, and ‘day’.” In Hittite, however, the word for “day” is not an r/n-stem.

Singular n.-a. uttar wΩtar meæur Ëåæar, iåæar, Ëååar 324 paææur, paææuwar gen. uddanaå, uttanaå witenaå325 meæunaå iåæanΩå o, iåæΩnaå, n paææu(e)naå Ëånaå d.-l. uddani, uttani weteni, witeni meæu(e)ni Ëåæani, iåæani paææu(e)ni abl. uddanaz(a), uddananza 326 wetenaz(a), e/iåæanaz, Ëånaza paææu(e)naz(a) witenaz(a) inst. uddanit, uddanta 327 wetenit, witenit, Ëåæanta, iåæanda, paææu(e)nit witinit, wedanda Ëåæanit328

323The position of the accent in these forms can be determined by vowel gradation and plene writings.

324Note that the æ in this word is omissible in NH. HW™ II 121 includes only one example, e-eå-åar (in its NH paradigm) and attributes it to a scribal error. HED II 313 acknowledges several forms without æ and considers them to be due to a secondary development. Melchert 1994 71 (5) considers gen. Ëånaå old with nom. Ëååar analogical to it. 325The vast majority of weten-, witen-, etc. spellings have e in the second syllable (-te-). Spellings like ú-i-ti-ni-it KBo 23.1 iv 24 are exceedingly rare. The initial syllable wi- or we- is inevitably spelled with ú-e/i-, once ú-wifi-, but not *u-e/i-. On the alternation of initial ú-i- / ú-e- in this word see Kammenhuber 1969 199 with anterior lit. 326Cf. §3.24.

94 4. Noun Declension 95 erg. uddananza, uttananza, wetinanza, witenanza, Ëåæananza INIM-anza A-anza

Singular n.-a. lammar kuttar åËæur, åËæuwar pankur gen. lamnaå åeæunaå pankunaå d.-l. lamni kuttani åeæuni, åeæuna abl. kuttanaz inst. kuttanit pankunit erg.

Plural n.-a. uddΩr widΩr,329 wedΩr,330 wi/edar,331 uwitΩr meæurriÆI.A332 gen. uddanaå A.ÆI.A-aå, meæunaå d.-l. uddanΩå o+ , uttanaå uwitenaån,333 wetenaå334 meæunaå erg. uttanΩnteå, uddananteå wetenanteå

4.102 6.2.1.1 Certain forms of Ëåæar “blood” lack the æ (CREF §1.161. Although this has been explained as due to a weakly articulated æ, which may even have been omitted dialectically (Friedrich 1960§28 b), Melchert 1994 71 (5) indicates the phenomenon is pre-Hittite, not independent in Hittite (cf. also Rieken 1999a 303). On the alternation of Ëåæar and Ëzæar CREF §1.159. In the declension of paææur, meæur, and åËæur one encounters stem ablaut (or stem apophony) (CREF §1.67) in the form of a longer stem in the forms åËæuwar, paææuwar ,

327For the instrumentals in -d/ta after a resonant (uddanta, wedanda, iåæanda ) see §2.5.6. ud-da-an-ta is attested in KUB 30.10 obv. 18 (OH/MS). 328Listed in HW™ 2:121a without refs.

329ú-i-da-a-ar KBo 23.27 iii 25.

330ú-e-da-a-ar KBo 9.115+ obv. 3.

331The non-plene spelling of the second syllable in witar “waters” is unusual. ú-e-ta-ar KBo 12.100 rev. 6 may be Luwian (see the immediate context). But ú-e-da-ar KBo 25.2 ii 8 is not only Hittite, but Old Script! 332This final -i on the neuter plural is more common in consonantal stems (kurur > kururri ÆI.A, æuæupal > æuæupalliÆI.A, kurtal > kurtalliÆI.A, alel > aleliÆI.A) than on r/n-stems. But see zankilatarri ÆI.A below in §6.2.2. On the subject of this final -i on neuter nouns see Prins 1997 56-61. 333KUB 13.3 iii 37.

334KUB 8.50 iii 9.

95 4. Noun Declension 96 paææuena-, meæueni, etc. Ablaut may also be seen in the declension of wΩtar in the six stem variants: wΩtar , witen-, weten-, wetin-, wedan- and widΩr. The alternation of i in witen- is explicable as i < *e in the unaccented root syllable (Rieken 1999a 292f.). Of the doublets witen-/weten- Rieken claims that the former occurs in the older texts. The i in iåæan- (see also iåæarwant- , iåæaåkant- “bloodied” and iåæarnumai- “to bloody”) is explained as a prothetic vowel that originated in the oblique forms of the collective plural and spread to the nom.-acc. (Melchert 1984b 109 n. 66, citing Schindler).

4.103 6.2.1.1.1 Instrumental in -ta. Note too that in three out of the four r/n-stem nouns whose inst. sg. is attested (uddanta, iåæanda, wedanda ), the ending -d/ta is found either instead of or alongside of the normal ending -it. On the form iåæimanda (< iåæima(n)-) see Oettinger 1982a 235 §2.4. And CREF §3.27 and §4.68.

4.104 uttar, Ëåæar and wΩtar are old inherited root nouns. No shorter nominal or verbal roots exist in Hittite on which they can be based.

4.105 Derivative substantives in -Ωtar and -tar (Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 98 §159, Kronasser 1966 291-297, ) show stem ablauting with zero grade in the oblique cases. They include many abstracts or words for states (CREF §2.1), such as paprΩtar “impurity”, nakkiyΩtar “reverence, respect, dignity”, æaåtaliyΩtar “heroism”, åiuniyΩtar “deity”, LUGAL-eznatar (*æaååueznatar ) “kingship”, ÌR-nΩtar “servitude, slavery”, iåpiyΩtar “satiety”, maklΩtar “leanness”, marlΩtar “folly”, æattΩtar “wisdom”, mayandΩtar “youth”, alwanzΩtar “sorcery”, miyΩtar “birth, growth”, akkatar “death”, æuiåwatar “life”, as well as some concrete nouns, such as laææiyΩtar “campaign”, zankilΩtar “fine, atonement”, æaå(å)Ωtar “family, clan”, åullΩtar “quarrel”, karåattar “segment”, adΩtar “food”, æuitar “wildlife, game”, and others. All derivative nouns in -(a)tar decline identically, whether they are words for states or concrete nouns.

Singular

1 2 3 4

impurity reverence, respect servitude sorcery n/a paprΩtar, paprΩta nakkiyΩtar ÌR-nΩtar alwanzΩtar, alwanzΩta, UƇ-tar gen paprannaå alwanzannaå d/l papranni nakkiyanni ÌR-anni alwanzanni abl paprannaz, paprannaza, ÌR-nanaz paprannanza ins335 [nakk]i[y]annit erg paprannanza alwanzannaz

335Examples with *tn > nn: ilaliyawannit (< *ilaliyawatar ), æaååannit (< æaå(å)atar), iåæaååarwannit (< iåæaååarwatar ), aååiyawannit (< aååiyawar ).

96 4. Noun Declension 97

Singular

5 6 7

growth quarrel journey n/a miyatar, miyata åullatar laææiyatar gen miyannaå d/l åullanni laææiyanni abl åullannaz, åullannaza ins336 erg

Plural n.-a. laææiyatar

Singular

8 9

wildlife fine n/a æuitΩr o, æuitar, æ„itar, æuidar, æuetar zankilatar gen æuitnaå337 d/l abl ins338 æuitnit erg æuitnanza

Plural n.-a. zankilatar ÆI.A, zakilatar ÆI.A, zankilatarri HI.A

4.106 6.2.2.1 The plural forms of nouns in this class are especially rare, since they almost never denote concrete, countable objects, but either states (e.g., papratar, nakkiyatar ) or classes of animate entities (æuitar “fauna, game”, antuæåatar “humanity”). Some words, which originally denoted a status, developed into designation for concrete symbols of the status. Thus åiuniyatar “deity” developed into a term for a cult emblem or image, and LÚ-natar (=

336Examples with *tn > nn: ilaliyawannit (< *ilaliyawatar ), æaååannit (< æaå(å)atar), iåæaååarwannit (< iåæaååarwatar ), aååiyawannit (< aååiyawar ). 337Note the failure of the sequence tn to assimilate to nn in this word. See §1.9.2.5.1.6.

338Examples with *tn > nn: ilaliyawannit (< *ilaliyawatar ), æaååannit (< æaå(å)atar), iåæaååarwannit (< iåæaååarwatar ), aååiyawannit (< aååiyawar ).

97 4. Noun Declension 98 piånatar ) “manhood” > “manly deed, exploit” > “military campaign”. In the meaning “military campaigns” we find the plural form LÚ-natar ÆI.A (KBo 12.38 ii 14, ed. Güterbock 1967). In the above paradigms (CREF §4.105) nouns 1-3 represent status, 4-7 actions, and 8-9 concrete objects. Among the action nouns 6 and 7 could form plurals, while 4 and 5 do not.

4.107 6.2.2.2 Almost all nouns in this class show an assimilation of -tn- to -nn- (CREF §1.138), the earlier forms of the oblique cases of the -Ωtar nouns, *-atnaå , *-atni, *-atnaz, assimilating to -annaå, -anni, -annaz. In Luwian the sequence -tn- remained unassimilated (æaratar , gen. æaratnaå ). Compare also æuitnaå and æuitnit in the above paradigm.

4.108 6.2.3 Derivative substantives in -eååar (CREF §2.1) (Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 98f. §160, …) show stem ablauting with zero grade in oblique cases. Here too we encounter nouns indicating state, status or condition (papreååar “impurity”), actions (tetæeååar “thunder”), classes of animate beings (dandukeååar “humanity, mankind”), and objects (æanneååar “suit, case”, uppeååar “gift”, tunnakkeååar “inner chamber”, åieååar “beer”, æatteååar “hole”, æatreååar “sending; message”, mukeååar “prayer, invocation” As with the -atar class, the concrete -eååar nouns (2, 5-8) have overt plural forms.339

SINGULAR

1 2 3 4

impurity case (misc.) thunder n/a papreååar æanneååar tetæeååar gen æanneånaå, æanniååanaå dunnakkeånaå, walæiånaå, tetæiånaå dandukiånaå, åumeånaå d/l papreåni æanneåni, æannaååani abl æanneånaz tetæeånaza, tetæeånanza ins æanneånit, æannetnit (MH) erg æanniånanza 340

PLURAL nom.-acc. DI.ÆI.A

5 6 7 8

339See also ileååar ÆI.A “omens, portents”, UZUÚR-peååar ÆI.A “members”, TÚGkureååar ÆI.A “women’s headdresses”, æalkueååar ÆI.A “items provided for the cult”. 340Possibly also æunæuneånanza (from æunæu(n)eååar) and annaånanza (from *annaååar ?). But contextually tetæeånanza (Ullik.) is a nasalized ablative.

98 4. Noun Declension 99

beer gift hole invocation n/a åieååar uppeååar æatteååar mukeååar gen KAÅ-eånaå æatteånaå mukeånaå, [muk]iååanaå d/l uppeåni æatteåni mukeåni abl KAÅ-za æanteånaz ins åieååanit, åieånit erg

PLURAL n/a KAÅ.ÆI.A uppeååar ÆI.A mukiååarÆI.A

4.109 6.2.3.1 Note the ablaut (CREF §1.52) which appears in this declension: the vowel before the å can be either e, i (æanniååanaå, [muk]iååanaå, tetæiånaå ), or a (æannaååani, ilaåni, iåpanduzziaååar ).

4.110 Note also the examples of nasalization (CREF §1.133) in tetæeånanza (for *tetæeånaza) and æanteånaz (for *æatteånaz). Nasalized ablatives, e.g., nepiåanza “from heaven”, tetæeånanza “with thunder” can be confused formally with ergatives such as æanniånanza “the judgment” (CREF §4.108). Only the context will reveal which form is intended.

4.111 One group of nouns with stems in -war, denote concrete physical objects (Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 99 §161, Friedrich 1960 §85), to be kept distinct from the much larger group of verbal substantives in -war (or -mar), which are declined similarly except for the genitive reconstructed as *aåaunaå , *partaunaå on the analogy of æilamnaå (6.4). All the following are neuters: aåawar “fold, pen”, karawar “horn(s)”, partawar “wing, feather”.

SINGULAR PLURAL n/a aåawar partawar karawar aåauwa(r) partauwa(r) SI.ÆI.A-ar gen *partaunaå d/l aåauni, aåaunai abl aåaunaz partaunaz SI-az ins partaunit

4.112 6.4 Nouns with stems in -mar (Friedrich 1960 §§86, 185), similar in declension but different in origin from the verbal substantives in -mar. All neuters: æilammar “gate building”, tiyammar “cord”, æarnammar “yeast”, arpamar (a pastry), æalwammar “zeal(?)”, *æaråummar “headwaters (of a river)”, æalæaltumar “corner”. Unlike the others, æalæaltumar is not heteroclitic, retains the stem r in inflection, and shows an i-stem common gender form (æalæaltumarËå ).

Sg. n/a æilammar tiyammar, æarnammar, tiyamma æarnamma

99 4. Noun Declension 100 gen æilamnaå æaråumnaå? all æilamna d/l æilamni æalæaltumari, æalæaldummariya abl æilamnaz æalwamnaz ins tiyammanda erg. æilamnanza

Pl. n/a æalæaltumar, æalæaltumari ÆI.A gen æaråumnaå d/l æaråumnaå

4.113 6.41 Note the omissability of the final r of the nom.-acc. (CREF §1.163), especially noted in Old Hittite (Neu 1982). This sometimes occurs even when the “final” r is protected by a suffix: æattata–mit “my wisdom” (Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 179). The form æilannaå (gen. sg.) was claimed for æilammar by Friedrich (HW and HG), while Laroche 1957a 18f. attributed it to an unattested nominative *æilatar .

4.114 6.4.2 Verbs derived from these nouns employ the oblique stem: æarnamniya- “to cause a ferment, stir up, excite” (< æarnammar “yeast”).

4.115 The following is the paradigm of the word per “house” with oblique stems peri- (Hoffner 1995b) and parn-.

Sg. Pl. n/a ker, É-er É.ÆI.A, É.MEÅ erg. parnanza — gen. parnaå, periyaå dat.-loc. É-ri (*peri), parni parnaå all. parna abl. parnaz

4.116 6.6 Another example of a basic noun with different stems in the nom.-acc. and the oblique cases is ÅÀ-er (*kËr) “heart,” oblique stem kard(i)-.

Sg. Pl. n/a ÅÀ-er erg. — gen. kardiyaå, kartiyaå

100 4. Noun Declension 101 dat.-loc. kardi, karti all. karta, ÅÀ-ta abl. kartaz inst. kardit

101 5. Verb Formation 102

CHAPTER 5 VERB FORMATION

5.1 16.1 Many Hittite verbs are derived from other verbs, from nouns, or from adjectives. Such verbs are characterized by suffixes or infixes which enlarge their stems. The most important of these will be discussed below.

5.2 16.2.0 The verbal suffixes (and infix) and their known combinations:

Suffix added to nouns verbs adjectives function

1 -aææ- no 341 no yes Factitive (“to make ..”)

2 -eåå- no 342 no yes “to be(come) ....”

3 -nu- no 343 yes yes “to cause to (be)..”

4 -åke/a- no yes no “Iterative-durative”

5 -anna/i- no yes no “Iterative-durative”

Infix

6 -ni(n)- no yes no Causative

5.3 16.2.0.1 Some of the above derivational stem extensions can co-exist in the same form: 2 with 3 (-eånu- in æatke/iånu-), 1, 3, or 5 with 4 (-aææeåke-, -nuåke-, -anniåk(e)-), and 4 with 6 (åarninkiåke-). But 3 (-nu-) excludes 6 (-nin-); 1 (-aææ-) excludes 2 (-eåå-), 3 (-nu-) and 6 (-nin-); 2 excludes 4 and 5; and 6 excludes 1, 2 and 3.

5.4 16.2.1 The suffix -aææ- is added to the stems of adjectives or numerals in order to produce verbs which mean “to make something what the adjective or numeral denotes” or “to regard something/someone as (or declare someone to be, or treat someone as) what the adjective denotes”. CREF also §6.19, §7.18, §9.4, §14.9.

Base Derived Factitive Verb arawa - “exempt (from)” arawaææ - “declare someone exempt from”

æantezzi- “first” æantezziyaææ- “make first”

æappinant- “rich” æappinaææ- “make rich”

*æaddul(a)- “healthy” æaddulaææ- “make healthy” ikuna- “cold” ikunaææ- “make cold” idalu- “evil” idalawaææ - “treat evilly; harm, injure”

341Possible exception: åiuniyaææ- if this is based on noun åiuni- “god(dess)” instead of a postulated adj. *åiuni(ya)- “divine(?)”. 342See §16.3 for possible exception: æannitalwaeåå-.

343 Exception: eåæarnu- “to bloody” from eåæar “blood”.

102 5. Verb Formation 103 kattera - “inferior” katteraææ- “declare to be inferior, the loser (in a suit)” nakki- “important” nakkiyaææ- “regard/treat as important”

åarazzi- “superior” åarazziyaææ- “declare to be superior (in a suit or a contest)”

3 (*teri-) 3-yaææ- “multiply by three”344

4 (meu-, meyau-) 4-yaææ- “multiply by four”

5.5 16.2.2 Many Hittite adjectives have doublets with a suffix -ant- with no discernible difference in meaning (e.g., daååu- and daååu(w)ant- “mighty”). In some cases the adjective with the base stem has disappeared, leaving only the -ant- stem (*marla- and marlant- “foolish”). Verbs once regularly derived from the simple stem (marlaææ- “to make foolish”) would not appear to be derived from the -ant- stem by replacing the -ant- with -aææ-. Hence, æappinaææ- from æappinant- (and likewise miåriwaææ- “to make splendid/perfect” from miåriwant- “splendid/perfect”).

5.6 16.2.3 u-stem adjectives take the longer stem form in -aw- (idalawaææ- ), but i-stems the shorter stem -iy-, not -ay- (æantezziyaææ-, nakkiyaææ-, åarazziyaææ-).

5.7 16.3 The suffix -eåå- is added to adjective stems to produce verbs which mean “to be(come) what the adjective signifies”. For the inflection of these verbs CREF §7.19. arawa - “exempt from” araweåå- “become exempt from” aåiwant - “poor” aåiwanteåå- “become poor”

æappinant- “rich” æappineåå- “become rich”

æarki- “white” æarkeåå- “become white”

æaåtali- “brave” æaåtaleåå- “become brave”

æatku- “narrow” æatkueåå- “become narrow”

æatuki- “awesome” æatukeåå- “become awesome”

*æadduli- “healthy” æadduleåå- “become healthy”

æadant - “dry” æadeåå- “become dry” idalu- “evil” idalaweåå- “be(come) evil” mekki- “numerous” makkeåå- “become numerous” parku- “high” parkeåå- “be(come) high”345 parkui- “pure” parkueåå- “become pure”

344[3-i]a-aæ-æa-an-zi 4-ia-aæ-æa-an-zi KUB 9.4 ii 33, [3-i]a-aæ-æa-aæ-æu-wa-ni 4-ia-aæ-æa-aæ-æu-wa-ni ibid. 35. The 3-yaææ- is fine for *teriya- “three”, but 4-yaææ- poses a problem. One would exprect *meuwaææ- or *meyawaææ- (i.e., 4-waææ or 4- yawaææ-). Is there some other stem for “four”? 345 Cf. §5.14.

103 5. Verb Formation 104

åalli- “large” åalleåå- “become large, grow”

5.8 The u-stem adjectives use sometimes the shorter stem (æatkueåå-) and sometimes the longer (idalaweåå-) (see Weitenberg 1984 … and reviews in Melchert 1984a; Neu 1985; Carruba 1989). The i-stems use the shorter (æaåtaleåå-, æatukeåå-, makkeåå-, parkueåå-, not *æaåtalayeåå-;*æatukayeåå-, *makkayeåå-, *parkuwayeåå-). Built apparently on a nominal base is æannittalweåå- “to be a litigant (æannittalwa- )”. Two primary verbs which end in -eå(å)- but do not have the meaning “to be(come) ..” are æaneå- “to plaster” and kaneåå- “to recognize, honor”.

5.9 16.3.1 The suffix -e-, like -eåå-, is added to adjectival (and a few nominal) stems to produce verbs which mean “to be(come) what the adjective or noun signifies”. Watkins (1973), who first correctly identified this class of verb in Hittite, has called it “stative” and claims that it only means “to be …”, not “to become …” But there are too many exceptions in the Hittite corpus, cases where “to become …” is clearly more appropriate than “to be …” (see Hoffner 1998c).

Adjective or noun Derived Verb alpu- “sharp, pointed” alpue- (in alpuemar ) arawa - “exempt (from)” arawe- “declare oneself free (from)”346

æaååu- “king” *æaååue- (LUGAL-e-) “become king” lalukki- “bright” lalukke- “become bright” miyaæuwant- “old” miyaæunte- “to become old, live long” parkui- “pure, clear” parkue- “become clear”

*GÉME-a/iååara - “female slave” GÉME-a/iååare - “become a female slave”347

5.10 In those cases where both an e- and an eå-verb exist for the same adjectival root, the former seems to have been replaced by the latter in the course of time (arawe- > araweåå-, cf. Hoffner 1998c). Although there may have been a clear distinction in meaning between the two verb types in Common Anatolian, at least in Hittite the distinction seems to have been blurred. There is no compelling evidence from contexts to prefer “be …” over “become …” translations of the e-verbs in Hittite.

5.11 16.4 The verbal infix -ni(n)- is inserted between the r and k in certain verbs ending in -ark-: æark- “to perish” > æarnink- “to destroy”, iåtark- “to get sick” > iåtarnink- “to make sick”, *åark- > åarnink- “to make compensation”. From the examples it is apparent that its force is causative. This is the same PIE nasal infix that is seen in the characterized durative stems of Greek verbs like manqa´nw (root aorist maq) and lanqa´nw (root aorist laq) (Sihler 1995) §453, but with a different semantic function in Hittite. As in PIE in general (Sihler 1995 §453), so in Hittite, there are constraints on the possible shapes of roots which form nasal-infix stems: the final

346 For arawe- see Hoffner 1997a 138f., 219f., and Hoffner 1998c.

347 For this verb, which was replaced in post-OH by GÉME-a/iååareåå- see Hoffner 1997a 43, 139, 185f., 263.

104 5. Verb Formation 105 consonant is a velar stop (k) and the immediately preceding consonant is r. The syllable -nin- in the adjective maninku(wa)- “near” probably has nothing to do with this formative. For the inflexion of this type CREF §7.20 [Craig: You should add here the Sanskrit example that you think pertinent.]

5.12 16.5 Verbs formed by suffixing -nu- can be either (1) causatives of other verbs, or (2) factitives of adjectives. See Sihler §455 (PIE *-new-/*-nu-). Examples of the former are: arnu- “to cause to come (ar-)”, warnu- “to cause to burn (war-)”, linganu- “to cause to swear (link-)”, æarganu - “to cause to perish (æark-)”, waænu- “to cause to turn (weæ-)”. Sometimes one can hardly detect any difference in meaning between the root verb and the extension in -nu-: paæå- and paæåanu- “to guard”, tekkuå- and tekkuå(a)nu- “to show, reveal, present”. For the inflection CREF §7.50 (paradigms) .

5.13 16.5.0.1 Examples of factitives are: maliåkunu- “to make weak (maliåku-)”, daå(åa)nu- “to make strong (daååu-)”, åallanu - “to make great (åalli -), magnify”, tepnu- “to make small (tepu-)”, parkunu- (for *parkwnu-) “to make pure (parkui-)”, parknu- (written pár-ak-nu- and pár-ga-nu-, indicating the absence of the apparent vowel before -nu-; cf. AHP 29 on “empty” or “ghost” vowels in Hittite cuneiform) “to make high (parku-)”, eåæarnu- “to make bloody (eåæar ‘blood’).”

5.14 16.5.1 The stem vowel u of the root adjective is elided before derivational suffixes such as -nu- (as in tepnu- and daånu-) and -eåå- (as in parkeåå- “become high”). This process by which the final -u- of the adjective is descriptively deleted before certain suffixes reflects a very old inherited pattern (“Calands Law”, cf. Watkins 1973 64-66 and 86 and also Meier-Brügger 2000 p. 271f.). For a different view see Puhvel, KZ 94 (1980) 65-70 (root statives).

5.15 16.5.2 The stem vowel i of the adjectives parkui- “pure” and dankui- “dark” is similarly elided in the creation of factitive verbs parkunu- “to make pure” and dankunu- “to make dark” as well as in æarg(a)nu- “to make white” from æarki- “white” and åallanu - “to make great, magnify”, where the reality of the medial a may be debated.348 No such elision need be assumed for maknu- “to make numerous”, since it is not based upon the stem mekki- “many”, but the ablauting stem mek-/mak- (cf. CHD L-N sub mekki-).

5.16 16.5.3 No such elision need be assumed for maknu- “to make numerous,” since it is not based upon the stem mekki- “many,” but the ablauting stem mek-/mak- (cf. CHD L-N sub mekki-).

5.17 For the verbal suffixes -åke- and -annai- see Chapter 27 on Verbal Aspect.

348 The prehistoric status of the deleted -i- is a matter of controversy. On that of parkui- and dankui- see Starke 1990 76, with copious references. On that of æarki- and åalli- see Oettinger 1986 21 for one opinion.

105 6. Active Verb Endings 106

CHAPTER 6 ACTIVE VERBAL ENDINGS

6.1 9.1.0 The verb form is composed of a root, often a stem-forming suffix, sometimes a thematic vowel, and an inflectional ending, e.g., laknuåi consists of: lak (verb root) + -nu- (causative stem-forming suffix) + -åi (pres. sg. 2 ending) “you will cause to fall down”.

6.2 9.1.1 Two sets of endings are attested for the active voice: the mi- and æi-endings, named for the endings of the first person singular in each set. Since the plural endings (for “we”, “you”, and “they”) are identical, the two sets have distinct endings only in the singular (CREF §6.12 and Chapter 7).

6.3 9.1.2 Two voices are attested by means of uncompounded forms: the active and the mediopassive. The latter expresses sometimes a purely passive idea,349 at other times a middle or reflexive idea, 350 and equally common a dynamic351 idea.352 In OH there is even a contrast between stative eå- (active)353 “to remain seated, be sitting” and eventive eå- (mid.) “to sit down, take a seat”. For a comprehensive study of the mediopassive in Hittite see Neu 1968b. CREF Chapter 9.

6.4 9.1.3 Hittite possesses no tense or modal suffixes (Laroche 1975, 344f.). Tense is expressed by a separate set of inflexional endings. Two uncompounded tenses exist: the present-future (translatable as either present or future) and the preterite (for simple past). In addition there are compounded constructions (like English “have/had gone”) to express the present and past perfect and the future tense. These will be discussed in CHAPTER 25 VERBAL TENSE

6.5 Hittite does not express modes (such as the indicative, subjunctive, optative or imperative) by means of specialized verbal stems or suffixes. The imperative mode is expressed by a special set of endings (CREF §6.12 (*9.1.7). Modalities which in other Indo-European languages would be conveyed by subjunctive or optative forms (“could, would, ought to, would like to”) are conveyed in Hittite by means of modal particles such as man (Hoffner

349alwanzaææati “he was hexed”, aritta “he is restrained”, etc.

350arrattat “he washed himself”.

351Mediopassive form, but active meaning (Neu 1968a 54-56, 106-108). Neu 1968a107 cautions against denoting these verbs as “deponents”, since synonymous active forms existed. The term “dynamic” is employed by Houwink ten Cate 1970 18. 352Transitive: æattari “he cuts the throat of (an animal)”, iåkallΩri “he tears off”, paæåari “he protects”, paåkuitta “you ignore”, åarrattat “you have transgressed”, uåneåkatta “he offers for sale”; intransitive: akkiåkantari “(people) are dying”, aræari “I stand”, armaniyatta “he becomes ill”. 353Not the same verb as the familiar eå- (act.) “to be”. Cf. Goetze 1928 100ff., 162 (index).

106 6. Active Verb Endings 107

1982a, CHD L-N 139-43),354 or adverbs such as imma “really” (CREF §13.7, §21.7, §29.22, §30.6) and kuwatka “perhaps” (CREF §17.25, 21.7, 29.6, 30.4).

6.6 Four types of verbal nouns exist (Chap. 28): (1) the verbal substantive (or gerund)355 and (2) the participle,356 both of which can be fully declined like ordinary nouns, (3) the infinitive,357 and (4) the supine,358 both of which are indeclinable.

6.7 Although the endings of the (declinable) participle (2) and (indeclinable) supine (4) are the same for all verbs, verbal substantives (1) and infinitives (3) have two different sets of endings. Set 2 appears on all monosyllabic mi- verbs showing vowel gradation (ablaut), e.g. eå- “to be,” ed- “to eat,” ekw- “to drink,” epp- “to seize,” kuen- “to strike, kill,” kuer- “to cut,” æuek- “to slaughter,” weæ- “to turn,” CREF §7.6. In addition a few monosyllabic non- ablauting (such as dΩ- “to take” [CREF §8.7] and wag- “to bite” [CREF §8.2]) and ablauting æi-verbs (such as au(å)- “to see” [CREF §8.25] and pai-/piy- “to give”) show this pattern. Set 1 appears on all other verbs.

6.8 (old 9.2.4) Verbs that add the imperfective stem extension (-åke/a-) inflect according to the mi-conjugation, while those that add the stem extension (-annai-) follow the æi-conjugation. CREF Chap. 33.

6.9 The scheme of endings for the three types of verbal noun and the participle (verbal adjective) is:

Set Verbal subst. Infinitive Supine Participle359

1a -war (gen. -waå)360 -wanzi361 -wan -ant-

1b -mar (gen. -maå)362 -manzi -man -ant-

2 -atar (gen. -annaå) -anna -wan -ant-

6.10 Verbs in set 1 whose stems end in u (especially the nu-causative verbs) take the 1b endings, e.g., arnumar, arnumanzi, arnuman, arnu(w)ant- . Also æi-verbs like tarna-, penna-, unna-, arra- “to wash”, æaåå- “to

354Note: This man (consistently written ma-an) “could, would” is not the same word as mΩn (consistently written ma-a- an) which in OH means “when” and in NH “if”. 355As in “running is good exercise”.

356As in “the running water”.

357As in “The physician sent him there to recuperate ”.

358As in “He began to run”.

359Cf. §4.96 for the paradigm of the participle.

360Verbal substantives are attested only in nom.-acc. and gen. case forms.

361A rare form of the infinitive ending (-wanta) occurs in åi-pa-an-tu-an-ta : maææan=ma LUGAL-uå åipantuanta / iræaizzi “But when the king finishes making offering” KUB 10.21 i 1-3. 362An unusual example of an ablative form of such a verbal substantive is åal-la-nu-mar-ra-za KUB 26.32 i 11-12, ed. Laroche, RA 47:74f.

107 6. Active Verb Endings 108 procreate”, åanna- “to conceal”, åarra- “to divide”, åunna- “to fill”, waåta- “to sin”, weda- “to build”. Other verbs in set 1 take the 1a endings.

6.11 9.1.6 Verbs distinguish singular and plural subjects. Some ancient Indo-European languages possessed both noun and verb endings for the dual. Hittite has no dual endings for either. Gender distinctions (common [or animate] and neuter [or inanimate], CREF §3.2) exist in the participle (which is like a verbal adjective), but in no other forms of the verb.

6.12 9.1.7 The following is the scheme of endings for the finite forms of the active verb. Endings in parentheses are less common that those not so marked. For mediopassive endings see Chapter 9.

PRESENT PRETERITE

mi-conj. (Va1) æi-conj. (Va2) Va1 Va2 sg 1 -mi -æi, (-æe in OH),363 -un,364 -nun365 -æun 2 -åi -ti -å, -t -ta,366 -å, -t, -åta367 3 -zi, -i368 -i -t, (-å) -å, (-t, -åta) pl 1 -weni, (-wani), -meni, (-mani)369, -uni370 -wen, -men 2 -teni, (-tani) -ten 3 -anzi -er

IMPERATIVE

mi-conj. æi-conj. Sample translation sg 1 -allu, -lit, -lut -allu “Let me (hit)!”

2 --, -i,371 -t372 --, -i “(Hit)!”

363In OS rather consistently showing the e-vocalization (sign -æé), cf. Otten and Souc√ek 1969 56.

364Used with consonantal stems.

365Used with vocalic stems.

366 Cf. datta “you (sg.) took” and paitta “you (sg.) gave.”

367 Verbs showing the -åta ending, either in sg. 2 or 3, are: memiåta “spoke”, peåta “gave”, æaliåta “cradled(?)”, tedaåiåta (meaning unclear), uleåta “blended(?), merged(?)”, udaåta “brought”, unniåta “drove here”, penniåta “drove there”, uppeåta “sent”, daiåta “placed”, naiåta ”turned”, tarneåta “released”, and possibly arueåta “bowed(?)”. 368In OH and MH with -aææ- factitive verbs, consistently written as -i, not -zi, cf. Otten and Souc√ek 1969 56 and Houwink ten Cate 1970 p. 20. 369This ending is largely confined to the nu-causative verbs: parkunu-, åallanu- , etc.

370In ti-ia-u-ni 1691/u ii 18 (CTH 375.1 prayer of Arnuwanda and Aåmunikal, MH/MS). That this is not a scribal slip for ti-ia-u-e-ni is indicated by the immediately following na-at SIGfi-aæ-æu-ni for SIGfi-aæ-æu-e-ni.

108 6. Active Verb Endings 109

3 -d/tu373 -u “Let him (hit)!” pl 1 -weni -weni “Let us (hit)!”

2 -ten -ten “(Hit) ye!”

3 -and/tu -and/tu “Let them (hit)!”

6.13 9.1.8 Although the pret. pl. 3 ending is usually written so as to permit either an ir or an er reading (the cuneiform sign IR can equally well be read ER), in virtually all instances where the vocalization is clearly indicated by a preceding syllable (-åe-er, -te-er, -e-er ) it is -er. That is, whenever we find a spelling -i-ER, as in pí-i-ER from piy(a)- “to give” or pé-eå-åi-ER from peååiy(a)- “to throw”, the -i- serves either to indicate the stem vowel or a glide connecting the stem vowel to the ending -er. It is not intended to mark the ER sign as i-containing (i.e., -ir).

6.14 9.1.8.1 There are also rare instances of an ending -ar, such as ú-e-mi-ia-ar “they found” (from a verbal stem wemiya-) (cf. Neu 1989a).

6.15 9.1.8.2 In rare instances the pres. sg. 3 -mi conjugation ending -zi and the pres. pl. ending -anzi are written -za and -anza respectively: e-eå-za in KBo 6.2 iv 53-55 (Laws §98, OS) for e-eå-zi “he/it is” in the duplicate KBo 6.3 iv 52-54 (OH/NS),374 æar-za in KBo 9.73 obv. 12 (treaty w. Hapiru, OS) for intended *æar-zi, åa-ku-wa-an- za (for åa-ku-wa-an-zi) KUB 13.2 iii 13 (MH/NS),375 nu UZUåu-up-pa åa-ra-a da-an-za (for da-an-zi) “they take up the meat” in KBo 22.116 rev. 9, and åËpan iå-æi-an-za (for åËpan iåæianzi) KBo 6.26 i 7 (Laws §158, OH/NS) with dupl. iå-æa-a-i (Friedrich 1959 n. 22). Since two of these examples are found in Old Hittite manuscripts which do not elsewhere betray a sloppy copyist, it is possible that the writings with final -za for -zi are not simple scribal errors but reflect some phonological trait of early Hittite.

6.16 9.1.8.3 That the preceding writings were due to a similarity of sound in final -(n)za and -(n)zi may be supported by at least two examples of writing -nzi for correct -nza (pronounced /nts/): namma–war–aå æanti tuæåanzi “And furthermore, it (i.e., the bee) is æanti tuæåanza” KUB 17.10 i 39 (Tel. myth, OH/MS), and mΩn æa- me-eå-kán-zi (for æa-me-eå-kán-za, itself a late form of æa-me-eå-æa-an-za, CREF §1.160) DÙ-[ri] ““When it becom[es] spring” KUB 38.26 rev. 19 (cult inv., NH).

6.17 9.1.9 Irregularities in the mi-conjugation:

371E.g., pa-aæ-åi . In this case, since this verb’s stem is paæå- and since in the cuneiform syllabary one cannot write a final double consonant without an unreal vowel, we cannot be absolutely certain that this writing is not intended to indicate *paæå. 372This ending is largely confined to the nu-causative verbs: parkunu-, åallanu- , etc.

373Old Hittite copies tend to use the cuneiform sign TU for this ending; later the sign DU was preferred. This writing convention does not necessarily reflect pronunciation. 374Cf. CHD nakkuå “loss(?)” for discussion and literature.

375Melchert 1984b 97.

109 6. Active Verb Endings 110

6.18 9.1.9.1 On rare occasions the pres. sg. 2 (“you …”) ends in -zi instead of the expected -åi or -ti: iåtamaåzi “you hear”376 (the same form as for “he hears”) for normal iåtamaåti (with the -ti ending of the æi-conjugation).

6.19 9.1.9.1.1 In earlier Hittite (OH, MH) factitive verbs in -aææ- (which in most of their forms conform to the mi-conjugation; CREF §7.18) form their pres. sg. 3 with an ending -i, i.e., maniyaææi “he entrusts”, idΩlawaææi “he injures, harms”, whereas in NH they conform to the more regular mi-conjugation pattern with -zi, i.e., maniyaæzi and idΩlawaæzi. See Houwink ten Cate 1970 p. 20. The pret. sg. 3 ended in -aææaå or -aææiå.

6.20 9.1.9.2 In New Hittite (NH) compositions there is a marked tendency to replace the older pret. sg. 2 in -å (“you …ed”) with the ending of the sg. 3 -t: older ieå (OH) and iyaå (MH) “you did/made”, but later iyat; older tËå “you said” (Hoffner 1997b), later tËt, older åallanuå “you raised”, later åallanut ; older paæåanuå “you protected”, later paæåanut, older aråanieå “you were envious”, tarkummiyaå “you announced”, åamenuå(?),377 and memanuågaå “you made (me) talk”, later tittanut “you made (something) stand”; older iterative ending -åkeå (MH: æatreåkeå “you were sending,” daåkeå “you were taking,” memiåkeå “you were saying”), later -åkit (NH). The form pËæuteå KUB 30.28 rev. 12 (NS) is by context pret. sg. 3 “he led there”, and is the result of late influence from the æi- conjugation on an otherwise mi-conjugation verb.

6.21 9.1.9.3 In the imperative sg. 1 the rarer ending -lit or -lut occurs principally in the verb eå- “to be”: Ëålut, Ëålit “let me be …”, but eå- also assumes the more common 1st sg. imperative form aåallu . For the different ablaut grade in the root CREF §26.4.

6.22 9.2 Irregularities in the æi-conjugation:

6.23 9.2.1 In the pres. sg. 3 an ending -ai occasionally appears where one expects -i: åipanti and åipandai “he libates, offers”, arri and arrai “he washes”.

6.24 9.2.2 Likewise in the pret. pl. 3 -aer occurs alongside the more usual -er: åipanter and åipantaer “they libated” from the verb stem åipant-. Obviously, in forms like dΩer “they took” the a is part of the verb stem, and the ending is only -er.

6.25 9.2.3 Conversely the ending -i occurs in the pres. sg. 3 instead of an expected -ai: waåtai “he sins” (the more usual form, since the normal stem is waåta-) and waåti (which shows that the earlier stem was waåt-).

6.26 9.2.4 The older ending -å of the pret. sg. 3 was replaced in later Hittite by -åta. CREF paradigms in §8.8, §8.15, §8.18.

376KBo 5.9 ii 16-17 zik–ma–[an] / iåtamaåzi, cf. also iii 7; and KBo 4.3 + KUB 40.34 iv 31-32 nu mΩn zik µKupanta - ∂LAMMA-aå ap[edaå menaææanda] / idalaweåzi . 377 åa-me-nu-uå KUB 31.112:11 (verb pret. sg. 2 according to Oettinger, MSS 35:99, noun according to Daddi Pecchioli, OA 14:108f.).

110 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 111

CHAPTER 7 ACTIVE CONJUGATION OF MI-VERBS

WITH CONSONANTAL STEMS

7.1 11.1 One can subdivide the mi-verbs into the following classes: (1) consonantal root stems, (2) vocalic root stems, (3) stems in -ai-, (4) stems in -iya-, (5) stems with infixed -nin-, (6) stems in -eå-, (7) iteratives in -åke-, and (8) causatives in -nu-. For convenience, however, we shall present them under two divisions: (chapter 11) consonantal stems, and (chapter 12) vocalic stems. In this chapter we shall consider, therefore, the conjugation of verbs which fall into categories 1, 5 and 6 of the longer classification.

7.2 11.2 Of the consonantal root stems the verbs which are monosyllabic and end in a single consonant belong together. Many such verbs exist in Hittite. A sub-group of these shows ablaut or vowel gradation (CREF §1.52 (*1.2). They show two vowel grades: (1) e and (2) a.

7.3 11.2.1 In these verbs the a-grade of the root is found in:

present tense 3 pl. aåanzi, appanzi, adanzi, akuanzi

imperative 1 sg. aåallu

3 pl. aåandu , appandu, adandu, akuandu

participle aåant -, appant -, adant -, akuant-

verbal subst. and inf. of set appatar, adatar, akwatar (wr. a-ku-wa-tar),appanna, adanna, 2 (§28.4 (*9.1.5) akwanna (written a-ku-wa-an-na )

iterative of ablauting verbs akkuåke- (< eku-), azzike- (

7.4 The verbs kuer- “to cut” and æuek- “to hex” show a zero grade of the ablauting vowel in the iterative: kuriåke- (

7.5 Some finite verb forms show both vowel grades in the root: appuen and eppuen “we seized,” Ëpteni and apteni “you will seize,” Ëålut and aåallu “may I be.” Vowel gradation can also be seen in the verb endings: pres. 1. pl. e- grade -weni, a-grade -wani, zero grade -uni.

111 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 112

7.6 11.2.2 Paradigm of the monosyllabic mi-verbs ending in a single consonant:

PRESENT INDICATIVE SINGULAR

“to be”378 “to seize” “to fear” eku-379 “to drink”

1 Ëåmi380 Ëpmi381 naæmi e-ku-mi

2 Ëååi, Ëåti Ëpåi382, Ëpti (NH) naæti e-uk-åi,383 e-ku-uå-åi, e-ku-ut-ti (NH)

3 Ëåzi384 Ëpzi naæzi, nΩæi385 e-uk-zi,386 e-ku-zi387

PLURAL

1 eåwani388 eppweni (wr. e-ep-pu-u-e-ni), nΩæweni,390 ÆUÅ- akweni, akwani,392 ekweni, ekwani appweni (wr. ap-pu-ú-e-ni)389 uni391

2 Ëpteni, ËptËni, apteni,393 naætËni ekwteni (wr. e-ku-ut-te-ni) Ëptani394

3 aåanzi appanzi *naæanzi akwanzi, ekwanzi

378Oettinger 1979 16ff.

379This stem probably ended in a labio-velar /ekw/.

380Wr. e-eå-mi, e-eå-åi, e-eå-zi, e-eå-wa-ni, etc.

381Wr. e-ep-mi, e-ep-åi/ti, e-ep-zi, e-ep-te-(e-)ni, etc.

382e-ep-åi

383Written in OH with metathesis of /ekw/ to /ewk/.

384Rare variant e-eå-za (Laws §97, copy A).

385Also wr. logographically as ÆUÅ-æi.

386 Wr. OH metathesis of /ekw/ to /ewk/.

387 Wr. e-ku-zi, e-ku-uz-zi for /ekwzi/.

388 Wr. e-åu-wa-ni, HED 2:285, HW™ 2:93b; no form *eåweni (*e-åu-e-ni) is attested yet.

389KUB 35.18 i 7, cf. Puhvel, HED 2:275.

390 Wr. na-a-æu-u-e-ni.

391 Wr. ÆUÅ-u-ni (*naæuni) KUB 5.2:6, 10, 15 (div., NH); error for ÆUÅ-u-e-ni or example of reduced grade of ending -weni? 392The forms a-ku-e-ni and a-ku-wa-ni are potentially ambiguous, since there is a verb ak(k)- “to die” with a pres. 1 pl. ak- ku-u-e-ni (akweni) (HED 1:18). This is distinct from a-ku-e-ni “we drink” only in the doubled writing of the velar. The w does double duty for the last consonant of the stem and the first of the ending: akw-weni, etc. 393Wr. ap-te-ni.

394HKM 57:33 (MH), not booked in HED or HW™.

112 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 113

PRETERITE INDICATIVE SINGULAR

1 eåun Ëppun nΩæun, naææun ekun

2 Ëåta 395 Ëpta 396 *naæta ekwta (wr. e-ku-ut-ta)

OH 3 Ëåta Ëpta naæta e-uk-ta , e-ku-ut-ta

PLURAL

1 Ëåwenm Ëppwen, Ωppwen *naæwen e-ku-en

2 Ëåten Ëpten *naæten

3 eåer Ëpper *naæer ekwer

IMPERATIVE SINGULAR

1 Ëålut, Ëålit, aåallu *appallu

2 Ëå Ëp nΩæi, naæi, nΩæÏ eku

3 Ëådu, Ëåtu Ëpdu ekuddu

PLURAL

2 Ëåten Ëpten *naæten ekutten

3 aåandu appandu *naæandu a-ku-wa-an-du397

7.7 Verbal substantive: eåuwar, åeåuwar, wekuwar, wr. e-åu-wa-ar, åe-åu-wa-ar, ú-e-ku-wa-ar ; nΩæ„waå and naææ„waå (gen.), (class 2:) appatar, adatar, akuwatar, kunatar (CREF §3.23, §6.9, and §28.2).

7.8 Infinitive: åeåuwanzi (wr. åe-åu-wa-an-zi); (class 2:) appanna (with rarer eppuwanzi), adanna, akuwanna (wr. a-ku-wa-an-na) (CREF §9.2.5.1).

7.9 Participle: aåant-, appant-, naææant- 398, åaåant-, wekant-, akwant-.

7.10 Iteratives: appiåki-, akkuåki-, azziki-, naææeåki-, åeåkiåki-; CREF §8.19.

395KBo 4.14 ii 8, KUB 5.9 i 16 (Madd. 58).

396KUB 14.1 rev. 23 (Madd. 58).

397 Wr. a-ku(-wa)-an-du.

398Neut. sg. naææΩn .

113 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 114

7.11 11.2.3 Most verbs whose stems end in d or t insert an å between stem and a dental- or sibilant- commencing ending (ed- “to eat”, iåpart - “to survive”, and possibly *mat- “to withstand”):

PRESENT SINGULAR

1 Ëdmi

2 Ëzåi, [Ëzz]aååi, ezatti mazatti

3 ezazzi, Ëzzazi, Ëzzazzi, mazzazzi, manzazi, mazzi iåparzazi, iåparzizi, Ëzzai, ËzzΩi399 iåparzai 400

PLURAL

1 adweni,401 edwΩni,402 edwe[ni]

2 ezzatteni, azzaåteni

3 adanzi, atΩnzi

PRETERITE

1 edun iåparzaææun 403

2 ezatta ma(z)zaåta 404 iåparzaåta o

3 Ëzta, ezatta, ezzaå, ezzaåta mazzaåta iåparzaå, iåparzaåta a

1 edwen405

2

3 eter iåparter , iåparzer r

IMPERATIVE

SINGULAR PLURAL

2 Ëd, Ëzza Ëzten, ezatten, Ëzzaåten

3 Ëzdu, ezzaddu, ezzaådu iåpartiddu adandu, Ëzzandu

399 The e(z)za(z)zi writings seem to be older than the ezzai ones, although none is attested yet in OS.

400 The iåparzazi writings are attested in MH. iåparzai does not occur before NH.

401 Wr. a-tu-e-ni, a-du-e-ni.

402 Wr. e-du-wa-a-ni.

403 KUB 25.21 iii 14 (HW 90, CTH 524 Kaåka treaty). A æi-conjugation form, but more than balanced by iåparzazi and iåpartiddu. 404KUB 14.1 obv. 62 (Madd. 58).

405Wr. e-du-u-en (477/u 13).

114 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 115

7.12 Infinitive: iåparzuwanzi; class 2: adanna (CREF §9.2.5.1). Participle: adant-, iåparzant- . Verbal substantive: gen. *mazwaå, wr. mazzuwaå; class 2: adatar (CREF §9.2.5.1). Iterative: azzikki-.

7.13 11.2.4 Three common verbs are monosyllabic mi-verbs with a distinctive type of vowel gradation. In the normal grade of these verbs one finds the sequence -ue- /we/. Another grade (reduced?) shows -wa- (in kuwaåki-, the iter. of kuen-, CREF §14.8). The usual reduced grade of these verbs is -u-. In the verb kuen- “to strike, hit, kill” the final n of the stem occasionally is lost in the writing when followed by the w, m and s which begin some verbal endings: kuemi, kueåi, kuewen, iter. kuwaåki-.

7.14 11.2.5 Paradigms of the monosyllabic mi-verbs containing the sequence -ue- as the syllable vowel:

PRESENT

SINGULAR PLURAL

1 kuemi æuekmi, æukmi kuennummeni æuekwani

2 kueåi, kuenti kuenatteni

3 kuenzi kuerzi æuekzi kunanzi, kuennanzi kuranzi æukanzi

PRETERITE

SINGULAR PLURAL

1 kuenun, *kuerun *æuekun kuewen, æugawen kuenunun kuinnummen

2 kuinneåta, kuenten *æuekten kuenta406

3 kuenta kuerta æuekta kuennir kuerir *æuekir

IMPERATIVE

1 *kunallu *kurallu *kueweni? *æuekweni?

2 kueni kuenten

3 kuendu, kuenidu kuerdu æuekdu kunandu kurandu

7.15 Verbal subst. æugatar . Inf. æuganna, kuranna, kunanna (CREF §3.23, §6.9, and §28.2). Participle: æugant-, kunant-, kurant-. Iterative: kwaråki- (ku-wa-ar-aå-ki-iz-zi 169/x i 7 cited in Oettinger 1979 119), kureåki- (from kuer-), kwa(n)åki- (from kuen-), æukiåki-/æukkiåki- (from æuek-).

7.16 11.3 Another group of mi-verbs have stems that end in a consonantal cluster, the first of which is a sonorant (l, r, m, n): walæ- “to strike”, åanæ- “to seek”, æark- “to perish”, iåtark- “to get sick”, karp- “to lift”, link- “to swear”, æamenk- “to bind,” warp- “to bathe”, kurk- “to store”, åalk- “to knead”, paræ- “to chase”, æarp- “to pile

406kuinneåta KUB 17.3 iii 4, kuenta KUB 14.1 rev. 23 (Madd. 58).

115 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 116 up, gather into a group, associate with”. Internal clusters of three consonants and final slusters of two consonants cannot be readily expressed in the syllabary. When a CV ending is directly affixed to the stem-ending cluster, the syllabification pattern is usually -V⁄C-V¤C-CV‹ (i.e., *walæmi is written wa-al-aæ-mi, *åanæmi as åa-an-aæ-mi), where V¤ is unreal. Exceptions are marked below with “but.”

-mi wa-al-aæ-mi, åa-an-aæ-mi, åa-aæ-mi (*åa(n)æmi), tar-aæ-mi, pár-aæ-mi, æar-ak-mi, kar-ap-mi, wa-ar-ap-mi, æar- ap-mi, æa-ma-an-ak-mi; but åa-an-æa-mi, æa-ma-an-ga-mi

-åi pár-aæ-åi, æar-ak-åi, kar-ap-åi, but wa-la!-aæ-åi, åa-an-æa-åi

-ti åa-an-aæ-ti, æar-ak-ti, but åa-an-æa-ti, åa-an-æa-at-ti, åa-na-aæ-ti

-zi wa-al-aæ-zi, li-ik-zi, æa-ma-ak[-zi], æar-ak-zi, tar-aæ-zi, pár-aæ-zi, åa-aæ-zi,and åa-an-aæ-zi < *åanæzi, wa-ar-ap- zi, kar-ap-zi, æar-ap-zi, but li-in-ga-zi, æa-ma-an-ga-zi, åa-an-æa-zi, åa-an-æa-az-zi 407

-weni wa-al-æu-u-e-ni, æar-ku-e-ni, li-in-ku-e-ni, åa-an-æu-e-ni,

-wani wa-al-æu-wa-ni, li-ku-wa-an-ni

-teni åa-an-aæ-te-ni, æar-ak-te-ni, but åa-an-æa-te-ni, åa-an-æa-at-te-ni,

-tani wa-al-aæ-ta-ni,

-anzi wa-al-æa-an-zi, åa-an-æa-an-zi, åa-an-æa-a-an-zi,åa-a-æa-an-zi, åa-a-an-æa-an-zi, åa-an-aæ-æa-an-zi, pár-æa-an-zi, li-in-kán-zi, but kar-ap-pa-an-zi, pár-aæ-æa-an-zi, wa-al-aæ-æa-an-zi,

-(i)anzi æar-ki-ia-an-zi, kar-(ap-)pí-an-zi,

-un wa-al-æu-un, åa-an-æu-un, åa-aæ-æu-un, åa-anaæ-æu-un, li-in-ku-un, but åa-an-aæ-æu-un, kar-ap-pu-un,

-t(a) æa-am-ma-ak-ta, wa-al-aæ-ta, åa-an-aæ-ta, åa-an-na-aæ-ta, åa-aæ-ta, æar-ak-ta, kar-ap-ta, li-in-ik-ta, li-ik-ta, but li-in-kat-ta, æa-ma-an-kat-ta, æa-ma-na-ak-ta, åa-an-æa-ta

-wen li-in-ku-en, li-in-ga-u-en, æi-in-ku-u-e-en, iå-tar-ni-in-ku-en, wa-al-æu-u-en

-ten wa-al-aæ-tén, åa-an-aæ-tén, kar-ap-tén, le-en-ek-tén

-er wa-al-æe-er, åa-an-æe-er, kar-pé-er,

-allu (no exx.)

-˜ wa-al-aæ, åa-a-aæ, åa-an-æa, kar-ap, li-in-ik, li-in-ki,

-du wa-al-aæ-du, åa-aæ-du, æar-ak-du, kar-ap-du,

-ten wa-al-aæ-tén, åa-a-aæ-tén, kar-ap-tén, le-en-ek-tén, but åa-an-æa-at-tén,

-andu wa-al-æa-an-du, åa-an-æa-an-du, li-in-kán-du

7.17 11.3.2 Another group of mi-verbs have stems that end in a cluster with w as its final component: eku- “to drink,” tarku- (*tarkw-) “to dance, whirl”, taræu- (*taræw-) “to be able, be in charge/control”, watku- “to leap”, åanæu- “to roast”, neku- “to become evening.”

-mi e-ku-mi

407See alternative forms: pár-æa-zi KUB 1.13 ii 14 (MH/NS), pár-æa-i KBo 3.5 iii 30 (MH/MS), pár-aæ-æa-i ibid. iv 3, pár- æa-a-i ibid. i 22 and passim, KUB 1.11 i 8, pár-aæ-æa-a-i KBo 3.5 iv 13, 14.

116 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 117

-åi e-uk-åi,408 e-ku-uå-åi,

-ti e-ku-ut-ti

-zi tar-uk-zi, tar-ku-zi, tar-ku-uz-zi, tar-ru-uæ-zi, wa-at-ku-zi, wa-at-ku-uz-zi, e-uk-zi,409 e-ku-zi410, åa-an-æu-uz- zi,411 tar-æu-uz-zi,

-weni akweni, ekweni,

-wani akwani,412 ekwani

-teni ekwteni (wr. e-ku-ut-te-ni)

-tani

-anzi tar-ku-wa-an-zi, tar-ru-uæ-æa-an-zi, wa-at-ku-an [-zi], akwanzi, ekwanzi

-(i)anzi

-un ekun

OH -t(a) wa-at-ku-ut,413 ekwta (wr. e-ku-ut-ta), e-uk-ta ,

-wen e-ku-en

-ten

-er tar-ku-e-er, tar-æu-e-er, wa-at-ku-u-e-er m, ekwer(wr. e-ku-er)

-allu

-˜ eku

-du tar-æu-du,ekuddu

-ten ekutten

-andu akuwandu

-wanzi414 tar-ku-wa-an-zi,

-war tar-ku-wa-ar,

-atar a-ku-wa-tar

408Wr. OH metathesis of /ekw/ to /ewk/.

409 Wr. OH metathesis of /ekw/ to /ewk/.

410Wr. e-ku-zi, e-ku-uz-zi for /ekwzi/.

411 KBo 17.105 iii 3 (MH/MS).

412The forms a-ku-e-ni and a-ku-wa-ni are potentially ambiguous, since there is a verb ak(k)- “to die” with a pres. 1 pl. ak- ku-u-e-ni (akweni) (HED 1:18). This is distinct from a-ku-e-ni “we drink” only in the doubled writing of the velar. The w does double duty for the last consonant of the stem and the first of the ending: akw-weni, etc. 413 This NH form shows that the original consonantal stem has been reinterpreted in NH as a vocalic (u) stem. See Oettinger, … 414Both the inf. and verbal subst. use haplological, simplified formations: tar-ku-wa-an-zi for *tar-ku-wa-u-wa-an-zi, and tar-ku-wa-ar for *tar-ku-wa-u-wa-ar. See also the verbal subst. > noun arkuwar (not *arkuwawar) from the verb arkuwa(i)-.

117 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 118

-anna a-ku-wa-an-na

-ant- tar-ku-wa-an-t…,

7.18 11.3.3 Factitive verbs in -aææ- (§5.4),. For the actives CREF §9.1.9.1.1; for the middles CREF §10.3.1.

Endings Example forms

Present

-mi idΩlawaæmi (MH/NS), åuppiyaæmi (NH), manninkuwaæmi (NH), SIGfi-aæmi (MH), KASKAL-åiyaæmi

-åi (no exx.)

-ti idΩlawaæti*, kururiyaæti, ÌR-aæti, SIGfi-aæti,

-i arΩwaææi (OH), taåuwaææi (OH), åuppiyaææi (OH), kururiyaææi (NH), katteraææi (MH), åarazyaææi (MH/NS), ÆUL-waææi (*idalawaææi) (NH), maninkuwaææi (NS), kartimmiyaææi, KASKAL-aææi

-zi taåuwaæzi (NS), idΩlawaæzi, maniyaæzi, åuppiyaæzi, KASKAL-åiyaæzi

-weni SIGfi-aæweni

-wani daåuwaæwani, [3-y]aææaææuwani, 4-yaææaææuwani

-teni katterraæteni, åarazziyaæteni, SIGfi-aæteni, [åak]uwaååaraæteni,

-tani —

-anzi [3-y]aææanzi, 4-yaææanzi, KASKAL-åiaææanzi

Preterite

-un idΩlawaææun,arΩwaææun, papraææun, kururiyaææun, åuppiyaææun, kutruwaææun, newaææun, åappiåaraææun, KASKAL-åiaææ[un]

-iå (2 sg) —

-ta (2 sg.) *miæuntaæta (NH),

-aå (3 sg.) æantezziyaææaå, kallaraææaå, manninkuwaææaå, newaææaå

-iå (3 sg) iåkunaææiå

-ta (3 sg.) ÌR-aæta (NH), GÙB-laæta, iåiyaæta (NH), idΩlawaæta (NH), katterraæta (NH), kuripaæta (NH), kururiyaæta, liliwaæta (NH), papraæta (NH), åakiyaæta (NH), åarazziyaæta (NH), taåuwaæta (NH), tepawaæta (NH)

-wen idΩlawaææuen, ZAG-naææuen, [KASKAL-]åiyaææuen

-ten ÆUL-aæten

-er kururiyaææir, ulkeååaraææir, æappina[ææir], pËdaååaææir, ÌR-naææir, katterraææir, [m]iåriwaææi[r], liliwaææir, markiåtaææir, arΩwaææir, papraææir, newaææir, mayandaææir, daåuwaææir, SIGfi-yaææir, dannataææir

7.19 11.3.4 Verbs in -eåå-. For the meaning of the suffix CREF §5.7.

-mi —

-åi

-ti *æappineåti (NÍG.TUKU-ti), *idalaweåti (ÆUL-u-eå-ti), *kardimmeåti (TUKU.TUKU-eå-ti),

118 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 119

-zi innaraweåzi, idΩlaweåzi,æadukiåzi, kallareåzi, *kunneåzi (ZAG-neåzi), makkeåzi, mi(ya)æu(wa)nteåzi, parkueåzi,dannateåzi, tepaweåzi, waræueåzi, GÉME-aååareåzi, etc.

-weni [iåæa ]ååarweååwe[ni],

-teni idΩlaweåteni, parkueåteni,

-anzi [innar ]aweååanzi, idΩlaweååanzi, maninkueååanzi, tepaweååanzi,

-un —

-ta araweåta, idalaweåta

-wen —

-ten

-er araweååer, mayateååer, maråeååer, åalleååer,

7.20 Paradigms for stems with nasal infix -ni(n)-. For the meaning of the infix CREF §5.11.

PRESENT INDICATIVE

SINGULAR

1 æarnikmi åarnikmi

2 æarnikti* iåtarnikåi

3 æarnikzi åarnikzi ninikzi iåtarnikzi

PLURAL

1 åarninkueni nininkuweni *iåtarninkueni

2 æarnikteni åarnikteni ninikteni

3 æarninkanzi åarninkanzi nininkanzi

PRETERITE INDICATIVE SINGULAR

1 æarninkun åarninkun nininkun

2 æarnikta

3 æarnikta åarnikta ninikta

PLURAL

1 iåtarninkuen

3 æarninkir nininkir

IMPERATIVE

119 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 120

SINGULAR

2 æarnik ninik

3 æarnikdu åarnikdu

PLURAL

2 æarnikten ninikten

3 æarninkandu åarninkandu nininkandu

Vbsubst. æarninkuwar åarninkuwaå (gen.) nininkuwaå (gen.)

Inf. I æarninkuwanzi åarninkuwanzi nininkuwanzi

Part. æarninkant- åarninkant- nininkant-

CONJUGATION OF MI-VERBS WITH THEMATIC STEMS

7.21 12.0 On the Hittite verbal stems and their inflections see Oettinger 1979, 1985 and 1992 213-252.

7.22 12.1 The following mi-verbs are ablauting root verbs which are polysyllabic: see Oettinger 1979 125f. (I 2 g), uwate- “to lead here”, peæute- “to lead there”, wete- “to build”, werite- “to be afraid”, watku- “to leap, spring”. The ablaut e/a is fairly predictable:

PRESENT SINGULAR

1 uwatemi pËæutemi widami, witemi, wedaææi† weritemio++

2 uwateåi peæuteåi wedaåi werizzaåti†

3 uwatezzi,uwatezi, peæutezzi, peæutezi, wetezzi, wedai† weritiz[zi], urizzizz[i] uwadazzi pËæuttezzi

PRESENT PLURAL

1 uwateweni, uwatewani, pËæutummËni† wedumËni† uwatummenim

2 uwatetteni, uwatettani, pËæutetteni, pËæuettani — uwadateni

3 uwadanzim peæudanzi, peæutanzi, wedanzi waritanzi o, werita[nzi] peæutenzi415

PRETERITE SINGULAR

1 uwatenun peæutenun wetenun, wedaææun†, wetun

415 Spelled [pé]-e-æu-te-en-zi KBo 25.50 left edge 7, not with the -tén- sign.

120 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 121

2 uwatet peæutet wedaå†

3 uwatet peæutet, peæuteå† wetet, wedaå† weriteåta, † wiriteåta, † werit[e…]

PRETERITE PLURAL

1 uwatewen — wetummen

2 — peæutetten

3 uwater, uwatËr peæuter weter

IMPERATIVE SINGULAR

2 uwatem, uwati, uwatet m peæute, peæuti wete

3 uwateddu peæuteddu weteddu, wedau†

PLURAL

2 uwatettenm, uwatatten, uwatittenm peæutetten wetatten

3 uwadandu peæudandu wedandu

7.23 Verbal subst.: wetummar, *uwatummar. Infin.: wetummanzi, *uwatummanzi(?). For the m in these forms CREF §1.72, §1.77. Participle: peæudant-, widant-. Iterative: weteåke-, weriteåke-. No iter. of uwate- is yet attested, and peæuteåke- (NH) from peæute- is rare.

7.24 12.2 The following are vocalic root stems which are monosyllabic : lΩ(i)- “to loose”, æΩ(i)- “to trust, believe”, åΩ(i)- “to be angry, rage”.

7.25 12.2.1 Paradigms of the monosyllabic, vocalic root stems. Forms marked with † are marked æi- conjugation. Although Oettinger 1979 assigns lΩ- (64ff.) and æΩe- (sic) (360ff.) to different classes, they conjugate almost identically in most periods of Hittite.

PRESENT

Singular Plural

1 lΩmi, æΩmi lΩweni

2 lΩåi, la-[a-i]å-åi 416, æΩåi —

3 lΩizzim, lΩi†o+, åΩizzi lΩnzi, åΩnzi

PRETERITE

Singular Plural

1 lΩnuno+,m, lΩ„n n, æΩnun, åΩnun lΩwen

416 If correctly read, see HKM 30:19’ (MH/MS).

121 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 122

2 laÏå n, æΩiå æatten

3 lΩit n, æΩit, åΩit, åΩyit, åΩiå † lΩer, æΩir

IMPERATIVE

2 lΩo+, lΩin, æΩ lΩtten, æΩtten

3 lΩu, lΩddu n

Verbal subst.: åΩwar, lΩwar. Infin.: lΩwanzi. Participle: lΩnt-, æΩnt-, åΩnt- . Iter. la-a-(i-)iå-ki-.m

7.26 12.2.2 The stem te- is supplemented by the stem ter-/tar- in forming a complete paradigm for this verb of speech. For a discussion see Oettinger 1979 109f.

PRESENT PRETERITE

Singular Plural Singular Plural

1 tËmi, temi tarweni tËnun, tenun —

2 tËåi, teåi tarteni m, tËtenim+, tËå417 —

3 tezzi, tardin418 taranzi tËt, tet terer

IMPERATIVE

SINGULAR PLURAL

2 tËt, tet tËten, tetteno

3 tËddu, teddu darandu

PARTICIPLE: tarant -

ITERATIVE: tar-åi-k¿-, tar-aå-k¿-. 419

7.27 12.3 The extremely common verbs pai- “to go” and ue-/uwa- “to come” exhibit many irregularities in inflection. They are univerbations of the motion prefixes pe- and u- and the inherited motion verb *(e)i- “to go, walk, move.” The combination of ablaut and contractions of vowels led to complicated paradigms. For paradigm and discussion see Oettinger 1979 131f., 388f.

Forms marked with superscript n are (only) attested in NH or NS, those with o in OH, those with o+ in OH/MS and m+ OH/NS, those with m in MH, those with in MH/NS, those with om in OH and MH, etc. Unmarked forms are

417 See te-e-eå HKM 48:17 (MH/MS), [t]e-eå KUB 60.150 obv. 9, and discussion in Hoffner 1997b.

418 A Luwian pres. sg. 3 form in -ti.

419For the paradigm see §12.7.

122 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 123 attested in at least one of the three periods OH to NH, but whose initial period of use cannot be determined. Normally the first-cited form is the more common: [These sentences should probably be moved to an introductory chapter to the grammar, since they apply potentially to all paradigms — HH]

PRESENT

SINGULAR PLURAL

1 paimi, pΩimi, pΩmin uwami, uwΩmin, uwammin paiwani, pΩiwenin, uwaweni pΩwenin

2 paiåi, pΩiåi, paåi n, paittin uwaåi,o uwΩåin paitteni, paittani 420 uwatteni, uwΩttenin, uwattËnin

3 paizzi, pΩizzi uezzi,421 uËzziom, uwazzin pΩnzi, panzi uenzi, uwanzi422

PRETERITE

SINGULAR PLURAL

1 pΩun, pΩ„nn, pΩnunn uwanun, uwΩnun423 paiwen, pΩiwen, pΩwenm uwaweno

2 paitta uwaån *paitten uwattenn

3 pait, pΩitmn, paÏtom uet, uËto pΩer, pΩÏrn, pΩËrn uËr

IMPERATIVE

2 Ït eæu Ïtten, paitten uwatten, uitten424

3 paiddu, paittu o uiddu pΩntuo, pΩndumn uwandu, uwadu

Verbal subst.: pΩwarn, uwawar. Infinitive: pawanzi o, pΩwanzin, uwawanzi. Participle: pΩnt-, uwant-.

7.28 12.3.1 The expected 2 sg. (and occasionally pl.) of the imperative of pai- and uwa- is rarely employed. Instead, unprefixed forms of *(e)i- are used for the imperative of “go”, and a special suffixed form for the 2nd sg. imp. of “come.” For pai- the forms are 2 sg. Ït (wr. i-it) and 2 pl. Ïtten (wr. i-it-tén). For uwa- the 2 sg. eæu. The unprefixed imp. forms also occur with preverbs: anda eæu KUB 24.2 i 11, parΩ eæu (Güterbock, ZA NF 9, 323, line 5),

420The forms paittΩni and paittËni are found only in MH/NS.

421 In the spelling ú-i/ez-zi it cannot be determined if the form was read /wezzi/ or /wizzi/. The i writing is the traditional (or “default”) writing by Hittitologists. The former, however, is more likely in view of the plene writing ú-e-ez-zi. Cf. Melchert 1994 140. 422Both uenzi and uwanzi occur in all periods, but uenzi is much less common than uwanzi in NH.

423 ú-wa-nu-nu-un in BoTU 57 I 10, cited HW1 238, is probably a scribal error for ú-wa-nu-un.

424ú-it-te-en, found only once to our knowledge, in a NH copy of an OH text, may be a scribal error. ú-wa-at-te-en occurs twice in the immediate context.

123 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 124

kattan eæu KUB 7.5 i 16; KUB 7.8 ii 3, aræa eæu Taw. III 68; andan Ït KBo 3.23 i 10, EGIR-pa Ït HKM 84 rev. 5; also as auxiliary verbs in the so-called “phraseological” construction.425

7.29 12.4 Many mi-verbs in -Ω(i)- are part of a very productive class of verb stems formed from nouns and adjectives. The following are vocalic verbal stems in -Ω(i)-:426 æandΩ(i)- “to prepare something, to be fitted, matched, joined”, æat(ta)rΩ(i)- “to send, write”, iræΩ(i)- “to make rounds”, iåkallΩ(i)- “to tear”, malΩ(i)- “to approve, consent to”, mugΩ(i)- “to invoke”, munnΩ(i)- “to hide, harbor”, mutΩ(i)- “to remove, discard, dispose of”, åaktΩ(i)- “to tend (medically)”, dammeåæΩ(i)- “to oppress”, tuææΩ(i)- “to be short of breath”.

7.30 kappuwe- “to count, reckon, consider”, and åarkuwe- “to put on footwear”, in OH originally -e-stems with pres. pl. 3 in -enzi, in NH developed forms of the æatrΩ(i)- type (as kappuwai- and åarkuwai-).

7.31 12.4.1 Paradigms of the verbal stems in -Ω(i)-. The full -Ωe/i-stem is found only in pres. sg. 3 æatra e/izzi) and pret. sg. 2 and 3 (æatrΩeå and æatra e/it).

PRESENT SINGULAR

1 æatrΩmi æandΩmi iræΩmi

2 æatrΩåi æandΩåi

3 æatrΩizzi æantezzi, æandaizzi, æandai† iræaizzi, iræai †,

PRESENT PLURAL

1 æatrΩweni, æatrauni

2

3 æandanzi iræanzi

PRETERITE SINGULAR

1 æatrΩnun æandanun

2 æatrΩeå

3 æatrΩit, æatrΩeå æandait iræait

PRETERITE PLURAL

1 æandawen

3 æatrΩir æandair

IMPERATIVE SINGULAR

2 æatrΩi æandai

425 nu–wa–kan Ït KUR URUHapΩlla–wa–kan kueni KUB 14.1 rev. 26 (MH/MS).

426 Oettinger 1979 interprets the stem as -ae-.

124 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 125

3 æatrΩu æantaiddu

PLURAL

2 æatratten

iræandu 3 æandandu

Verbal æandawar iræawar subst.

Infin.I æandawanzi iræawanzi

Infin.II

Part. æatrant- æandant- iræant-

7.32 Aside from the very few pres. 3rd sg. forms listed above (æandai, iræai ) there is no confusion in Hittite between mi-verbs in -ai- and æi-verbs in -ai- (for which CREF §§14.3 and 14.4).

7.33 12.5 Verbal stems in -(i)ya/e- (CREF §1.9.2.7) include basic verbs such as iya-, tiya-, wemiya-, æuett(iya)-, zaææiya-, markiya-, æaliya-, æariya-, and also denominatives such as æappariya-, laæ(æ)iyΩ(i)-, lam(a)niya-, and urkiya-. In the later language there is a tendency for the -ai- type of inflection to replace the regular one.427 [Craig: Is this wording correct? Isn’t zaææiya- also a denom. from zaææai- ? One could also add æaææariya- “to rake together”, or do you think we should confine to this group?]

7.34 12.5.1 Paradigms for the unmixed mi-conugation stems in -iya-:

PRESENT INDICATIVE

SINGULAR

1 iemi (OH), iya(m)mi tiyami wemiyami æuittiyami laææiyami, laææiyammi

2 iyaåi tiyaåi wemiyaåi æuittiyaåi [laææ]iyaåi

3 ie(z)zi,o iya(z)zi, tizzi, tiezzi, tiyazi wemizzi, wemiezi, æuittiezzi, æuittiyazi, laæiyaizzi iyaizzi wemiyazi æuittiyai†

PLURAL

1 iyaweni, iyawani tiyaweni wemiyaweni

2 iyatteni tiyatteni æuittiyatteni laæ[æi]yatteni

3 ienzi, iyanzi tienzi, tiyanzi wemiyanzi æuittiyanzi

427 According to Oettinger (…)this is a Luwianism.

125 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 126

PRETERITE INDICATIVE SINGULAR

1 iyanun, iyaun tiyanun wemiyanun æuittiyanun

2 iyaå, iyat tiyat — —

3 iet, iyat tiet, tiyat wemi(e)t, wemiyat æuitti(e)t, æuittiyat

PLURAL

1 iyawen tiyawen wemiyawen æuittiyawen

2 iyatten

3 ier tier wemier æuittier

IMPERATIVE

SINGULAR PLURAL

1 iyallu

2 iya tiya æuitti iyatten tiyatten

3 ieddu, iyaddu tiyaddu iendu, iyandu tiyandu wemiyandu

Vbsbst. iyawar tiyawar æuittiyawar

Inf I iyawanzi tiyawanzi wemiyawanzi æuittiyawanzi

Inf II tiyanna

Part. iyant-, ient- tint-, tiyant- æuittiyant-

7.35 12.5.2 What Oettinger 1979 24, 257ff. calls a “simple thematic class”, is represented by the verbs æulle- “to repulse, turn back, defeat (an enemy), reverse, cancel (an agreement)”, æa/urne- “to besprinkle”, iåparre- “to spread (something) out, trample(?)”, kappuwe- “to count,” lukke- “to ignite”, malle- “to mill, grind”, åarre- “to divide”, åarkuwe- “…,” åulle- “to quarrel”, åuwe- “to forfeit, repudiate, divorce”, duwarne- “to break”, waååe- “to clothe”, zinne- “to finish”. Many of these verbs follow this conjugational pattern only in OH, or in OH and MH, changing in NH to other patterns (mi-verbs in stem -ai-, æi-verbs in -a-, etc.).

7.36 12.5.2.1 The simple thematic verbs in Hittite have the following paradigm of theme vowel + ending:

Active pres. +a+mi, +e+åi, +e+(z)zi, +a+weni, +e+t a/eni, +a+nzi

Active pret. +a+nun, +e+å, +e+t, +a+wen, +e+ten, +e+er

Active Imp. +a+llu, +e+˜, +e+tu, +e+ten, +a+ntu

126 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 127

12.5.2.2 Paradigms for the active voice of the mi-conjugation simple thematic verbs. pres. sg. 1 pres. sg. 2 æu-ul-la-åi,o428 åu-ul-li-åi429, åu-ul-li-ia-åi,n pres. sg. 3 æu-ul-le-(e-)ez-zi430, æu-ul-la-az-zi,o431 åu-ul-le-ez-zi,m åu-ul-la-iz-zi,n åu-ul-li-ia-zi,n iå-pár-re-ez- zi, lu-uk-ke-ez-zi432, ma-al-le-ez-zi,433 ma-al-la-i, n ma-al-li, n åar-re-(e)-ez-zim+434 pres. pl. 1 åar-ra-u-e-ni m+ pres. pl. 2 åar-ra-at-te-ni n pres. pl. 3 æu-ul-la-an-zim, iå-pár-ra-an-zi, lu-uk-kán-zi,m åar-ra-an-zi, pret. sg. 1 æu-ul-la-nu-un,435 [lu-u]q-qa-nu-un o++, åar-ra-aæ-æu-un †n, ma-al-la!-nu-un pret. sg. 2 [åu-u]≠l-le±-e-≠et±,n åu-ul-li-ya-atn pret. sg. 3 æu-ul-le-et436, lu-uk-ke-et, ma-al-le-e-etn, åar-re-et, o åar-ra-aå, m åu-u-ul-le-(e-)etm , åu-ul-le-(e)-et,n åu-ul-la-a-it, n åu-ul-li-ia-at, n pret. pl. 1 æu-ul-lu-mi-en,m+ åar-ru-me-en n pret. pl. 2 åu-ul-le-et-te-en437 pret. pl. 3 æu-ul-le-er, åar-re-er, 438 åar-ri-i-e-er, n åar-ri-e-er,n åu-ul-le-er,m+ åu-ul-li-i-e-er,n imp. sg. 1

n imp. sg. 2 ma-a-al-lan439, åar-ri imp. sg. 3 æu-ul-la-ad-du n imp. pl. 1 imp. pl. 2 åar-ri n

428 æu-ul-la-åi KUB 37.223 A7 (liver oracle, OS).

429åu-ul-li-åi KUB 36.114 ii/iv 6 (OH/MS or MH/MS).

430NH æu-ul-la-(a-)i and æu-ul-li-ia-az-zi.

431æu-ul-la-az-zi KUB 37.223 C4 (liver oracle, OS).

432NH forms lu-uk-zi, lu-ki-iå-zi is a NH intransitive verb “to become bright”; lu-uk-ki-iå-zi “he sets fire to” in Laws §100 is a NH scribe’s error for correct lu-uk-ke-ez-zi. 433NH has the additional forms ma-al-la-i, ma-al-la-zi, ma-al-li-ia-az-zi.

434NH has the additional forms åar-ra-(a-)i, åar-ri, åar-ri-ia-zi, åar-ri-ia-iz-zi, the last possibly a conflation of åar-ri-ia-zi and åar-re-(e-)ez-zi. 435OH/NS æu-ul-li-ia-nu-un.

436OH/NS æu-ul-li-iå.

437KUB 4.1 ii 11 (MH/NS).

438NH has additional form åar-ri-i-e-er .

439So Oettinger 1979 278 n. 38; but probably to be interpeted as noun mΩl with “and” mΩll–a “and mΩl” (CHD L-N 124).

127 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 128 imp. pl. 3 iå-pár-ra-an-du, m+ ma-al-la-an-du ,m+ åar-ra-an-du n inf. åar-ru-ma-an-zi n, ma-al-lu-wa-an-zi, verbal subst. åar-ru-mar, ma-al-lu-wa-ar, æu-ul-lu-mar, n part. iå-pár-ra-an, lu-uk-kán, ma-al-la-an iter. stem åar-ra-aå-k …,m åar-re-eå-k …,n åar-ri-iå-k…n , ma-al-liå-k…

7.37 12.5.3 Both mi-verbs in -Ω(i)- and those in -iya- spread at the expense of other stem types, leading to a variety of alternations, some of whose chronology cannot be fully determined.

7.38 12.5.3.1 Sometimes consonantal stems and extended stems in -ai- and -iya- all follow the mi-conjugation, such as:

7.39 stems in -ai- (12.2) and -iya- (12.5):440 åarlai- åarliya-, æullai- æulliya-, åullai- åulliya-, tarkummai- tarkummiya-, åamnai- åamniya-, æurnai- æurniya-, æapparai- æappariya-, åarai- åariya-, aråai- aråiya-, åartai- åartiya-.

7.40 stems in consonant, -ai-, and -iya-: iåtalk- iåtalkai- iåtalkiya-, parå- paråai- paråiya-, tarup- taruppai- taruppiya-.

7.41 stems in consonant and -iya-: malk- malkiya-, æark- æarkiya-, park- parkiya-, iåtark- iåtarkiya-, åeåk- åeåkiya-, iåk- iåkiya-, karp- karpiya-, karå- karåiya-, waå- waååiya-, anå- anåiya -.

7.42 12.5.3.2 At other times one stem belongs to mi- and the other to the æi-conjugation:

(1) æi-stems in -a- and mi-stems in -iya-: dala-/daliya-, walla-/walliya-, æaliæla-/ æaliæliya-, mema-/memiya-, nanna-/nanniya-, penna-/penniya-, unna-/unniya-, åunna- åunniya-, uppa-/uppiya-, åarra-/åarriya-, dala-/daliya- (for the paradigm of the æi-stems CREF §8.18). Cf. nai- and neya- §8.15.

(2) æi-stems in -ai-, and mi-stems in -iya-: iåæai-/iåæiya-, mai-/miya-, iåæamai-/iåæamiya-, duwarnai-/duwarniya-, appai-/appiya-, iåpai-/iåpiya-, parai-/pariya-, åai-/åiya- .

7.43 12.5.3.3 Not all apparent examples of the above are really the same verb: mark- “to cut up” versus markiya- “to disapprove of, reject”, arå- “to flow” versus aråai- /aråiya- “to tend, care for, cultivate”, and warå- “to reap, harvest” versus waråiya- “to pacify, soothe”.

7.44 12.5.4 Some illustrations of these alternations with occasional æi-conjugation forms (marked with †), including many verbs from the OH simple thematic class (§7.36) which have changed their conjugational pattern in late MH and NH.

440See below in §12.5.3 for the original class (simple thematic) of some of these verbs.

128 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 129

PRESENT SINGULAR

1 åarlami æappariyami

2 æappirΩ[åi] æullaåi åulliyaåi,441

3 åarlΩizzi, åarlΩi †o+ æappa/iraizzi, æulliyazzi, æullai† åulliyazi442, æapraizzi åullaizzi443

PRESENT PLURAL

1

2 æappiratteni [æ]ullatteni

3 åarlanzi æappa/iranzi æullanzi

PRETERITE SINGULAR

1 æapparienun æulliyanun åullanun?

2

3 åarlΩit æapparΩit æulliyat, æulliå†, åulliyat,445 åullΩit æullaå†444

PRETERITE PLURAL

1 åarlawen æullumen, æulliyawen

2

3 åullier446

Participles åarlΩnt- æappirant- æullant- åullant-447

Infinitives

Verbal Subst. *åarlumar 448 æullatar, æullumar åullatar o+

Iter. stem åarliåke-, åarleåke- æappiriåke-m+ æulliåke-n

Supine æulliåkewann

THE -ÅKE/A- ASPECTUAL

441åu-ul-li-ia-åi KBo 12.70 obv. 8.

442KUB 14.3 iv 39 (Hatt. III).

443åu-ul-la-iz-zi KUB 13.32 rev. 7 (Tudh. IV).

444æu-ul-la-aå Bronze Tablet 14 (Tudh. IV).

445Hatt. iii 69, 77, 79 (Hatt. III), KUB 12.60 i 3 (OH/NS).

446åu-ul-li-i-e-er (Annals of Murå. II, NH); the writing åu-ul-li-er (KUB 4.1+ i 17, MH/NS) could be read åu-ul-le-er and be assigned to the simple thematic conjugation. 447åu-ul-la-an-da KUB 24.3+ ii 34 (neut. pl.).

448Genitive åar-lu-ma-aå KUB 30.16 i 7.

129 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 130

7.45 12.6 The verbal base of an aspectual form in -åke/a-, if it is an ablauting verb, is usually the reduced grade. Thus:

Full grade stem Reduced grade stem Stem with -åke/a- wen- “to have sexual intercourse” wan- uwanåikki- kuen- kwan- kuwaåke- (*kwanåke-)

æuek- “to bewitch” æukk- æukkiåke- pai- “to give” pi- piåke- ar(u)wai- “to do reverence” ar(u)wi- arwiåke- au(å)- “to see” u- uåke- dai- “to place” d- zikki- (*d-åke-) ed- “to eat” ad- azzikki- (*ad-åke-)

æuwart- “to curse” æurt- æurzakki- (*æurtåke-) ekw- “to drink” akw- akkuåke- (*akw-åke-) epp- “to seize” app- appiåke- mema- “to speak” memi- memiåke- unuwa- “to decorate, ornament” unu- unuåke-449

7.46 12.6.1 Although the vowel which connects a verbal base ending in a consonant to the -åke/a- suffix is regularly an -i- in the old language: wekiåke-, æukkiåke-, one also finds -e- later (Melchert 1984b, 134-135, 147- 150).

7.47 12.6.2 Some verbs in a consonant connect directly with the sibilant, the resulting cluster undergoing certain changes: *ad-åke- > azzikke-, *d-åke- > zikke-, *æurt-åke- > æurzakke-, *tarn-åke- > taråikke-, *åipand-åke- > åipanzakke-, etc. Forms without an inserted vowel are sometimes replaced by forms with one (tarnaåke- and tarniåke- from tarna- ).

7.48 12.6.3 The -åk- suffix is connected to the inflexional endings of the verb by a thematic vowel, which alternates between e/i and a. As in the case of the simple thematic stems and stems in -(i)ya/e- cited above, there is considerable variation in the distribution within the paradigm of the variants -åke- and -åka-. Evidence for e is ¿å-ke- e-mi, ¿å-ke-e-u-e-ni, ¿å-ke-eå, ¿å-ke-e-er and ¿å-ke-el-lu. Less frequently i: ¿å-ki-i-mi, ¿å-ki-iå-åi. The inflexional endings are those of the mi-conjugation. The following combinations of thematic vowel and endings are known:

PRESENT INDICATIVE sg. 1 -åkemi da-aå-ke-e-mi (OS), da-aå-ke-mi, peåkemi, iå-æi-iå-ki-i-mi, da-aå-ke-e-mi, me-mi-iå-ke-e-mi

449The form ú-nu-uå-ke-ez-zi is found in KBo 38.265 i 13’. Note this reduced grade stem even in the non-iterative form ú- nu-uz-zi ibid. 11’.

130 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 131

-ågami æa-an-da-a-iå-qa-mi sg. 2 -åkeåi da-aå-ke-åi, pé-eå-ke-åi, pí-iå-ke-åi, uå-ke-åi

-åkiååi da-aå-ki-iå-åi

-åkatti uå-kat-ti sg. 3 -åkezzi da-aå-ke-ez-zi, peåkezzi, uåkezzi, akkuåkezzi pl. 1 -åkewani daåkewani,CHECK THIS!!

-åkeweni da-aå-ke-e-u-e-ni (OS)

-ågaweni da-aå-ga-u-e-ni, piågaweni pl. 2 -åketteni da-aå-ke-et-te-ni,

-åkettani ak-ku-uå-ke-et-ta-ni, up-pí-iå-ke-et-ta-ni, ú-e-te-eå-ke-ta-ni, åa-aå-nu-uå-ke-et-ta-ni

-åka(t)teni da-a-aå-qa-te-e-ni, da-aå-ga-at[-te-ni], uå-ka-te-ni, uå-ka-at-te-ni, åa-aå-nu-uå-ga-at-te-ni ;450 da-aå-kat-te- ni, pí-iå-kat-te-ni, uå-kat-te-ni, uå-kat-te-e-ni pl. 3 -åkanzi daåkanzi, peåkanzi, uåkanzi, akkuåkanzi

PRETERITE INDICATIVE sg. 1 -åganun da-aå-ga-nu-un

-åkenun pé-eå-ke-nu-un, uåkenun, akkuåkenun, da-aå-ke-nu-un

451 2 -åkeå da-aå-ke-eå, zi-ik-ke-eå (*d+åkeå < dai- “to put”), æa-at-re-eå-ke-eå

3 -åket daåket, peåket, uåket, akkuåket pl.1 -ågawen uå-ga-u-enm, e-pu-re-eå-ga-u-en n, åa-an -æi-iå-ga-u-enn, [ú-]eå-ga-u-enn,

-åkewen wekiåkewen,

2 -åkatten peåkatten

3 -åker da-aå-ke-e-er, peåker, akkuåker

-åkar pí-iå-kar452 KUB 38.3 i 17 (NH)

450 In view of the preceding forms with resolved spellings containing the vowel a, it is unlikely that one should read the GAD sign (HZL #173) in the following forms as kit· instead of its usual kat. 451Both of these forms are found in KUB 14.1 (rev. 21 and 35), which is MH in MS. æatreåkeå is found in HKM 30:15 (MH/MS). 452 KUB 38.3 i 17 (NH). On the reality of the a vowel see Neu 1989a. On the 3rd pl. preterite ending in general see Yoshida 1991.

131 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 132

IMPERATIVE sg.1 -åkellu pí-iå-ke-el-lu

2 -åke peåke, uåke, akkuåke

3 -åkeddu daåkeddu, uåkeddu, akkuåkeddu pl. 2 -åketten akkuåketten, daåketten

-åkatten da-a-aå-qa-te-en, da-aå-kat-te-en, piåkatten, uåkatten, akkuåkatten

3 -åkandu daåkandu, piåkandu, uåkandu, akkuåkandu

Supine: -åkewan, -åkawan. Ratio c. 48:1. Writings ¿å-ke-u-an, ¿å-ke-u-wa-an, ¿å-ke-wa-an, ¿å-ga-wa-an.

Verbal -åkewar. Written: ¿å-ke-u-wa-ar. substantive:

Infin.: -åkewanzi. Written: ¿å-ke-u-wa-an-zi.

Participle: -åkant-. Written: ¿å-kán-za, ¿å-kán-ta-aå, etc.

7.49 12.7 Paradigms of –åke- aspectuals with unusal stems (ed- “to eat”, dai- “to put”, tar- “to say”453). Note also malzakemi < malt-.

PRESENT INDICATIVE sg 1 — zikkemi taråikkemi

2 azzikeåi zikkeåi taråik(k)iåi

3 azzikezzi zikkezzi taråikezzi, tar-aå-ke-ez-zi pl 1 — zikkeuwani

2 azzikkettani

453It has been demonstrated by Otten 1973 27, 43 that that the iterative stem tar-åi-(ik-)k…- is older than tar-aå-k… Although in the two passages in Otten’s text, and in most other occurrences the taråikanzi forms are from tar- “to say”, there are a few passages in which taråikki/a- is clearly from tarn(a)- “to let”, not tar- “to say” (for example, HKM 46 25-27 compared with KUB 13.2+ i 7-8 nu URU.DIDLI.ÆI.A anda iåtappandu n–aåta LÚ.MEÅÅE.KIN.KUD GUD UDU ANÅE.KUR.RA / ANÅE katta lË tarnanzi ).

132 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 133

3 azzikkanzi zik(k)anzi taråikkanzi, tar-aå-kán-zi

PRETERITE INDICATIVE

sg 1 azzikkenun

2 — zikkeå tar-aå-ke-et

3 — zikket

pl 1 — tar-aå-ke-u-en, tar-åi-ga-u-en

3 azzik(k)er zikker

7.50 12.8 Paradigms of causative verbs in -nu-. For the meaning CREF §5.12-§5.16.

PRESENT INDICATIVE

sg 1 arnum(m)i waænumi paæåanumi aååanumi, aånumi

454 n 455 2 arnuåi, arnutti waænuåi — aååanuåi, aånuåi

3 arnuz(z)i waænuz(z)i — aååanuz(z)i, aånuzi

pl 1 arnummeni waænummeni —

2 arnutteni waænutteni paæåanutteni, paææaånutteni

3 arnu(w)anzi waænuwanzi paæåanuwanzi aååanuanzi, aånuwanzi

PRETERITE INDICATIVE sg 1 arnunun waænunun paæåanunu[n] aååanunun

2 paæåanuå o

3 arnut waænut paææaååanut aååanut pl 1 waænum(m)en

3 arnuer waænuer paæåanuer, paææaååa[nuer] aååanuer

IMPERATIVE sg 1 aååanullu, aånullu

454 Other verbs: æatkiånuåi, æarganuåi, karåanuåi, laknuåi, nuntarnuåi, tinnuåi, tittanuåi, etc.

455 Also written BAL-nu-åi KBo 4.14 ii 34, cf. Hoffner 1997c.

133 7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 134

2 arnut paææaååanut, paæåanut aånut

3 arnuddu paæåanuddu, paææaånuddu aååanuddu pl 2 arnutten paææaånutten, paæåanutten o

3 arnu(w)andu paææaånuandu o+

Verbal arnummar waænumar, waænuwar paæåanummar aååanuwawar, gen. subst. aå(åa)numaå

Inf. I arnumanzi waænummanzi paæåanummanzi, aååanummanzi, aånumanzi paææaååanumanzi

Part. arnuwant- waænuwant- paæåanuwant-, aååanuwant-, aånuwant- paææaånuwant-, paææaååanuwant-

For the forms in -meni, -men, -mar, -manzi, etc. CREF §1.72 (*1.9.1.5.6).

134 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs

CHAPTER 8 ACTIVE CONJUGATION OF HI-VERBS

8.1. 13.1 The following are æi-verbs with consonantal stems:

8.2. 13.2 Ending in a single consonant: åakk-/åekk- “to know”, akk-/ek- “to die”, ar-/er- “to come to, arrive at”, wak- “to bite”, aåeå-/aåaå- “to settle,” æΩd- “to dry up.”

Present Indicative Singular

1 åakæi, åaggaææi Ωkmin456 Ωræi aåaåæi, aåaåæe o

2 åakti, åekti Ωkti Ωrti aåaåti

3 åakki aki ari, Ωri, arÏ wΩki aåaåi, aåΩåi o, aåaåe æΩti

Plural

1 åekkuwenin akkuweni457 erweni458n

2 åektenim Ωkteni Ωrteni m, artenin, artËnin, ertenim

3 åekkanzin akkanzi aranzi aåËåanzim, aåeåanzi, aåiåanzi æΩtanzi

PRETERITE INDICATIVE

Singular

1 åaggaææun ar(aæ)æun, aåaåæun Ωr(aæ)æun

2 åakta

3 åakkiå, åakta, Ωkkiå, akkiå, akiå, Ωråa o, araå, Ωraå wakkiå, waqaå, aåaåta, aåeåta æΩzta, åekta akta, aggaå wΩkit 459 æazta

Plural

1 åekkwen erwenn460 wΩkwenn

456So, instead of expected æi-conjugation *Ωkæi or *aggaææi. For other mi-conjugation forms of akk- see imper. akdu and 3 sg. pret. akta. Since the mi-conjugation forms are all in late texts, we can assume 1 sg. forms *aggaææi and *aggaææun in OH and MH. 457Wr. ak-ku-u-e-ni, in contradistinction to a-ku-e-ni “we drink”.

458Wr. e-ru-u-e-ni and er-u-e-ni.

459The variation a/i in the second syllable together with the gemination in wakkiå suggests a realization as /waks/.

460Wr. e-ru-u-en, e-er-u-en, e-ru-en, ar-ú-en.

135 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs

2 Ωkten

3 åekkern aker, ekern arer, o ererm aåeåer, aåeåir, aåËåer, æΩter eåeåer,

IMPERATIVE

Singular Plural

1 åeggallu,n åiggallu,n aggallu, akkallu *åekkweni, *akkweni, *erweni

2 åΩk, Ωk åekten,o++ arten, aåeåten

3 aku, aru, æΩdu, akdu, n åakdun åekkandu,n akkandu

Verbal aggatar wagatar aåeåuwar 461 subst.

Inf I arawanzi aåeåuwanzi

Inf II *agganna 462 waganna

Part. åekkant-m+ akkant- arant- æΩdant- aåeåant-

Iterative akkiåki- Ωråaki-, Ωraåki- wakkiåki- aåaåki-, aåeåki-, stem aåiåki-

8.3. 13.3 Ending in a consonantal cluster: paæå-paææaå- “to guard”, takå-/takkeå-/takkaå- “to join”, åipand- / iåpant- “to libate, offer”.

PRESENT INDICATIVE

Singular Plural

1 paææaåæi, taggaåæi iåpantaææe,o paæåueni åipanduwanim+ paææaåmi åipandaææi, åippantaææi

2 paææaåti takkiååi — paææaåteni takkeåteni, taggaåteni

3 takkeåzi, iåpanti,o åipΩnti,o paæåanzi takkeååanzi iåpantanzi,o taggaååi, takkizzi åipandi, åipanti, åipandanzi, åippanti, åippantanzio464 åipantai n463

461Wr. a-åe-åu-u-wa-ar.

462This would be the expected form based upon the verbal substantive aggatar.

463Pres. 3 sg. åipantai and pret. 3 pl. åippantair are late reanalysis as a-stem modelled on dΩ- “to take”.

464This seems to be the only OS form of åipand- written with geminated p.

136 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs

PRETERITE INDICATIVE

Singular Plural

1 paææa[åæu]n åipandaææun, åipantuen, åippandaææun åipanduen

2

3 paææaåta takkiåta, taggaåta åipantaå, m paæåir takåer åipanter, m åipandaå, åippanter, n åipanzaåta n åippantair n

IMPERATIVE

Singular Plural

1 *paæåallu *paæåueni, *paææaåueni

2 paæåi paææaåten

3 paæåandu

VERBAL NOUNS

Verbal — — åipantuwar, åippanduwar subst.

Inf I — takåuwanzi iåpanduwanzi, åippanduwanzi

Supine — — —

Part. paæåant- takåant- åipantant-

Iter. paææaåki- takkiåki-,o++ takkeåki-,m iåpanzaåki-,o åipanzaki-, stem åippanzaki-

The originally consonantal stem Ïåå- (iter. to iya- “to do, make”) and the stems laæ(w)- and iåæ(w)- are treated in §8.10-§8.11, because their attested inflection is predominantly as vocalic stems.

ÆI-VERBS WITH VOCALIC STEMS

IF THE FORMS MARKED WITH * IN THIS CHAPTER ARE REALLY SUPPOSED TO BE UNATTESTED, I HAD BETTER CHECK THEM ALL!! THERE ARE DEFINITELY SOME WHICH DO EXIST!

8.4. 14.1 The number of possible vocalic endings on stems of the æi-conjugation is more restricted than on stems of the mi-conjugation. There are basically only two types: stems in -a- and stems in -i-, but these mutually influence each other, and remodelings of original consonantal stems further complicate the situation.

8.5. 14.2 Stems in -a-: According to the rule given in §1.72 and §1.77 these stems show first plurals and verbal nouns in -um-. There is, however, a strong tendency to level out this odd alternation in favor of the regular -a- stem and regular endings (cf. dΩwen, dΩwanzi, dΩwaå).

8.6. 14.2.1 Underived stems in -a-.

137 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs

8.7. 14.2.1.1 dΩ- “to take”:

Present Preterite

Singular Plural Singular Plural

o,465 466 o 469 1 dΩææe dΩææi, daææi tumËni (OH), dΩææun , daææun dΩwen dummeni467, dΩweni468 om n n 2 dΩtti ,datti , tatti datteni dΩå datten

3 dΩi danzi dΩå dΩer, dΩir

Imperative

Singular Plural

2 da_ datten

3 dΩu, daddu 470 dandu

Inf.I dΩwanzi (NH) Inf.II danna

Verbal *dΩwar, gen. dΩwaå Part. dΩnt- subst.

Iter. daåke-

8.8. 14.2.1.2 (old 14.4) Paradigms of verbs with -u(m)- in 1st pl. (but CREF also §8.7) tumËni above), in verbal subst., and infin. I: tarna- “to let”, åarra - “to divide”, waåta- “to sin”, uda- “to bring here”, peda- “to carry off”. The late Hittite writing ú-TÉN-zi and pí-TÉN-zi does not indicate a second vocalization /utenzi/ or /pitenzi/ for the forms udanzi and pedanzi, since the tén (DIN) sign in late Hittite often should be read dan˛.

Move to the front matter of the book? The forms marked with † are intrusive mi-conjugation forms.

Present Singular

1 tarnaææe, o tarnaææi waåtaææi udaææi pedaææi

2 tarnatti, tarnaåi †n åarratti waåtatti, waåtaåi†n udatti pedatti

465da-a-aæ-æé in CTH 416 (OH/OS).

466Written tu-me-e-ni in CTH 416 (OS), CTH 752.2 (OS), CTH 336.5 (myth, OH), KBo 17.25+ (OH/MS) and tu-me-ni in KBo 25.8 (S), and tum-me-e-ni KUB 28.79 (OH fest. w. takku) and du-me-e-ni in CTH 443 (MH). 467Written du-um-me-e-ni in and tum-me-e-ni in Hatt. III and Tudh. IV texts, therefore late NH.

468Written da-a-u-e-ni in KUB 16.16 rev. 20 (NH liver oracle). The form da∑ani cited without reference in Friedrich, HE 1, p. 101, §172, and Held, p. 42 §4.200 (da-a-u-wa-ni ), is taken from KUB 12.63 rev. 8 and is probably not a form of the verb da-. 469Written da-a-u-en and da-a-u-e-en .

470Much less common than dΩu.

138 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs

3 tarnai, tarnaizzi †n åarrai, åarrizzi †n waåtai, waåti 471 udai pedai

Present Plural

1 tarnummani åarraweni, *waåtummeni utummeni pedummeni *åarrummeni

2 tarnatteni åarratteni *waåtatteni udatteni pedatteni

3 tarnanzi åarranzi waåtanzi udanzi pedanzi

Preterite Singular

1 tarnaææun åarraææun waåtaææun udaææun pedaææun

2 tarnaå waåtaå

3 tarnaå, tarneåta 472 åarraå, åarret † waåtaå udaå pedaå

Preterite Plural

1 tarnummen, åarrummen utummen petummen tarnuen 473

2 tarnatten

3 tarner åarrer waåter uter peter

Imperative g 2 tarna, tarni åarri waåti 474 uda peda

3 tarnΩu, tarneådu 475 *waåtΩu udΩu pedΩu l 2 tarnatten, tarniåten 476 *waåtatten udatten pedatten, piteåten

3 tarnandu *waåtandu udandu pedandu

Verb tarnummar åarrumar waådumar utummar petummar subst

471 The form wa-aå-ti (KUB 1.16 iii 60) suggests that this verb was originally a consonant stem.

472 tarneåta shows replacement of the æi-conjugation pret. 3rd sg. -å by -åta. See §§9.1.7 and 9.2.4 .

473tar-nu-en KBo 3.60 iii 7 (OH/NS).

474 The form wa-aå-ti suggests that this verb originally had a consonantal stem waåt-.

475tarneådu and eååeåzi (cf. below in §14.5) are strange forms, combining the intrustive å of the hi-conjugation with the characteristic endings -du and -zi of the mi-conjugation. 476 This variant is due to influence of the æi-verb stems in -i- (see §14.3).

139 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs

Inf. I tarnummanzi åarrumanzi utummanzi pedummanzi

Part. tarnant- 477 åarrant- waåtant- udant- pedant-

8.9. 14.2.2 “Iteratives” in -åå(a)-.

8.10. Archaic forms of the stem Ïåå(a)- show that the suffix -åå(a)-, which marks the iterative in some verbs instead of -åke/a-, originally had consonantal inflection. For the most part, however, the suffix is -ååa-.

pres. sg. pres. pl. pret. sg. pret. pl. iååaææi, eååaææi eååueni eååaææun eååuen iååatti, eååatti eååatteni eååai, eååeåzi eååanzi eååeåta478 iååer, eååer

imp. sg. imp. pl.

*Ïååallu *Ïååuen

Ïååa, eååa, eååi Ïååatten

eååΩu Ïååandu, eååandu

verbal subst. eååuwar

supine eååuwan

8.11. 14.2.3 Stems originally in -Cw-: laæ(æ)w- “to pour (liquids),” redupl. lilæw-, and iåæw- “to pour (solid particles).” These stems originally inflected with a stem in -Cw- before vowel (necessarily written -Cu-wV- or -Cu- u/ú-V-) and -Cu- before consonant). There was a strong tendency for these to be replaced by vocalic stems in -C(u)wa- throughout.

Present and Preterite

pres. sg. 1 la-æu-uæ-æi pret. sg. 1 la-a-æu-wa-nu-un

pres. sg. 2 la-aæ-æu-ut-ti pret. sg. 2 —

477The form tar-na-aæ-æa-an KBo 3.45 obv. 2, ostensibly a neut. participle of tarnaææ- , cited by Oettinger (Stammbild. 155) under tarna- certainly doesn’t belong there. 478 This variant is due to influence of the æi-verb stems in -i- (see §14.3).

140 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs pres. sg. 3 la-a-æu-i, la-a-æu-wa-i, la-aæ- pret. sg. 3 la-a-aæ-æu-uå, la-a-æu-wa-aå, la-a- æu-u-wa-i, la-æu-uz-zi, la-a-æu- æu-wa-iå u-wa-a-iz[-zi] pres. pl . 1 la-æu-e-ni pret. pl. 1 — pres. pl. 2 — pret. pl. 2 — pres. pl. 3 laæuwanzi pret. pl. 3 la-æu-wa-a-er

Imperative

479 sg. 2 — pl. 2 la-aæ-æu-tén, la-a-aæ-æu-wa-tén sg. 3 — pl. 3 laæuwandu

8.12. Participle: lΩæuwant-. Verbal subst. lΩæuwar, gen. lΩæuwaå.

8.13. 14.2.3.1 Just as æi-verbs in -i- tend to acquire the inflection of mi-verbs in -iya-, based on forms like the third plural present in -iyanzi, so too there are a few examples of this verb- as a mi-verb stem laææuwa(i)- (e.g., laæuwanun, laæuzzi, laæuwaizzi, etc.).

8.14. 14.3 Ablauting verbs in -Ω(i)-. We retain the traditional classification of these stems as “æi-verbs in -Ωi-“. The paradigms actually show a complicated alternation of stems in -ai-, -e-, and -i-/-y-. As the following paradigms show, -Ωi- tends to compete with the other variants. There is the further important peculiarity that an -å- is inserted before endings beginning with a -t-.

8.15. Paradigms of dai- “to put”, pai- “to give”, nai- “to turn”, zai- “to cross”, æalzai- “to call”:

Present Singular

1 teææi peææi neææi neyami480 *zeææi æalzeææi n 2 dΩitti, tΩitti pΩitti,m paiåti,n nΩitti, neyati neyaåi zΩitti, zΩåi æalzΩitti, n peåtin æalziyatti , n æalzeåti , n æalziyaåi

3 dΩi pΩi nΩi neyazzi zΩi æalzΩi

479 Imp. sg. 2 la-a-aæ supplied by stem lΩæ-.

480Obviously, this paradigm is not æi-, but mi-conjugation. It is placed here to alert you to the fact that nai- conjugates both ways. The æi-conjugation is the older and more regular for nai-.

141 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs

Present Plural

1 tiyaweni, tiyauni481 piweni,m piyawenin naiwani, neyaweni *ziyaweni æalziwani, æalziyaweni

2 tΩitteni, tΩiåteni 482 piåteni,m peåtenin naiåtani, nΩiåteni *zaiåteni, *zeyatteni æalziyatteni

3 tienzi, tiyanzi pianzi, piyanzi neyanzi *zeyanzi æalziyanzi

Preterite Singular

1 teææun peææun neææun, neyaææun zeææun æalzeææun n 2 paitta, m peåta n naitta zΩit æalzΩit

3 dΩiå, dΩiåta dΩitta pΩiå, o pΩiåta, n peåta n nΩiå, naieå, nΩiåta, zΩiå æalzΩiå nait, neyat, nΩitta

Preterite Plural

1 daiwen483, tiyawen piwen, piyawen neyawen zaiwen æalziwen, æalziyawen o 2 dΩiåten, 484 tiyatten

3 daier,485 da(i)er,486 pier nair, neyer æalzier dΩer,487 tier 488

Imperative sg 2 dΩi pΩi nΩi, neya *zΩi æalzΩi

3 dΩu pΩu, peådun nΩu *zΩu æalzΩu pl 2 dΩiåten piåten, pΩiåten nΩiåten, neyatten zΩitten æalziåten

481In ti-ia-u-ni 1691/u ii 18 (CTH 375.1 prayer of Arnuwanda + Aåmunikal, MH/MS). That this is not a scribal slip for ti- ia-u-e-ni is indicated by the immediately following na-at SIGfi-aæ-æu-ni for SIGfi-aæ-æu-e-ni. 482Note that the -åteni, and pret. sg. 2 and 3 -åta, and pret. pl. 2 -åten endings are characteristic of the æi-, not mi-, conjugation. 483da-i-ú-en (MH), da-i-u-e-en (MH), da-a-i-ú-en (MH).

484 Also iåæΩiåteno, and åaiåten.

485da-i-er KBo 17.2 obv. 16 (OS), KBo 15.10 iii 44 and pass. (MH/MS), da-a-i-e-er KUB 36.115++ iii 9, iv 9 (MH/MS), KBo 6.34 i 27 (MH/NS), da-a-i-er KBo 15.10 ii 30 (MH/MS), da-i-e-er ibid. iii 15 (MH/MS), KBo 8.35 (MH/MS), HKM 57:17; and HKM 63:19 (both MH/MS), sporadically as late as KBo 16.61 ii 17 (Hatt. III, later NH). 486da-e-er HKM 47:11 (MH/MS), perhaps scribal slip for da-i-e-er, the form found elsewhere in HKM texts.

487da-a-er in NH.

488ti-e-er and ti-i-e-er.

142 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs

3 tiyandu piandu neyandu

V subst tiyawar piyawar neyawar (gen.) æalziyawaå

Inf.I tiyawanzi piyawanzi489 æalziyawanzi

Inf.II tiyanna piyanna

Part. tiyant- piyant- neyant- æalziyant-

Sup. piyawa[n]

8.16. 14.4 Stems with mixed inflection in -a- and -i-.

8.17. 14.4.1 Base verbs in -a-/-i-.

8.18. Paradigms of verbs with a tendency to form 3 pl. pres. like the -iya- verbs: mema- “to speak”, unna- “to drive here”, penna- “to drive there”, uppa- “to send here”. CREF §7.42 (1) ), where the following verbs are added: walla-/waliya-, æaliæla-/æaliæliya-, nanna-/nanniya-, åunna-/åunniya-, åarra-/åarriya-, dala-/daliya-.

Present Singular

1 memaææi unnaææi pennaææi uppaææi

2 mematti unnatti pennatti

3 memai unnai pennai uppai

Plural

1 memaweni, memiyaweni uppiweni

2 mematteni unnatteni, unniåteni uppatteni

3 memiyanzi, memanzi unniyanzi, unnanzi penniyanzi, pennanzi uppiyanzi, uppanzi

Preterite Singular

1 memaææun unnaææun pennaææun uppaææun

2 unneå uppeåta

3 memaå, memiåta unneå, unneåta penniå, penniåta uppaå, uppeåta

Preterite Plural

1 unnummen uppiwen

2 memiåten

489See, however, the cautionary remarks in CHD P 42 about this form possibly being from peyai-.

143 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs

3 memier pennier uppier

Imperative Singular

1 memallu

2 memi unni penni uppi

3 memΩu, memattu unnΩu uppΩu

Plural

2 memiåten

3 memandu

V-subst — — — —

Inf.I memiyawanzi, memiwanzi pennumanzi, pennwanzi, penniyawanzi

Sup.

Part. memant- uppant-

8.19. 14.4.2 (old 14.8) As verbs with the iterative derivational suffix -åke- inflect according to the mi- conjugation, so those with the isofunctional suffix -anna/i- (previously wrongly labeled “durative”) inflect as æi- verbs with mixed stems in -a- and -i-. On these suffixes cf. HE 1 §137 and §141c-d. For IE parallels to these suffixes see most recently Rikov 1988.

8.20. 14.4.2.1 (old 14.8.1) The combination of stem -anna/i- and endings is represented thus. Move the following statement to the front matter of the book? Rarer forms ( not reconstructed ones!) are starred. act. pres. sg. 1 -an-na-aæ-æi pár-åi-ia-an-na-aæ-æi, iå-æu-u-wa-an-na-aæ-æi, æu-it-ti-ia- an-na-aæ-æi sg. 3 -an-na-i, …a-na-i*, -an-na-a-i* æa-at-ta-an-na-i, æu-it-ti-an-na-i, i-ia-an-na-i, pár-æa-an-na- i, pár-åi-ia-an-na-i, pár-åi-ia-an-na-a-i*, túæ-åa-an-na-i, wa- al-æa-an-na-i, wa-al-aæ-æa-na-i* o o m pl. 3 -an-ni(-ia)-an-zi , -an-na-an-zi* wa-al-æa-an-ni-an-zi , i-ia-an-ni-an-zi , åal-la-an-ni-ia-an- zi, æal-la-an-ni-an-zi, pár-åi-ia-an-na-an-zi* pret. sg. 1 -an-na-aæ-æu-un, -an-ni-ia-nu-un [túæ-åa]-an-na-aæ-æu-un, i-ia-an-ni-ia-nu-un sg. 3 -an-ni-iå,-an-ni-eå, -an-ni-it*, -an-ni-ia- i-ia-an-ni-iå/-eå , píd-da-an-ni-iå, (but rarely: i-ia-an-ni- at* ia-at, pár-åi-ia-an-ni-it) pl. 2 -an-ni-ia(-at)-tén i-ia-an-ni-ia(-at)-tén pl. 3 -an-ni-er, -an-nir* æa-at-ta-an-ni-er, pár-åi-ia-an-nir imp. pl. 3 -an-ni-an-du iå-kar-ra-an-ni-an-du

144 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs mid. pres. pl. 3 -…a-ni-an-da wa-al-æa-ni-an-da o+ supine -an-ni-u-w[a-an-zi] wa-al-æa-an-ni-u-w[a-an-zi], åu-un-ni-u-wa-an-zi o + iter. -an-ni-eå-k…, a-ni-eå-k… GUL-an-ni-eå-ki-it, GUL-an-ni-iå-ki-u-an, ú-e-ri-an-ni-iå- ki-åi, la-aæ-æi-ia-an-ni-iå-ga-u-e-ni, æé-e-u-wa-ni-eå-k[i- it] 490

8.21. 14.4.2.1.1 Forms of the verb iyannai- in older texts follow the æi-conjugation like other -annai- duratives. But in NH mi-conjugation forms begin to appear.

8.22. 14.4.2.1.2 The verb piyanΩi- “to reward” (with CHD P s.v., contra HW 169) is not a durative stem of pΩi- , piya- “to give”, as its mi-conjugation inflection and meaning in context clearly show.

8.23. 14.4.2.2 The combination of stem -ååa/i- and endings is represented thus.

act. pres. sg. 1 -ååaææi iå-åa-aæ-æi,o e-eå-åa-aæ-æi, n æalziååaææi, war(r)iååaææi, o+ n sg. 2 -ååatti iå-åa-at-ti , e-eå-åa-at-ti (NH), e-eå-åa-ti (rare), wa-ar-re-eå-åa-at-ti , wa-ar-ri-åa- n m at-ti , æal-zi-iå-åa-at-ti ,

sg. 3 -ååai i-iå-åa-i,o iå-åa-i, e-eå-åa(-a)-i, æal-zi-iå-åa-i, æu-it-te-eå-åa-i,

pl. 1 -ååweni iå-åu-ú-e-[ni] m

pl. 2 -ååteni, -ååatteni i-iå-te-e-ni,o iå-åa-at-te-ni, e-eå-åa-at-te-ni,

pl. 3 -ååanzi iå-åa-an-zi, e-eå-åa-an-zi

pret. sg. 1 -ååaææun iå-åa-aæ-æu-un, e-eå-åa-aæ-æu-un, warreååaææun,

sg. 3 -ååeåta iå-åi-iå-ta, e-eå-åe-eå-ta, e-eå-åi-iå-ta, e-åe-eå-ta

pl. 1 -ååwen iå-åu-u-e-en, eå-åu-u-en, e-eå-åu-u-e-en

pl. 2 -ååatten e-eå-åa-at-te-in,

pl. 3 -ååer, -ååir iå-åe-er, e-eå-åe-er, i-e-eå-åir, e-eå-åi-ir, e-eå-åir, e-åe-er, e-åir

imp. sg. 2 -ååa, -ååi i-iå-åa, iå-åa, e-eå-åa, e-eå-åi

sg. 3 -ååau e-eå-åa-ú

-ååaddu e-eå-åa-ad-du

imp. pl. 2 -(e)åten, -ååatten, i-iå-te-en, iå-åa-at-tén, e-eå-åe-eå-tén, -ååeåten

pl. 3 -ååandu iå-åa-an-du, e-eå-åa-an-du

supine -ååuwan i-iå-åu-wa-an,o iå-åu(-u)-wa-an, e-eå-åu-(u-)wa-an

verbal subst. -ååumar e-eå-åu-mar

+ -åk-iter. -ååikir,-ååiåkir e-eå-åi-kir, e-eå-åi-iå-kir, e-eå-åi-iå-ki-it, e-åe-eå-ke-er

490 Neu 1981a denies that this form can be an -annai- form because of the non-geminate writing of the n. Since other non- geminating n forms occur in the above paradigm (wa-al-aæ-æa-na-i , wa-al-æa-ni-an-da ), this is insufficient grounds for the denial.

145 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs

8.24. 14.5 (old 14.7) These verbs show a more thorough-going mixture of mi- and æi-forms than those in §8.18 (*14.4.1), whose only indebtedness to the mi-conjugation is the 3 pl. in -iyanzi. The verbs conjugated here are such an admixture of mi- and æi-forms that it cannot be determined to which conjugation they originally belonged. They are: dala-/daliya- “to leave”, iåæai-/iåæiya- “to bind”, åai-/åiya- “to press”, paråai-/paråiya- “to break up”.

Present Singular

1 dalaææi, daliyami paråiyaææi, paråiyami

2 dalatti, daliyaåi

3 dalai, dalaizzi, iåæai, iåæiezzi, iåæiyazzi åiezzi, åiyaizzi paråi, paråiya, paråaizzi, paråiyazi

Plural

1 daliyaweni åiyaweni

2 daleåteni iåæiyatteni

3 daliyanzi iåæiyanzi åiyanzi paråanzi, paråiyanzi

Preterite Singular

1 dalaææun, daliyanun iåæiææun, iåæiyanun åiyanun

3 daliå, daleåta, daliyat iåæiyat åiyait paråiyat

Preterite Plural

1 daliyawen

2 daliyatten

3 dalir iåæier åiyair

Imperative

Singular Plural

2 dala, dali åai, åiya åunni daleåten *iåæaiåten *åaiåten åuniåten 491

3 taleådu åunniddu iåæiyandu åiyandu *åuniyandu

491 åΩiåten KUB 26.82:9 quoted in HW 175 as imp. is by context pret.

146 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs

Verbalsubst dalumar, iåæiyawar åunnumar taliyawar

Inf I åiyawanzi åunnumanzi paråiyawanzi

Inf II åiyanna

Part. daliyant- iåæiyant- åiyant- åunniyant- paråiyant-

8.25. 14.6 Classified as “irregular”is the conjugation of au(å)- “to see” (and the much rarer mau(å)- “to fall”). It shows an ablauting stem (full grade au-, zero grade u). The two grades are also reflected in nominal derivatives: au+ri- “sentinel post, watch” and parΩ uwattalla- “overseer, watcher” (from parΩ au(å)- “to oversee”). The verbal paradigm shows an inserted -å- before endings beginning with -t- (cf. the verbs in -i- above!). Unexpectedly, the third person singular forms show not only the inserted -å-, but also mi-conjugation endings!

Present Preterite

Singular Plural Singular Plural

1 uææi umeni, aummeni uææun aumen

2 autti autteni, auåteni, uåteni auåta

3 auåzi uwanzi auåta auer

Imperative

Singular Plural

1 uwallu

2 au auåten

3 auådu uwandu

Infin. II uwanna, Verbal substantive II uwatar.

8.26. 14.6.1 Iterative forms of this verb use the reduced grade stem u- (uåki/a-) exclusively and inflect according to the mi-conjugation pattern:

Singular Plural

Present

1 uåkimi uåkiweni

2 uåkiåi uåkitteni

3 uåki(z)zi uåkanzi

Preterite

1 uåkinun uåkiwen

2 *uåkiå uåkitten

3 uåkit uåkir

147 8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs

Imperative

1 uåkellu uåkiweni

2 uåki uåkitten

3 uåkiddu uåkandu

8.27. Verbal substantive uåki(ya)war, Supine uåki(u)wan, Inf. uåki(ya)wanzi, Participial stem: uåkant-.

148 9. Middle Conjugation

CHAPTER 9 MIDDLE CONJUGATION OF VERBS

9.1. 10.1 The distinction between mi- and æi-conjugations in the middle is slight. The principal differences may be seen in the table below (forms shared by both conjugations are printed in Roman type):

Form mi-conjugation æi-conjugation pres.sg. 3 -ta, -tari -a, -ari pres. pl. 2 -duma, -dumari -duma, -dumat pret.sg.2 -tat, -tati, -ta -at, -ati, -tat pret. sg. 3 -tat, -tati, -ta -at, -ati, -tat, -ta pret. pl. 1 -waåtati, -waåtat -waåtati imp.sg. 2 -æut, -æuti, -ut -æut, -æuti imp. sg. 3 -taru -aru

9.2. Because the differences are slight, Friedrich 1960 108 disregards the distinction in the medio-passive. The following tabulation of endings (based almost entirely on Neu 1968a 23-31) shows, however, that some distinction — however slight — was maintained.492

9.3. 10.2 The following is the scheme of endings for the verb forms of the present-future, preterite, and imperative.

MI-CONJUGATION

PRESENT

Endings Verbs (or forms) attested with this ending493 sg. 1 -æa iya- (iyaææa), parå-, weæ- (weæaææa), zaææiya-, (iter.) eåkaææa

-æari ar- (aræari), æadda- (æaddaææari), æuitt(a)- (æuittaææari), iya- (iyaææari), nai-/neya- (neyaææari), parå- (paråæari), tarra- (tarraææari), unu(wa)- (unuwaææari), zaææiya- (zaææiyaææari), iter. of eå- (eåkaææari)

-æΩri iter. of tepaweåå- (tepaweåkaææΩri)

-æaæari ar- (aræaæari), weriya- (weriyaææaæari) sg. 2 -ta

-tari ar- (artari), iya- (iyattari), ninink- (niniktari),

-tati ar- (artati), iya- (iyattati), ninink- (niniktati), weriya- (weriyattati)

492In view of the consistent distinction -ari, -aru, -ati versus -tari, -taru, -tati we do not understand the categorical statement: “Similarly, there is no difference between mi- and æi-verbs in the middle” (Jasanoff 1979 79 n. 2). 493This does not mean that other verbs never occurred with the respective endings, only that these are (to my knowledge) not yet attested.

149 9. Middle Conjugation sg. 3 -ta ar-, arai-, aånu-, æandai-, æarp-, æaååik-, æuråakniya-, æuwai-, iya-, igai-, iræai-, mummiya-, putkiya-, åanna-, åarra-, åieuniyaææ- (åieuniyaæta), tarup-, watku-, weæa-, wemiya-, weåiya-, zappiya-,

-tari ar-, aååiya-, æandai-, æap-, æapuwai-, æarra-, æattariya-, æunink-, iya-, immiya-, karp-, karå-, kardimiya-, åarra-, weæ-, weæa-, weriya-, weåiya-, zaæ-, zaææiya-, zappiya-, zinna-, ÌR-naææ- (ÌR-aætari ) pl. 1 -waåta ar-, zaææiya-, paæå-, iya-

-waåtati zaææiya-, åuppariya- pl. 2 -(d)duma, æuwai- (æuyadduma), iya- (iyadduma), nai- (neyadduma), paæå-, åarra-, wappiya-, -(t)tuma zaææiya-, iteratives: ninink- (ninikiåkittuma), pai- (paiåkattuma), åapai- (åapaiåkadduma), o o++ -t/dumari åalik- , åarkaliya- pl. 3 -anta ar-, æuwai-, weæ-, zaææ-, zaææiya-

-antari ar-, weæ-, weåiya-, zaluganu-, zinna-

PRETERITE sg.1 -æat innaraææ-, zaææiya-

-æati ar-

-æaæat ar-, weæ-, weriya- sg.2 -ta tarra-

-tat ar-, æandai-, ÌR-naææ- (ÌR-naætat )

-tati ar-, iya- sg.3 -ta æarra-, weåiya-, zaææiya-

-tat aniya-, ar-, arra-, aå-, aååanu-, aååiya-, auå-, epp-,æamenk-, æandai-, æap-, æulle/a-, æunink-, iya-, kardimiya-, kikkiå-, naæåariya-, neku-, åarra-,dammeåæai-, weæ-, weæa-, weriya-, weåiya-, wiåuriya-, zaææiya-, zinna-

-tati aååanu-, æarp-, æullai-, ki-, kinu-, lazziya-, lukka-, naæåariya-, ninink-, pangariya-, parkunu-, åu(wa)-, wiåuriya- pl.1 -waåtat ar-

-waåtati åuppariya- pl.2 -dumat æaååik- pl.3 -antat ar-, æandai-, iya-, immiya-, weæ-, wiåuriya-

-antati -åke-iteratives, ar-, æandai-, åarra-, wiåuriya-

IMPERATIVE sg.1 -æaru zaææiya- (zaææiyaææ[aru ])

-æaæaru ar-

150 9. Middle Conjugation sg.2 -æut ar-, arra-, aråiya-, weriya-, zaææiya-

-æuti åeå- (iter.) (åeåkiaææuti), åuppiyaææ- (åuppiyaææu[ti])

-ut warp- sg.3 -taru ar-, arra-, aråiya-, aååanu-, æandai-, igai-, immiya-, karå-, ninink-, park-, åamniya-, weæa-, wemiya-, weåiya- pl.1 (unattested) pl.2 -dumat -åke-iteratives, ar-, ninink-, zaææiya-

-dumati æarp-, ki- pl.3 -antaru ar-, weæ-

ÆI-CONJUGATION

PRESENT sg.1 -æa paææaå-

-æari æatta-, neya-

-æaæari eå- (eåæaæari), kiå- (kiåæaæari), sg.2 -ta æanna-, kiå-, paæå-

-tari eå-, æalziya-, æanna-, nai-,

-tati kiå-, neya- sg.3 -a ark-, eå-, æatta-, æink-, karå-, kiå-, neya-, åalik-,zeya-

-ari a-, arå-, aåå-, eå-, æaliya-, æanna-, æatta-, æink-, æuittiya-, iåæariåæ-, iåkalla-, iåduwa-, kiå-, laæuwa-, lak-, neya-, paæå-, åaæ-, åalik-, åupp-, tiya-, zeya-

-tari laæuwa-, lagai- pl.1 -waåta eå-, paæå-

-waåtati eå- pl. 2 -duma paæå-

-dumat eå-, æanna- pl. 3 -anta eå-

-antari eå-

PRETERITE sg. 1 -æat eå-, æuitta-, kiå-, paæå-

-æati kiå-, mai- (meåæati)

-æatti eå- (Ëåæatti)

-æaæat eå- (Ëåæaæat, iåæaæat), kiå-, paæå- (paææaåæaæat )

151 9. Middle Conjugation

-æaæati eå- (Ëåæaæati)

-æaæatti eå- (Ëåæaæatti) sg. 2 -at eå-, kiå-

-ati

-tat eå-, æaliya- (æaliyattat), kiå- (OS) sg. 3 -at eå-, æanna-, kiå-, neya-, parkiya-, iåtarki(ya)-

-ati eå-, æuittiya-, æupp-, iåduwa-, kiå-, kuleyawaææ-, miya-, neya-, pugg-, åiuniyaææ-, åuppiyaæ-

-ta iåkalla-

-tat eå-, æaliya-, æanna-, æuittiya-, karuååiya-, neya-, paæå-, pl. 1 -waåtati eå-, åalik- pl. 2 -dumat kiå- pl. 3 -antat eå-, æaliya-, kiå-, neya-

-antati kiå-, neya-

IMPERATIVE sg.1 -æaru uwa- (< auå-) (uwaææaru )

-æaæaru ar- sg.2 -æut eå-, kiå-, nai(å)-

-æuti sg.3 -aru ark-, uwa- (auå-), eå-, æanna-, æap-, karå-, kiå-, laæuwa-, miya-, neya-, paæå-, åakuwa-, åalik- pl.1 (unattested) pl.2 -dumat eå-, kiå-, nai(å)-, paæå-

-dumati æanna-, kiå- pl.3 -antaru kiå-, neya-

9.4. But despite the evidence just given above as to the slight differences, there are some striking examples not only of verbs which follow one conjugation in the active and the other in the middle (e.g., act. mi-verb eå- “to be sitting,” mid. æi-verb eå- “to take one’s seat”), but even entire types that do this. For while the iteratives in -åk- seem to follow the mi-conjugation in both active and middle, the factitives in -aææ-, which in the active are always mi-verbs, are sometimes æi-verbs in the middle (e.g., pret. sg. 3 kuleyawaææati, åiuniyaææati, and åuppiyaææati versus pres. sg. 3 ÌR-(n)aætari and åieuniyaæta). Therefore in the following we will follow Friedrich 1960 and Neu 1968b who presented paradigms based on whether or not the stem ended in a consonant or a vowel.

9.5. 15.1 For reasons of practicality already outlined in Chapter 10 we have presented paradigms of middle verbs according to whether or not the stem ends in a consonant or a vowel.

152 9. Middle Conjugation

9.6. 15.2 The following are verbs with consonantal stems which are conjugated predominantly in the middle. Two are passives of attested transitive actives (tarup- “to assemble something,” ÌR-aæ- “to subjugate someone”), others either transitive middles (so-called deponents) synonymous with attested transitive actives (paææaå- “to protect” §8.3) or intransitive middles without attested active counterparts (ar- “to stand,” eå- “to sit down,” kiå- “to happen”) (CREF §24.10 (*31.4.5). One of these, the verb eå-, indeed has a semantic contrast with a formal active of the same verb root, but the difference in meaning is not an active-passive contrast. Rather the active of this eå- (not to be confused with the active verb eå- “to be”) means “to be sitting,” while its middle means “to take a seat.” The active is stative, the middle inchoative.494

Present Singular

1 aræari, aræaæari Ëåæaæari kiåæaæari n paææaåæa o++

2 artati, artari Ëåtari kiåtao+ , kiåtatin paææaåta o++

3 arta(ri) eåa(ri) kÏåao, kiåa, paæåa, m paæåari m taruptari, ÌR-aætari kiåari, kiåΩri n taruptΩri, tarupdari, tarupta

Present Plural

1 arwaåta Ëåwaåta(ti) paæåuwaåta m

2 paææaåduma o++,m

3 aranta(ri) eåanta(ri), aåanta kiåanta(ri) pΩæåanta o+, taruppantari, paææaååantari m taruppandari, daruppantari

Preterite Singular

1 aræaæat Ëåæat(i), Ëåæaæat kiåæat(i), paææaåæat n, PAP- [ÌR-a]ææaæat kiåæaæat aææaåæat n, PAP- aåæat n, paææaåæaæat n

2 artat Ëåtat kiåtato, kiåat maniyaætat,

3 artat eåat, eåati, Ëåtat kiåat, kiåati paææaåtat taruptat, darupdat luktat, ÌR- (n)aætat,

Plural

1 arwaåtat

494 The evidence for this was clearly and conclusively laid out in Goetze 1928 100ff., 162.

153 9. Middle Conjugation

2 kiådummat

3 arantat(i) eåantat kiåantat(i) taruppantati, ÌR-(n)aææandat [tar]uppand[ati], taruppantat

Imperative Singular

1 aræaæaru

2 aræut Ëåæut kiåæut ÌR-aææut

3 artaru eåaru kiåaru paæåaru taruptaru

Plural

2 ardumat Ëådummat kiådumat paææaådumat

3 arantaru kiåandaru paæåandaru taruppantaru

Note: The “active versus middle” distinction does not apply to verbalsubst., infin. or participle.

Verbalsubst taruppuwar

Inf.II aåanna

Part. arant- aåant- kiåant- paæåant- taruppant-

9.7. 15.2.1 Few forms of the middle of epp- are attested. But it appears that the middle forms of epp- show consistent a-vocalism, even where the corresponding active has e-vocalism.

9.8. 15.3 The following are verbs with vocalic stems which are conjugated predominantly in the middle: iya- “to go”, nai-/neya- “to turn”, zaææiya- “to do battle”, uwa- (middle of au(å)-) “to show oneself, appear”, ki- “to lie, be placed”, naæåariya - “to fear”, pangariya - “to be general”, wiåuriya- “to be stifled”, åarra - “to transgress”, weriya- “to be called/summoned”, æandai - “to be determined by oracular inquiry.”

Present sg 1 iyaææa, iyaææari n, neyaææari zaææiyaææam, iyaææaæari n zaææiyaææari m

2 iyattari, iyattati neyattati, naiåta(ri)

3 yatta, o yetta,o iyattao++,m, neya (ne-e-a),o neyari zaææiyattari m+,n kitta,o kittari iyattari o++,m iyaddari, n iyattΩri, iyatari pl 1 iyauwaåta zaææiyawaåtati

2 iyadduma zaææiyadduma

154 9. Middle Conjugation

3 iyanta(ri), yentari ne-e-an-da, o neyanta(ri) ki-an-ta,o ki-ia-an-ta, o kiyanta(ri)

Present Singular

1

2 weriyattati kurkuriåkattati

3 uwaitta(ri)

Preterite Singular

1 iyaææat, neyaææat zaææiyaææatm uwaææat, iyaææaæat auåæaæat

2 iyattati

3 iyattat neyattat, neyat zaææiyattat, uwaittat kittat, kittati zaææiyatta

Preterite Plural

3 iyantat neyantat æaliyandat uwantat

neyantati wiåuriyantati æandantati

More sg. 3 forms in -tat: irmaliattat, iåtarkiyattat, iåæaæruwattat, æandaittat, æaliyattat, kiåtanziattat, naæåariyattat, åarrattat, uiåkittat, weåiettat . In -tati: naæåariyatati, pangariyattati

Imperative Singular

1 uwaææaru

2 iyaææut naiåæut, neåæut zaææiyaææut åaååanuææut

3 iyattaru neyaru kittaru

Imperative Plural

2 iyaddumat naiådumat zaææiyaddumat kiddumati

3 iyantaru neyandaru uwandaru

Verbalsubst neyawar

Inf I zaææiyawanzi

Inf II uwanna

Part. iyant- neyant- (ne-e-an-za, o ne-e- zaææiyant- an-te-eåo)

155 9. Middle Conjugation

9.9. (15.4) The syntax of the passive and reflexive expressions will be discussed in Chapter 31. For the present only a few observations will be made in anticipation: (1) The r of the pres. sg. 3 and imp. sg. 3 regularly dissimilates to n with the verb war- “to burn” (warΩni and warΩnu instead of *warΩri and *warΩru (CREF §1.144 and §1.151 (*1.9.2.6.1); (2) the passive or reflexive of certain verbs is supplied by a suppletive stem (kuen- “to kill” and ak- “to die, be killed”, dai- “to put, place” and ki- “to lie, be placed”, iya- “to make” and kiå- “to become, be made”).

9.10. 15.3.0.2 Some verbs show endings -a(ri) and -at(i) in the third singular, while others (most) show -ta(ri) and -tat(i).

9.11. 15.3.1 The following classes of verb consistently show -ta(ri) and -tat(i: (1) all -åke-verbs (iteratives), (2) all -nu-causatives, and (3) verbs with nasal infix (æamenk-, æarnink-, æunink-, ninink-, iåtarnink-, damenk-, etc.)

9.12. 15.3.2 The prehistoric status of the difference between the endings with and without the -t- is a major controversy. See Yoshida 1990 70 (with opposing views cited there, n. 17).

9.13. 15.3.3 (older 15.3.6) A fairly large group of verbs occur in the mediopassive only in the iterative: akk-, ariya-, aåiwanteåå-, eåæarwaææ-, ikåai-, impai-, inu-, iåæiya-, kallareåå-, kunk-, kurkuriya-, makkeåå-, marlai-, mugai-, pai- (“to go”), palæeåå-, pariparai-, pargaweåå-, parkeåå-, dala-, dankuwaææ-, tepaweåå-, uiya-, ulai-, uååaniya-, uwa- (“to come”), walæ-, wallu

9.14. 15.3.4 (older 15.3.7) It has been noted that many of the mediopassive endings which are shortest (-æa, -ta, -a, -waåta, -duma, -anta, -æaru ) appear to be especially common in documents from the earliest period.

9.15. 15.3.5 (older 15.3.7.1) Preliminary “isolated observations” were made by Neu 1968a 34ff., 39. He noted that medio-passive forms with -ri tend to occur in certain preferred contexts: (1) with preverbs, (2) with adverbs, such as apeniååan (QATAMMA), eniååan, aååuli, æ„dak, kar„, nuwa, nawi, parΩ parΩ, takåan, tepu, and -pat, (3) with infinitives that are dependent on a medio-passive verb form, (4) with negations, (5) in fronted or medial position in its clause, (6) in clauses consisting only of the verb form or of a conjunction + the verb form. A few MEÅ exceptions: (1) form without -ri with preverbs: LÚ.MEÅ NINDA.DÙ.DÙ–ma kuedani witeni QATE –ÅUNU LÚ iååanawanta anda åalikianta KBo 15.33 + 35 ii 19-20 (OH/MS), (3) with dependent infinitives: [nu ]SANGA MUNUS ∂IM SANGA ∂Hebat adanna eåanta KBo 33.207 iv 19-20 + KBo 39.163 iv 5; (4) with negations: lË–ma–mu–ååan paåkuitta KUB 1.16 iii 65 (OH/NS).

9.16. 15.3.6 A statistical investigation that paid attention to the chronologization of the texts and manuscripts was carried out by Yoshida. The gist of his conclusions (Yoshida 1990 95ff.) were: the locus of -ri in OH was verbs in -ari , but more specifically those in -Ωri. From this starting point the -ri spread to all classes within the history of Hittite, although some resisted longer than others. The motivation for the spread was what Neu had already claimed (p. 34), namely, that -ri made the present medio-passive line up with the active, which is marked with final -i. Whether there are further conditioning factors on the pattern of its spread as per Neu (CREF §9.15

156 9. Middle Conjugation

(*15.3.5) requires further study. The preterite endings without the final -i spread over time at the expense of those with it.

9.17. 15.4 Changes in the Stem Endings (Neu 1968a 40ff.). In the consonantal stems, when the verbal ending begins with a vowel, the geminate nature of the stem-final consonant appears: æap- : æa-ap-pa-ru versus æa-ap-ta- at, and the non-geminate is also then explicit: ki-åa-ri versus ki-iå-æa-at.

157 10. Independent Personal Pronouns

CHAPTER 10 INDEPENDENT PERSONAL PRONOUNS

10.1 18.1 It is a characteristic of IE languages that the pronominal paradigms exhibit certain differences from the nominal and adjectival ones (Kammenhuber 1969b 207). (a) Pronouns show more than one stem form (see Sihler 1995 384f. and Szemerényi 1996 203 §8.1). This is particularly true of the independent personal pronouns,495 where a different stem characterizes the nom. from the other cases: nom. *egˇ “I” versus acc. *me “me.” In Hittite we see this in „k “I” (nom.) versus amm(e)- “me” in the other cases, or wËå “we” (nom.) versus anz-“us” in the other cases. It is the non-nominative stem which appears in the clitic forms of the same pronouns: -mu, -tu, -naå, -åmaå (§31.3).

10.2 18.1.1 In the other pronouns (demonstratives, relatives, interrogatives; CREF Chap. 12 and 13) the nom. and acc. often share one stem, while the other cases show a slightly different one: kΩå, kΩn496 “this” versus ke(da)- (CREF §12.2); kui- “who, what” (nom.-acc.) versus kue(da)- (CREF §13.3). Other words, originally adjectives, gradually assume characteristics of the pronominal stem apophony (e.g., tamai- in nom. and acc., tamed(a)- in other cases, CREF §13.19) and distinctive pronominal declensional endings (-el in gen. tamel “of another”; CREF also §12.7, §14.7 on numbers).

10.3 18.1.2 (b) Pronouns do not always use the case endings of the noun. There may either be no case ending at all (e.g., Hittite acc. ammuk “me”), or endings occur that are unknown in the noun inflection (Hittite gen. -el). Sometimes insertions appear between stem and endings: CLuw. zΩåta/i- “this (very)” (CLL 281) with inserted -åt-, and Hittite dat.-loc. sg. kËdani (i.e., ke+dan+i ) “this” not *ke-i.

10.4 18.1.3 (c) Pronouns are often strengthened by means of deictic particles: French ce, celui, celui-ci. Latin ego-met, nˇs-met (Szemerényi 1996 202). The -ila in zikila “you yourself” and ukila “I myself” may be such a deictic particle. CREF §10.20.

10.5 18.1.4 (d) Original personal pronouns (i.e., those of the first and second person) show no difference of gender (i.e., animate vs. inanimate).

10.6 18.1.5 In Hittite the anaphoric demonstrative pronoun apa- “the aforementioned (one)” (CREF Chapter 12) also performs the function of a third person independent pronoun (“he, she, it”). There is no formal differentiation of apa-, when it is used as a personal pronoun from when it is used as a demonstrative pronoun.

495 Also called “accented personal pronouns” (Luraghi 1997 24).

496Although the normal forms of the com. acc. sg. of “this” and “that” are k„n and ap„n , a less common — although apparently late and perhaps secondary — variant kΩn, apΩn is also attested. See §19.1.2.1.

158 10. Independent Personal Pronouns

10.7 18.2 The following is the paradigm of the independent personal pronouns: FIRST PERSON SECOND PERSON THIRD PERSON Singular nom. „k, ammuk497 zik apΩå (c.), apΩt (n.) acc. ammuk tuk ap„n, apΩn gen ammËl tuËl apËl d.l. ammuk, uk (late) tuk apËdani, apËti abl. ammËdaz(a) tuËdaz(a) apËz, apezza Plural nom. wËå, anzΩå (late) åum(m)Ëå, åum(m)Ωå (late) apË, ap„å (late) (c.), apË (n.) acc. anzΩå åum(m)Ωå, åum(m)Ëå (late) ap„å (c.), apË (n.) gen. anzËl åum(m)enzan, åumËl (NH) apenzan d.l. anzΩå åum(m)Ωå, åum(m)Ëå late( ) apËdaå abl. anzËdaz åum(m)Ëdaz

10.8 18.2.1 All forms of the independent personal pronoun with -a extensions (e.g., ú-ga, ú-uk-ka›, zi-ga, zi-ik- ka›) represent the pronoun + clitic “and” or “but” (Neu 1997). Houwink ten Cate’s thesis about ú-ga “but I” versus ú-uk-ka› “and I” (1973b), which is valid in OH, is apparently not maintained in post-OH cases like nu–wa ú- [g]a ÅAÆ-aå i-wa-ar ú-i-ia-mi “And I too (ú-ga) will squeal like a pig” KUB 14.1 rev. 93 (MH/MS), where there is no reason for an adversative -a “but.”

10.9 18.2.1.1 A case ending distinctive to the pronouns is -el, which marks the gen. sg., and sometimes the pl. pronouns (cf. Sihler 1995 385 [his §374.2a], and §12.7): ammel “my,” tuel “your,” apel “his/her,” anzËl “our” (CREF §10.13 (*18.2.3),” åumËl “your (pl.).” In late Hittite the stem extended by this -ell- serves once as the basis for an ablative form a-pé-el-la-az (KUB 14.4 iv 23).

10.10 18.2.2.1.0 In OH ammuk is confined to the dative and accusative. In a few MH texts498 and throughout NH it serves also as a nominative. Although ammuk occurs as a nominative in NH copies of OH texts (e.g., KBo 3.40:11), this represents the NH scribe’s modernization of the original. Nominative ammuk only occurs in texts copied after the OH period.

10.11 18.2.2.1.1 In OH and MH ú-uk is confined to the nominative. In early NH ú-uk alternates with am-mu-uk always as a nom. In late NH it is revived as an archaism, but is used as either nominative, dative or accusative, on analogy with the current use of ammuk. CREF §10.14 (*18.3) below.

497 Post-OH.

498 In HKM 10:26 (MH/MS) and other passages of the MH Ma®at letters (see indices to Alp 1991), also in ammuk … uwami KBo 32.19 ii 22-23 (Song of Release, MH/MS).

159 10. Independent Personal Pronouns

10.12 18.2.2.2 zik “you” (nom. sg.) is written zi-ik when the clitic -a “and, but” is not appended. In the latter cases it can appear as zi-ga, zi-ig-ga or zi-iq-qa A plene writing zi-i-ik occurs rarely and only in Old Script. On zik see Melchert 1983, Shields 1987, Villar 1988; Barton 1993. Similarly non-nominative tuk is written tu-uk without clitic -a but with it tu-ga, tu-ug-ga, tu-uq-qa. The writings *zi-ik-ka and *tu-uk-ka are avoided for graphical considerations, KA being a more complex sign to draw than GA or QA.

10.13 18.2.3 The secure attestation of anzel “our”in the OS Zalpa text: 499 KBo 22.2 obv. 12-13 (OS) UMMA URU LÚ.MEÅ URU-LIM Ωåma anze[l MUNUS].LUGAL Kaniå 30 MUNUS.DUMU 1–ÅU æΩåta, makes extremely unlikely the theory of Forrer 1922, 1926 17 (transliteration of Bo 2423 = 2 BoTU 10b = KBo 3.27), rejected by Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 75, revived by Kammenhuber 1969b 209f., and defended by Neu 1997 140f., that there was in Old Hittite a first plural independent genitive pronoun *ammenzan, formally parallel to åumenzan “your (pl.).”

10.14 18.3 Old Hittite (OH) employs as nominatives only the forms „k, wËå, zik, åumËå, apΩå, and apË, whereas in Middle and New Hittite various dative or accusative forms have come to be used as nominatives, and in two cases (uk and åumeå) the reverse also has taken place. In OH ammuk, anzΩå, and åumΩå serve only as datives or accusatives. We have already seen (§2.4, 3.2, etc.) that this mutual contamination of nom. and acc. cases in the plural is common among nouns and adjectives. Since in the first and second person pronouns (ammuk, tuk) the dative and accusative forms are alike, åumeå (originally nom.), which first was extended to the accusative, soon was extended further to the dative (KUB 26.12 ii 26). Similarly uk is once employed as a dative in the late NH period. åumenzan is an Old Hittite form, while åu(m)mel arose in NH, modeled on ammel, tuel and anzel. On the other hand anzel “our” is attested already in Old Script (CREF §18.2.3) and is therefore not an innovation (contra Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 77 and Friedrich 1960 §97b). Plural apenzan “their” always contrasts with singular apel “his, her, its.”

10.15 18.4 Only the nominative forms can serve as subjects. Only the dat.-acc. forms can serve as direct objects of verbs. But any of several cases can serve as a predicate in sentences with the verb “to be.” Locative: “The king is in the land .” Genitive: “They were mine ”500 Ablative: “It (scil. a field) is on the right of the road to URUÆaåtira.”501 For statements of possession or ownership Hittite could employ either the genitive or the dative. For the latter: mΩn antuæåi LÚ-i naåma MUNUS-i MU.ÆI.A nininkanteå “If a person — either man or woman — has shortened years”

499 Thus refuting the claim of Luraghi that only genitive plurals of the type åumenzan occur in OH, and that genitives of the type anzel and åumel, which are certainly analogical to the singular, are only post-OH URU URU 500 Cf. [ÉRIN.MEÅ ÅA Ura Å]A Mud[amu]ta[ååi–ya ] kar„ ammel eå[er] “Formerly [the troops of Ura] and Mutamutaååi were mine” KBo 16.47:1; nu ammel kΩå–pat 1-aå dammeåæaå “Only this one punishment was mine” KBo 4.8 ii 16 (NH). 501 ANA KASKAL URUHaåtira–aå–kan ZAG-az KUB 8.75 i 22.

160 10. Independent Personal Pronouns

KUB 43.57 iv 24-25. The distinction in meaning between the genitive and dative constructions denoting possession or ownership has not been worked out.

10.16 18.5 Since the finite forms of Hittite verbs already indicate that the subject is “I,” “we,” “you,” “(s)he” or “they,” the presence of an independent personal pronoun in the nominative case may indicate a special emphasis on the subject or a conscious contrast with the subject of a neighboring clause. Thus, „k–wa LUGAL-uå–åmiå kiåæa “I will become your king” KBo 22.2 rev. 15 (OS) could have been written LUGAL-uå–åmiå–wa kiåæa without ambiguity as to the subject. Use of the independent pronoun as subject in order to mark contrast with a different actor in a neighboring clause can be clearly seen in: MUÅENæΩranan LU[GAL-aå MUNUS.LUGAL-aå]–a åËr–åamet 3–[(ÅU)] DUMU É.GAL waænu[zzi „]g–a–åmaå–åan ÉRIN.MEÅ-an åË[(r)] 3–ÅU waæn„mi “The palace servant waves an eagle three times over the king and queen, but I wave (a model of) troops over them three times” StBoT 8 ii 30-32 (= KBo 17.1 + 25.3 ii 16-18) (OS). See: zik–wa UR.BAR.RA-aå kiåtat “You have become a wolf” KBo 6.2 ii 12 (Laws §37, OS),502 n–an–za zik dΩ “(No one else has accepted my advice,) but you must accept it” KUB 1.6 iii 27 (OH/NS), zik ammel É-na lË uwaåi / ug–a tuËl parna UL uwΩmi “You must not come to my house, and I will not come to your house” KUB 29.1 i 19-20 (OH/NS), etc.

10.17 18.5.1 The same is the case with forms of the dative and accusative, since a corresponding clitic form of the pronoun (–mu, –ta, –åi, –naå , etc.) could have been used. UMMA DUMU.MEÅ weå–a kuwapit arumen nu MUNUS-za [30] DUMU [1–ÅU æ]Ωåi nu–zza anzaå 1–ÅU æΩåta “Where have we come to, that a woman bears [thirty] sons [at one time]? Yet she bore us all at once!” KBo 22.2 obv. 11-12 (OS); æandanza–kan antuwaææ[aå (tuk–pat aååuå)] / n–an zik–pat [(åarliåkiåi)] “It is to you (in particular) that the just person is dear, and you (in particular) always elevate him” KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44 i 7-8 (OH/NS). In these examples the natural emphasis involved in using the independent form is strengthened by the particle -pat.

10.18 18.5.2 And with the independent genitive pronoun for which a clitic possessive could have been used. kuiå ammel Ωppan LUGAL-uå kÏåar[i] “He who becomes king after me” KBo 3.22:22, 49 (OS). For a clear opposition of ammel and tuel see: zilatiya–tta katta [(æaåå)]a æanzaååa tuel DUMU-an ammel DUMU.MEÅ–YA DUMU.DUMU.MEÅ–YA [paææaå]åantari–pat “In the future, to the third and fourth generations, my sons and grandsons will loyally protect your son” KUB 21.1 + 19.6 i 73-75; cf. ammel ÌR.MEÅ–YA … tuËl ÌR.MEÅ–KA “my servants … your servants” HKM 74:10, 15-16 (MH/MS), and KUB 29.1 i 19-20 cited above in §18.5.

10.19 18.6 The ablative forms are post-OH and can be found in double case constructions where they function like adjectives: tuedaza memiyanaza “by your word,” ammedaz ÅU-az “by my hand,” ammedaza GIÅBAL.TUR-az “with my spindle” (Luraghi 1997 24 §2.3.1.1). The abl. forms of the independent pronoun sometimes have the normal ablatival force of “from” in the sense of source: ÅEÅ–YA–ma ammedaza NÍG.TUKU-ti kuitki “My brother,

502 The zik is necessary to disambiguate in the NH copy (KBo 6.3 ii 29), where the finite verb ki-åa-at is identical with the 3rd sg. form.

161 10. Independent Personal Pronouns you are enriching yourself somewhat at my expense” KUB 21.38 obv. 16. But often instead they often mean “on my/your side” or “in my/your favor”: nu DINGIR.MEÅ am-me-da-az ti-an-du nu-wa DI-eå-åar am-me-da-az æa-an- na-an-du “Let the gods stand on my side and adjudicate the case in my favor” KUB 14.17 iii 18-19.

10.20 18.7 The deictic particle -il(a) added to the independent pronouns expresses the idea of “-self,” always nominative (like Latin ipse, CREF also §32.1 (*30.1): ukila “I myself,” zikila “you yourself,” åumΩåila “you yourselves,” apΩåila “he himself,” apΩåila 503 and apΩåiluå “they themselves” (CREF above in §10.4 (*18.1.3) and Sommer 1922 48 n. 1, 1938 141 n. 3, Friedrich 1960 §99, and HW2 I 165f.). Forms without the final a are also attested: ukel KUB 40.1 rev.! 14.

503For apΩåila used with a plural subject see: nu uizzi–ma ∂IÅTAR-iå ∂Æebatuåå–a [NA›ÆAR].ÆAR apΩåila mallanzi “Then it will happen that IÅTAR and Æebat will themselves mill grain” KUB 33.103 ii 14-15 (NS).

162 11. Enclitic Possessive Pronouns

CHAPTER 11 ENCLITIC POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS

11.1 18.9 (old 18.9.7) Of the old Indo-European languages of Anatolia only Hittite and Luwian had enclitic possessive pronouns.504 Earlier Hittite (OH and early MH) expressed the possessive relationship by suffixing to the noun a possessive adjective (“my”, “thy”, “his/her/its”, “our”, etc.). In later MH and throughout New Hittite this construction was first supplemented and then replaced by a more analytical one, using the genitive independent pronouns ammel “my”, tuel “your”, apel “his”, her”, “its”, anzel “our”, and åumel “your”: apËl waåtul “his sin” (MH), ammel aååul “my greeting” (MH), tuel KUR-i “your land” (MH). An even later development during the final century of New Hittite was declinable possessive adjective tue(da)- “your”, as in: UL–war–an–kan tuetaza memiyanaz kuenner “did they not kill it (the bull) at your word?” (Gilg.). Another method for indicating the possessive relationship was the use of dative enclitic pronouns of the type -mu, -ta, -naå, -åi, -åmaå (see Luraghi 1997 23): LÚ.KÚR.MEÅ–mu–kan LÚ.MEÅaråanatalluå ∂IÅTAR GAÅAN–YA ÅU-i daiå “Ishtar, my lady, put into my hand my enemies and my enviers” StBoT 24 i 58-59.

11.2 18.9.1 (old 18.9.7.1) Here is the paradigm for the enclitic possessive adjective:505

Singular

Case “my” “thy” “his” “our”506 “your (pl.)” “their” nom.com -miå, -meå507 -tiå, -teå508 -åiå, -åeå -åummiå -åmiå509 -åmiå2

504 Indeed no morphological category of possession expressed in nominals existed in PIE: see Comrie 1998 82, who notes how this contrasted with Uralic and Semitic. On the enclitic possessive pronoun in Hittite see Friedrich 1960 §§106-109, 245-256, Houwink ten Cate 1967, Kammenhuber 1969b 210-212, Otten and Souc√ek 1969 70f., Rosenkranz 1978 71f., Villar 1988, CHD L-N (1989) 222f., Francia 1995; 1996, Neu 1997. An attempt to identify this category in Luwian was made by Carruba 1986. 505See Friedrich 1960 65 §108, Kammenhuber 1969b 211f. Forms with initial * are conjectural, i.e., not yet attested, but likely. 506 Otten 1959 180 and 1973 35, Neu 1974 65f., 119, 128, and Francia 1995. The identity of -åummi- as the first pl. possessive was not yet known to Friedrich 1960 and Kammenhuber 1969b, and Rosenkranz 1978, who considered it a variant of -åmi- “your (pl.)” or “their”. 507Not so far attested as *-me-eå, but only with “broken” writings -mi-eå and -me-iå (cf. CHD sub -mi-), both of which could be interpreted as -miå (using HZL’s transcriptional method, -mi-ìå and -mì-iå). 508 Although the more common, and expected form, is -ti-iå, the by-form -te-eå is attested in nu wa-ar-åu-la-aå-te-eå ammel katta uwaru “Let your (sg.) waråulaå appear to me” KUB 36.44 iv 4 (OH/MS), nu tuel / waråulaå–te-eå paiågataru “And let your waråulaå go” VBoT 58 i 10-11 (OH/NS), and ∂EN.LÍL-aå attaå–teå KUR-e / 4 æalæaldumari tu [k–p]at kiåri–tti t [iy]an æarzi “Your (sg.) father, Enlil, has put the land (namely) the four corners in your hand alone” KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44 + i 22-23 (OH/NS). Also e-ek-za-te-eå “your net” KBo 3.21 ii 16.

163 11. Enclitic Possessive Pronouns

o 510 o n o n o511 acc.com -man , -tan , -tin -åan , -åin -åummin -åman, -åmin -åman, -åmin n -min n.-a.neut. -met, mit -tet, -tit -ået, -åit -åummet, -å(a)met512, -å(a)met, -åummit -å(a)mit -å(a)mit voc. -mi, -me513 *-ti *-åi *-åummi *-åmi *-åmi gen.514 -maå, -man -taå -åaå *-åummaå *-åmaå *-åmaå d.l. -mi -ti -åi -åummi -åmi -åmi, -åummi all. -ma515 *-ta -åa516 *-åumma *-åma *-åma ins -mit -tit -åit *-åummit -å(a)mit -å(a)mit

Plural nom.com -miå -te/iå -åe/iå -åummeå -åme/iå517 -åme/iå518 acc.com -muå -tuå -åuå *-åummuå -åmuå *-åmuå n.a.neut -me/it *-tet -ået *-åummet *-åmet *-åmet gen -man *-tan *-åan *-åumman *-åman *-åman d.l. *-maå -taå -åmaå *-åummaå *-åmaå *-åmaå

509Whenever this ending must immediately follow an unassimilated consonant in its noun’s ending, since cuneiform writing cannot represent a sequence of three consecutive consonants without some “ghost” (or perhaps epenthetic) vowel, the enclitic possessive ending -åmi- will be written -åa-mi- or -åe-mi-. 510 Forms marked “o” are distinctively OH. Other, unmarked forms may also occur in OH, but are not distinctive.

511The i vocalization of the acc. sg. -åummin (instead of expected *-åumman) is a striking lack of concurrence with the other OS common gender acc. sg. forms -man, -tan, -åan, and -åman, but it must be correct, if dåiuåummin in KBo 3.22 (OS Anitta) is really the noun + possessive “our deity” and not just a proper name which happens to sound like the words “our deity”, and if ∂UTU–åummin “our sun” (referring to the king) KBo 20.67 + 17.88 iv 17 (OH/MS?) reflects an OS original’s spelling. 512The forms of -åmi- (both “your (pl.)” and “their” with epenthetic vowel between å and m occur only when the substantive to which the possessive enclitic is attached ends in a consonant. 513Attested in at-ti-me “O my father” KBo 12.70 rev.! 10b (CHD -mi- e 2’ a’).

514 Insofar as a use of the OH (properly) gen. pl. -man, -tan, -åan, etc. with singular nouns is recognized, it is claimed to occur only with nouns having animate referents; cf. Kammenhuber 1969b 309ff., Kammenhuber 1969c 33, Rosenkranz 1978 71f. 515In pár-nam-ma (= parna–mma ), cf. CHD sub *-mi-.

516Attested in CTH 370.KBo 25.151 + 26.136 obv. 17-19 UR.GI‡-aå–a æuååili–åa paitta / ÅAÆ-aå Éæumma–åa paitta ANÅE.KUR.RA-uå æaliya–åa / paitta UDU-uå aåauni–åa paitta GUD-uå Ékizzumi–åi paitta “The dog went to its æuååili, the pig went to its sty, the horse went to its corral, the sheep went to its fold, the cow went to its kizzumi-structure”. 517See a-re-eå-me-eå (*areå–åmeå ) “your colleagues” in Laws §55 (manuscript B, OH/NS).

518See LÚkaruæaleå–åmeå–a “and their k.-men” in Laws §54 (manuscript A, OH/OS).

164 11. Enclitic Possessive Pronouns

11.3 18.9.2 (old 18.9.8) Both the substantive and the enclitic possessive adjective are declined, and agree in number, gender and case: kiååari–mi “in my hand” (lit. “in the hand” + “in my”), tuzziyaå–miå “my army” (KBo 2.5 ii 13), kardiyaå–taå “of thy heart” (lit. “of the heart” + “of thy”), atti–åi “to his/her father”, iåtarni–åmi “in your (pl.) midst”, areå–åmeå “your (pl. nom.) companions”, åaræuwanduå–åuå “her unborn child (acc., grammatically pl.519)”. Final n in the substantive regularly assimilates to the first consonant of the possessive pronoun. Compare the following acc. sg. forms: æalugatalla (n)–tin “your envoy”, iåtamana (n)–åan “his ear”, tuzzi(n)–man “my army”, aræa (n)–åan “his border”, arra (n)–åan “his anus”, pantuæa (n)–åan “his bladder”. In NH one fids back forms in which the n was restored: na-an-åa-an (MH), ma-a-an-åi (MH), pé-ra-an-åi-it (MH). CREF §15.3.

11.4 18.9.3 In the dative-locative the clitic possessive is found on what must have been the original nominal form of certain adverbs and postpositions: iåtarni–åummi “in our midst” (= anzaå iåtarna) , katti–tti “together with you” (= tuk katta), katti–åummi “with us” (= anzaå katta ). CREF §23.14.

11.5 18.9.4 (old 18.9.9) In the empire period (NH), when this enclitic possessive was passing out of use, speakers lost the sense of the bipartite nature of constructions like attaå–miå and began to decline only the final element. Thus acc. sg. attaåmin (for *attan–min ) and attaåtin (for *attan–tin ).

11.6 18.9.5 (old 18.9.9.1) In the acc. sg. forms the a vocalism (-man, -tan, -åan) is the earlier (OH and sporadically520 MH), the i vocalism (-min, -tin, -åin) is NH. But CREF above §11.2 on OH -åummin “our” (acc. sg.).

519Compare Hebr. plural yeladêha “her unborn child(ren)” in the Exodus 21:22 assault law.

520CTH 142.2A ii 22 [uk–ma] mTudæaliyaå iåpandaz tuzzi–man SUD-nun.

165 12. Deixis: the Demonstratives

CHAPTER 12 DEIXIS: THE DEMONSTRATIVES

12.1 19.0 The function of the demonstratives, called deixis, is to indicate position of a third party or object relative to the person speaking or spoken to. Factors may include degrees of distance (near, far) from the speaker, or primary relationship to speaker versus person spoken to. Thus, one enumerates the following types of Indo- European deixis: (1) I-deixis (here, near the speaker), (2) you-deixis (there, near the one(s) addressed), (3) that- deixis (there, without a particular spatial reference), and (4) yonder-deixis (yonder, over there) (Szemerényi 1996 204 with bibliography in note 1). In face-to-face speech situations the spoken demonstratives were probably reinforced by gestures of eye and hand. Sometimes Hittite texts refer to such demonstrative gestures with phrases such as IGI.ÆI.A-it iezzi “he makes (a signal) with (his) eyes” or Q¸TAM dΩi “he extends (lit. places) the hand.” In kiååan “in the following (i.e., yet to be stated) manner” and apeniååan “in the preceding (i.e. just stated) manner” (§12.9) we have a contrasting temporal deixis. The Hittite mode of referencing temporal relationships using terms of spatial reference is a complicated subject in its own right. Does the speaker face the future, with the past behind him, or does he face the past, which he can and does know, with the yet unknown future behind him? The second theory is supported by the normal use of peran for “before” and Ωppan “after,” and appaåiwatt- (lit. “after-day”) for “future.” Also æantezzi(ya)- “older, earlier-born” (< æant- “front, forehead”) versus appezzi(ya)- “younger, later-born.” Yet there are a few expressions suggesting the opposite, such as -mu peran “before me” (KUB 13.4 ii 58-60, MH/NS) in the sense of tasks awaiting my attention in the future.

12.2 19.0.2 (old 19.5.2)521 The two primary demonstratives (near and far, or “I” and “you”) in Hittite are kΩ- “this” and apΩ- “that,” the Luwian equivalents being za- and apa-. The far demonstrative, apΩ-, also serves as a third person independent pronoun. When it does so, it shares with the first and second person pronouns the ability to take the suffix -ila (apΩåila “himself”, CREF §10.20). The following is the paradigm for the Hittite demonstratives kΩ- “this” and apΩ- “that”:

Singular Plural n.c. kΩå apΩå kË, k„å, kËuå apË, ap„å acc.c k„n, kΩn ap„n, apΩn k„å, kË ap„å, apË n.a. kÏ, kË apΩt kË, kÏ apË gen. kËl apËl kinzan, kËdaå apenzan, apËdaå d.l. kËdani, kËti apËdani, apËti kËdaå apËdaå abl. kËz, kezza apËz, apezza, apellaz522 kezza

521Numbers in parentheses indicate an earlier stage of § numbering.

522 Late NH: nu–kan DAM–YA apellaz BA.ÚÅ “And my wife died from that” KUB 14.4 iv 23.

166 12. Deixis: the Demonstratives ins. kidanda, kËt apedanda, apËt

12.3 19.1.1 Although the declension of the two primary contrasting demonstratives, ka- and apa-, shows broad agreement, there are a few striking differences. In the neut. nom.-acc. sg. OH had kÏ “this” but apΩt “that.” In the PIE pronominal systems neut. nom.-acc. sg. often had a final d (see Kammenhuber 1969b 309 §45, 1; Sihler 1995 §374, 2; Szemerényi 1996 204f.), which matches apΩt. kÏ follows a different, but equally archaic PIE pattern.

12.4 19.1.1.1 The regular spelling of apË as a-pé-e (i.e., a-bi-e) helps to avoid orthographic confusion with the Akkadogram A-BI, as well as the Hittite (perhaps originally Hurrian) noun Ωbi (see Hoffner 1967) normally written a-a-bi but on occasions defectively as a-bi-i (KUB 7.41+ ii 67) or a-bi (KUB 7.41+ iv 27, KBo 2.9 iv 11-12).

12.5 19.1.2 The ending -e of the nom. pl. com. is the Old Hittite pronominal ending inherited from the parent IE language (see Sihler 1995 386 §374, 5). On the implications of these factors for the dating of Hittite texts see Houwink ten Cate 1970:14 and Hoffner 1972:17. The nom. pl. forms in -uå represent contamination from the accusative forms. The isolated example keuå represents a conflated formation of the old ending -e + the latter ending -uå.

12.6 19.1.2.1 The forms kΩn and apΩn are isolated and occur in later texts. The antiquity of the k„n and ap„n forms in Hittite is supported by the archaic pronoun aå-i (nom. sg.), un-i (acc. sg.) (Laroche 1979), which preserves the same vowel contrast.

12.7 19.1.2.2 The sg. gen. shows the same characteristic pronominal gen. ending -el that marks the independent personal pronouns (§18.2.1.1), and the pl. gen. ending -enzan that marks the independent personal pron. åumenzan (§18.2 and §18.2.3). In Luwian the gen. is expressed by the genitival adj. apaååa/i-.

12.8 19.1.2.3 For the instrumentals kidanda and apedanda CREF §3.27.

12.9 19.1.3 In Hittite, as in Luwian, a number of adverbs are derived from the demonstrative bases, from one of which in turn an adjective is derived. As a rule it is the stems ke/i- and ape/i- that occur in the pronominal adverbs, just as the stem kuwa- (versus kui-) that occurs in pronominal adverbs and conjuctions kuwapi, kuwapikki, kuwattan, etc. (Kammenhuber 1969b 207).

ka-/ke- apa-/ape- kΩ “here” apiya “there” ket “here” (OH), “to this place” apeda “to that place” kez “from this place” apez “from that place” kiååan, kiniååan523 “in the following manner”524 apeniååan “in the preceding manner”

523 Kammenhuber 1969b 207 considers kiniååan an analogy formation to apeniååan.

524For kiååan in interrogative clauses CREF §37.1.1 and 37.1.1.1.

167 12. Deixis: the Demonstratives kiååuwant- (adj.) “this kind of a ..” apeniååuwant- (adj.) “that kind of a ...”

12.10 See also kitpantalaz “from this moment on” (always “univerbiert”) versus apit pantalaz “from that moment on” written as two separate words. See discussion in CHD P sub pantala-. See also kitkarza “at the head.”

12.11 With some the endings are not the same: kinun “now” versus apiya “then.”

12.12 Some built upon ka- have no counterpart built upon apa-. The interjections kΩåa and kΩåma, often unsatisfactorily translated “behold,” function to make the action of the clause immediate (i.e., the near demonstrative force): “just …ed” with preterite verbs, “is/are about to …” with present-future (see Hoffner 1968b). The Luwian functional equivalent is zΩwi “here, voici” (see DLL 115, CLL 282).

12.13 19.1.3.1 As in the declension of the two demonstratives, here too there is much symmetry. But there are also a few striking dissimilarities: kΩ and apiya are formed differently. Note too kiååan, (rare) keniååan, and apeniååan, but not *apiååan. The nasal in apeniååan occurs also in kΩni “here” (KBo 22.2 obv. 9, OS) keniååan, and in eniååan “thus.”

12.14 19.1.4 (19.5.6) The demonstratives ka- and apa- can be used either as pronouns or adjectives. If the clause is verbal, the pronoun may occupy whatever position in the clause is appropriate to its syntactic function (subject, object, etc.). In “to be” clauses the pronoun apΩå or kΩå normally precedes its predicate noun or adjective.

12.15 19.1.5 The following are some examples of ka- as subject in “to be” clauses: nu–mu kÏ IGI-zi LÚ- natar–mit “This was my first heroic deed” Hatt. (= StBoT 24) II 29-30; nu–wa–nnaå kΩå EN-aå–pat “this one alone is our lord” (von Schuler, Dienstanw. 23, KUB 21.42+ i 17-18).

19.2 Yet at least in the case of apa- there are exceptional cases in which the pronoun apΩå follows rather than precedes its predicate noun or adjective: parkuiå–aå apΩå, miåriwanza<–aå?> apΩå, æarkiå–aå apΩå, n–aå.... æ„mandaz aåanuwanza “she is pure, that one; (she is) lovely, that one; she is white, that one; and she is endowed with every good thing” KBo 4.6 i 13-14 (prayer of Murs. II). What marks the above case is the use of –aå as a cataphoric pronoun, of which apΩå is the referent. Cf. also the following two sentences without a cataphoric pronoun. UL DUMU-YA apΩå 525 KUB 1.16 ii 14; zaåæiyaå uttar–ået apΩt KUB 17.1 ii 19-20 (Keååi story, CTH 361) (NH).

12.16 19.2.1 There is also a Late Hittite appositional use of the demonstrative, in which case the demonstrative immediately follows its noun: (Queen Puduhepa writes to Ramesses II of Egypt:) nu ANA ÅEÅ-YA lumpaåtin ap„n iyami “for ‘My Brother’ (Ramesses) as a grief I have brought that” KUB 21.38 ii 12 (editions by Stefanini 1964; Helck 1963); KURAlaåiyan–ma–za–kan pede–ååi ÌR-aææun arkammanaææun, arkamman–ma–ååi–kan [k„]n iåæiyanun “But I subjected Alaåiya and made it tributary on the spot; and as tribute I imposed the following (=

525This is a statement, not a question.

168 12. Deixis: the Demonstratives k„n)” KBo 12.38 i 7-9 (CTH 121, cf. Güterbock 1967 73ff.). “Because there are many herbal medicines, I will inquire which herb is determined by oracle. I will also inquire about physicians” kuiå–mu LÚA.ZU SI≈SÁ-ri nu–kan Ú ANA dUTU-ÅI ÅÀ IGI.ÆI.A apΩt :pa-ar-ri-it-ti “And as medicine the physician designated to me by oracle will apply that to His Majesty’s eyes” KUB 22.61 i 16-18 (oracle, NH), ed. StBoT 19:4 (“soll … selbiges Kraut streichen”); it is not clear why the apΩt is separated from the Ú in this clause; cf. ibid. i 6. The appositional use is distinguished from the attributive by the reversal of the normal sequence of demonstrative followed by substantive (“attributive” k„n arkamman versus “appositional” arkamman k„n).

12.17 19.3 (19.5.7) The unmarked position of the adjectival demonstrative is preceding its substantive. When that substantive is further modified by either an attributive adjective or a noun in the genitive case, the latter intervenes between demonstrative and substantive.

12.18 19.3.1 (19.5.7.1) With intervening genitive: kÏ URUÅinaæuwaå URUUbariyaå–a uttar lË iyatteni “Do not do this thing of the cities X and Y!” KUB 1.16 ii 50-51 (OH/NS); kiåå[a]n–ma–mu kuit æatrΩeå / kuitman–wa–mu dUTU-ÅI / kÏ ÅA LÚ.MEÅ URUGaåga takåulaå / uttar æatrΩåi ammugga–wa / memian INA KUR URUIåæupita / æuåkimi “But concerning what you wrote me as follows: ‘Until you write me this matter of the peace of the Kaåkaean men, I will await word in the land of Iåæupitta’” HKM 10:23-32 (letter, MH/MS); kÏ–mu kuit ÅA mMarruwa / LÚ URUÆimmuwa æaliyatar æatrΩeå “This homage of Marruwa, the ruler of Æimmuwa, about which you wrote to me” HKM 13:4-5 (letter, MH/MS); nu ÅA ∂IM linkiyaå NA›KIÅIB / aræa æullanzi KUB 17.21+ iv 17-19 (pr., MH); ap„n ÅA GIDIM NINDA-an parkunuer KBo 11.1 rev. 11 (pr. of Muw. II); kÏ ÅA É.DINGIR-LIM åuppiyaææuwar EN [(SISKUR.)SISKUR(–ma)] / EGIR SISKUR UL artari KUB 17.8 iii 9-10 w. dupls. KBo 19.140 and KBo 19.137; nu–åmaå maææan aåi LÚÅU.DAB-un / [memian kuiåki peran] memΩi nu uni ÅA LÚÅU.DAB memian EGIR-an [åanæanzi] KUB 14.17 ii 9-10, ed. AM 84f. (the first clause is, of course, problematic on any reading); nu uni ÅA HUR.SAGAåæarpaya URUGaågan zaææiyanun KBo 3.4 iii 41, ed. AM 76f.; nu–wa–mu–kan uni araæzenaå KUR.KUR<-aå?> LÚ.KÚR peran kuenni “Strike down before me the aforementioned enemy of the surrounding lands” KBo 3.4 i 26, ed. AM 22; nu–za kÏ (var. in B kË) / ÅA É.GAL-LIM / AWATMUNUS mekki aruma uågaææut KBo 5.3++ iii 51-52 (Hukk.) (transposed into Hittite, this last example would actually have a sequence of genitives: “this + of the palace + of the woman + word/matter”); ke–ma namma ÅA KUR URUÆatti–pat KUR.KUR.ÆI.A-TIM KUR URUGaåga / [n]–at LÚ.MEÅ SIPA ÅAH U LÚ.MEÅ EPIÅ GAD eååir (var. eåer) KUB 24.3++ ii 38-39 (pr. Murs. II); antuæåatar–ma kuit nu–ååan UL–ya kuit / uttar wemiyaweni n–at–å [an ked]ani linkiyaå / tuppiya UL kitta[ri] KBo 5.3+ ii 60-62 (Hukk.); kÏ–wa Ëånaå uttar tuppiyaz au KBo 3.1++ (THeth 11) ii 47-48 (OH/NS); k„n AWAT BAL KBo 5.13 iii 6 (NH) and KUB 21.1 + 19.6 + ii 70 (NH).

19.3.2 (19.5.7.2) With intervening attributive adjective or participle used attributively: kÏ daååawa INIM.MEÅ-ar “these important words” KUB 17.7 (Ullik. I A) ii 18-19; kΩå 600 ÉRIN.MEÅ “these (grammatically sg.) 600 troops” KUB 14.15 (AM 74) iv 48; kΩå MU.20.KAM “these 20 years” (lit. “this 20th year”) KUB 14.10 obv. 12 (Murs. 2nd Plague Prayer, copy C); cf. kÏ–ya–åta waran paææur maææan kiåtati KBo 6.34 (StBoT 22) iv 5-6 (MH/NS) (participle waran ), kÏ–ma idalawa uddΩr kuieå eååanzi KBo 3.1 ii 61; kË 3 LÚ.MEÅ INA URUTanipiya

169 12. Deixis: the Demonstratives aåanzi KBo 3.7 iv 20-21 (Illuyanka, OH/NS); kΩå–pat 1-aå dammeåæaå Ëåta KBo 4.8 ii 12-13, 16 (NH) (edited Hoffner 1983) (where the number is used as attributive), kÏ–ya–åta waran paææur maææan kiåtati KBo 6.34 (StBoT 22) iv 5-6 (MH/NS); kÏ–ma idalawa uddΩr kuieå eååanzi KBo 3.1 ii 61 (OH/NS).

12.19 19.3.3 (19.5.8) When, however, one or both of the words following the demonstrative (but CREF above in §12.18) is a logogram, it is permitted to diverge from this order: nu–za kÏ ALAM-YA ÅA KÙ.GI iyanun “so I constructed this gold statue of myself” KBo 10.2 iii 21 (annals of Hatt. I, OH/NS); nu–mu kË KUR.KUR.MEÅ dannatta AÅÅUM MUºIRTU_TI peåta “she (the goddess) gave me these depopulated lands to govern” Apology of Hatt. (StBoT 24) ii 56, cf. lines 63-64; kË–ma ØUPPA ÆI.A iåæiullaå kar„ aniyan Ëåta “these tablets of the treaty were already executed” KBo 4.10 i 38, cf. 50 (treaty with Ulmiteååub of Taræuntaååa); nu apΩt–aya uttar ÅA fDanuæepa iya[t k]uiå / nu–za apaå–a DINGIR-LIM-iå kar„ kiåat “He who committed that deed against (lit. of) Danuæepa has already died (lit. become a god)” KUB 21.19 + 1303/u (+) KUB 14.7 ii 12-13 (NH); nu kË ØUPPU ÅA DI.ÆI.A apiya / åiyanzi “They will seal these legal documents (lit. these tablets of cases) there” KBo 3.3++ iv 12-13 (NH).

12.20 19.3.4 (19.5.9) Occasionally the substantive itself is suppressed, leaving the demonstrative followed by the attributive adjective or genitive: kuwat–mu kÏ tepu paitta “why did you give me this little bit?” KUB 1.16 iii 10 (OH/NS); k„n–ma–wa–za ÅA 2 GÌR.MEÅ-ÅU kuwat æaåun “why have I borne this two-legged (child) (lit. ‘this one of its two legs’)?” KUB 24.7 iii 23-24 (story of cow and fisherman); ki–pat ÅA fTunnawiya MUNUS ÅU.GI QATI “this (ritual) of Tunnawiya, the Old Woman, is finished” KUB 7.53+ iv 44 (colophon).

12.21 19.3.5 (19.6.0) As an equivalent to the English distributive “this .. and that ..” Hittite coordinates either kΩå ... kΩå–ma (... kΩå–ma) or kΩå–a ... kΩå–a (... kΩå–a ). We have arbitrarily used nom. com. sg., but the correlated forms could show any case, gender or number. kΩå ... kΩå “this one ... that one” StBoT 8 ii 35-36 (OH/OS); kÏ GISTUKUL-li–met kÏ–ma åaææa (n)–met “this is my craftsman’s fief, and that is my åaææan field” Laws § 40 (OH); kËl … kËll–a “this one’s … that one’s” (OH); kedani … kedani–ya “to this one … to that one.” The distributive ka- also occurs in the expression kez ... kezzi–ya “on this side ... and on that side”, or in kiååan ... kiååan–a “in this way and in that way”.

12.22 19.3.5.1 (19.6.0.1) Similar in force is kuieå… kuieå (plur. nom.) “some … others”.

12.23 19.3.6 (19.6.1) Sometimes kΩå ... kΩå (or even simple kΩå) is used to represent a name to be supplied as appropriate: kÏ–ya kÏ–ya iyami “I am about to do such-and-such” KBo 3.7 i 22 (Illuyanka, OH/NS); “When they gave it to him,” nu–wa kΩå kΩå–a arantat “so-and-so and so-and-so were present” KUB 13.4+ ii 37-38 (inst. for temple officials, ed. Sturtevant and Bechtel 1935); [LUGAL-i=wa=k]an kΩå kΩå iåtarningain EGIR-pa daå “So- and-so has taken back [from the king] the illness(?)” KUB 29.1 ii 32 (rit., OH/NS), kΩå–war–at–åi LUGAL-uå paiå “King ‘So-and-so’ (lit. “this king”) gave it to him” ibid. ii 34.

170 12. Deixis: the Demonstratives

12.24 19.3.7 (19.6.2) When correlated kΩ- forms have different cases, this is sometimes used (like araå ari and araå aran ) to express reciprocal action (“one ... the other”): kΩå–man k„n epzi “one might seize the other” Laws § 49; [lË–ma–za–ka ]n kΩå k„n EGIR-pan åazkitta “let one [not] ... the other!” KUB 1.16 ii 58 (OH/NS).

12.25 Although the primary demonstrative pronouns of Hittite are kΩ- and apΩ-, they are not the only deictic elements in Hittite speech. The contrasting u- and p(e)- inseparable prefixes on verbs of movement also indicate an I or a you reference: with u- indicating the I-deixis and p(e)- the you one.

12.26 (19.7) There is a demonstrative, similar to Latin is, ea, id, built on the same stem a- (and variants) as the third person enclitic pronoun. Laroche (1979), following Holger Pedersen (1938), claimed that forms which others had attributed to separate paradigms (aåi-, uni-, eni-) were actually — at least during the Old Hittite period — members of the same paradigm. He was followed in turn by Neu 1979c 79 and 82, who utilized the diachronic aspect as a dating criterion for the Æukkana treaty.

nom. sg. com. aåi

acc. sg. com. uni

nom-acc neut eni

loc. edi, edani

abl. edez, edaza

12.27 All but the ablative forms consist of an “ending” (aå, un, en) followed by the deictic element i. The first two “endings” can be compared to kΩå and apΩå (ending: -aå) and k„n and ap„n (ending: -un). From the same stem comes the adverb eniååan “thus”, parallel to kiååan and apeniååan built on the bases kΩ- and apΩ-. The CLuw equivalent to ini is zΩni (CLL 277) built to the near demonstrative root zΩ-.

12.28 19.4.1 (19.7.1) It would appear, however, that by New Hittite times even the speakers of Hittite no longer understood how these unusual forms fit into a single paradigm. New forms arose through analogy to the customary paradigms, assuming that the stems to be inflected were aåi-, uni-, and eni-. A new nominative aåiå was formed from the “stem” aåi-. For the new stem uni- the forms unin (acc.c.sg.) and uniuå (nom. and acc. com. pl.) are attested. For the new stem eni- the forms eniå (nom. com. sg.) and eniuå (acc. com. pl.) are attested. At this time the older forms uni and aåi may have even been reinterpreted as neuters. Objections to Laroche by Kammenhuber, (1975-1984 400) on the basis of an alleged uniuå in OH (reference to the form not given!) remain to be established. It appears rather than all uniuå forms are found in NH. That “correct” forms such as aåi (sg. nom. common), uni (sg. acc. common), eni and ini (neut.) continue to occur in NH (Muråili II), pace Kammenhuber, are not surprising and constitute no serious objection to Pedersen and Laroche.

12.29 19.5 (19.8) From the stem anni- (HED A 51-55) there is only the nom. sg. com. form anniå. To this stem belong the adverbs annaz and anniåan “once, long ago” (compare kez and kiååan)). The meaning of anniåan suggests a far-deictic meaning “that, yonder” for anni-. There is also a very rare stem ani- (or ana-) seen in the

171 12. Deixis: the Demonstratives compound a-ni-åi-wa-at KBo 3.45:12’ (cf. Neu 1980 15f.; HW2 A 81b; HED A 52). Puhvel (Hed a 52) attributes this a-ni- to the same stem as anni-.

172 13. The Pronouns kui- and tamai-

CHAPTER 13 THE PRONOUNS kui- andtamai-.

13.1 20.0 In IE languages it is not uncommon to find a single pronoun serving both interrogative and indefinite functions, e.g., Greek tiı < *kwis (Szemerényi 1996 208). In Hittite, however, the common form kui- serves interrogative and relative functions, while the indefinite construction requires a built-up derivative, either kuiåki or kuiå imma.

13.2 20.1.1 The following is a chart of correlatives for Hittite similar to those given in traditional Latin and Greek grammars (cf. also Laroche 1979). Most pertinent to the subject of this chapter are columns 3-6 which largely contain forms built on the interrogative-relative stem *kui-, *kue- and *k(u)wa- (from PIE *k wo-) (Szemerényi 1996 209).

1 2 3 4 5 6

“this” “that” interrog. relat. indefinite rel. indef. pron.

A kΩå apΩå kuiå “who?” kuiå kuiå (imma) kuiå kuiåki “someone, “whoever” anyone”

B kÏ apΩt kuit “what?” kuit kuit (imma) kuit kuitki “something, “whatever” anything”

C kΩ “here” apiya “there” kuwapi “where?” kuwapi, kuwapi kuwapi kuwapikki, kuedani pedi “wherever” “somewhere”

D kedani åer “for apadda, apezza kuwat “why?” kuit “because” this reason” “therefore” kuit “why?”

E ket “hence” apeda “thence” kuwapit, kuwapit–a “whence?” “anywhere”

F kinun “now” apiya “then” kuwapi “when?” mΩn, maææan, kuwapi kuwapi kuwapikki “anytime” kuwapi “when” “whenever”

G kiååan “thus, as apeniååan “thus, maææan “how?” maææan “as” kuwatqa, manqa follows” in the same way” “anyway, anyhow”

13.3 20.2 The following paradigm of forms of kui- “who, which” serves both the interrogative and relative functions. Rarer forms are in parentheses. As with the demonstratives, there was a differently vocalized stem for nom. and acc. (kui-) from that of the oblique cases (kue-).

Singular Plural nom. com. kuiå kuiËå, kuËå (kueuå526) acc. com. kuin kuiuå (kueuå, kuiËå, kuiå, kuie) nom.-acc. neut. kuit kue(kuie)

526Attested in copies of CTH 76 (Muw. II),

173 13. The Pronouns kui- and tamai- gen. kuËl d.-l. kuedani kuedaå abl. kuËz (kuËzza)

13.4 20.3 The indefinite pronoun “some(one), any(one)” is kuiåki. The distributive “each, every” is kuiååa. Since the varying endings occur between the stem and the final -a, it is clear that the latter is the clitic “and.”

kuiåki kuiååa

Singular Plural Singular Plural nom. com. kuiåki kuiËåqa, kuËåqa kuiååa (kuiåa) kuieåa527 acc. com. kuinki kuiuåga kuinna kuiuååa nom.-acc. n. kuitki kuËq(q)a, kuekki kuitta kueya gen. kuelqa, kuelga, kuelka, kuella kuelki d.-l. kuedanikki/a kuedaåqa kuedaniya kuedaååa abl. kuezqa, kuezzaqa, kuezziya kuizzaqa528

13.5 20.3.1 It should be noted that the -a forms of kuiåki (kuezqa, etc.) are normally found: (1) in the plural, or (2) in the oblique cases of the singular. On the other hand, some -i forms appear as exceptions to the above rule: gen. kuelki529, and kuedanikki and kuekki.

13.6 20.3.2 On the word order in constructions with kuelka + head noun CREF §17.14.

13.7 20.4 The indefinite relative concept (§13.2, column 5) is expressed by the repetition of the relative pronoun or adjective, with or without an intervening imma: nu–kan kuiå kuiå URU-aå anda SI≈SÁ-ri “Whatever town is determined within (that radius of the crime site)” (Laws §6 Late parallel 4), nu æantezziyaå LÚ-aå kuit kuit [piddaizzi] / ta–ååe åarnikzi “he shall give as compensation to him whatever the first man [brings]” Laws §28a; nu URU.DIDLI.ÆI.A kuieå kuieå [Å]A µArmataræunta “Whatever cities belong to Armataræunta” Æatt. iv 71-72; kuel imma GIÅ-ruwaå æaææallaå alil “The flower of the æaææal of whatever tree” KUB 24.14 i 7-8.

13.8 20.5 Although we will consider in greater detail how questions are expressed in Hittite in chapter 37, it is useful at this point to make just a few observations regarding the construction of clauses with kuiå, kuiååa, kuiåki, etc.

527 ku-i-e-åa KBo 3.27 obv. 16 (OH/NS).

528Written ku-e-ez-za-qa KUB 22.52 obv. 11 and ku-i-iz-za-qa IBoT 3.122:7.

529KUB 23.68+ obv. 15 (MH/NS), KBo 19.61 iv 2, KUB 13.23:3 (both pre-NH).

174 13. The Pronouns kui- and tamai-

13.9 20.5.1 kuiå serves as either an interrogative or a relative. A combination of the observations of Held, Hale and [Garrett, 1994 #4180] yields the rule that the kui- form should occur no later in the clause than the second accented word (i.e., excluding nu, ta, etc.), i.e., the so-called “Wackernagel position”. Since nu (or ta) and its clitics are unaccented, they do not count. Futhermore, units formed by a genitive and its head noun or pronoun count as only one position and can therefore precede kui- in the clause.

13.10 20.5.1.1 The interrogative word kuiå is often clause initial, even when it does not represent the subject:

13.11 interrogative pronoun: nu kuit iezzi ∂IM-aå “And what can the Stormgod do?” KUB 36.44 i 5; nu kuit “so what?” KUB 1.16 ii 9 (OH/NS), kuit iyanun kuit “What did I do? What?” KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41:3.

13.12 interrogative adjective: kuit=wa=ååi=kan ÅUM-an [teææi ∂]Gulåuå=wa=mu DINGIR.MAÆ.ÆI.A-uå / kuin DUMU-an SUM-er “What name shall I give to him, the child which (lit. ‘what child’) the gulåa- and kunuåtalla- deities have given me?” KUB 33.93 iii 16-17 (Ullik. I). If the second clause in the preceding example is not another exception to the word-order rule, it would indicate that the compound subject [∂]Gulåuå=wa=mu DINGIR.MAÆ.ÆI.A-uå was counted as one position. In the following dialogue we see how the interrogative adj. kui- is used to narrow possibilities: æΩå nu kuez uwaåi åuppaz–wa uwami nu–wa kuez åuppayaz zaæanittennaz–wa nu–wa kuez zaæanittennaz ∂UTU-waå–wa É-az nu–wa kuez ∂UTU-az “’Open!’ ‘And where are you coming from?’ ‘I am coming from the holy thing.’ ‘From what holy thing?’ ‘From the z.’ ‘From what z.?’ ‘From the sun-god’s temple.’ ‘From what sun-god?’” KBo 21.22:22-25 (OH/MS).

13.13 20.5.1.2 But at other times it occurs in the Wackernagel position, sometimes not far from the finite verb or the predicate (CREF §30.17).

13.14 interrogative pronoun: KUR.KUR.ÆI.A–ma æ„man kuiå æarzi “But who holds all the lands?” KUB 31.4 + KBo 4.31:12; DUMU.MEÅ LUGAL–ma kuedani åer æarkiåkantari “But the princes — on what account are they being killed (lit. perishing)?” KBo 3.1+ ii 56-57 (THeth 11:34f.); aræa–ma–kan kuit datti “But what do you take away?” KUB 4.3 + KBo 12.70 iii 37; kuit–war–aå / uizzi nepiåaå ∂UTU-u[(å KUR-e)aå LUGAL-uå (uizzi)–m]a–war–aå kuedani / memiyani “Why does he come, the Sungod of the Sky, the king of the land(s)? On what account does he come?” KUB 33.96 + 33.93 + 36.7a (Ullik. I A) iv 44-46; karawar–ået kuit æanda lipåan “Its (scil. the bull’s) horn — why is it bent/split(?)?” KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41:16. In the clause [(KUR.KUR.ÆI.A)=m]a æ„man kuiå æarzi “Who holds all lands?” KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41: 12 (OH/NS) the noun and its attribute [(KUR.KUR.ÆI.A)=m]a æ„man “all lands” are counted as one position. One sees this also with the use of kuit “because” in: KUR-e=ma æ„man kuit IÅTU LÚ.KÚR [dann(attaææan )] / Ëåta “Because the whole land had been depopulated by the enemy” KUB 19.11 iv 12-13 (DÅ), and URUGaågaå=ma æ„manza kuit takåul Ëåta “Because the entire Kaåka (group) was at peace (with us)” KBo 5.6 i 14 (DÅ). But CREF below in §38.48.

13.15 20.5.1.3 Because the ku-iå restored in nu-wa-ra-an-ká [n GEfl-i] KI-pí-ia an-d[a ku-iå(?) pé-e-d]a?-i? “And who will carry him off to the dark netherworld?” KUB 33.93 + 36.7a + 17.7 iii 30’ (Ullik. I A, ed. Güterbock

175 13. The Pronouns kui- and tamai-

1952 18) would occur later than the second position, the line should probably be restored without ku-iå and the clause understood as carrying over the force of the ku-iå in line 28’: “Who will … and (will) … and (will) …?”

13.16 20.5.1.4 (b) interrogative adjective: tuell–a DUMU.MEÅ-KA kuin åagain iyanzi “And what (kuin) sign/miracle do your sons perform?” VBoT 58 i 7; [zi(qq–a–z)]a kuiå DINGIR-LIM-iå nu UL [...] “What (kind of a) deity are you, that […] not […]?” KUB 33.86 ii 12 with dupl. KUB 36.56 iii 9 (StBoT 14:54).

13.17 20.5.1.5 Note especially that kuiå takes the Wackernagel position, when a form of the demonstrative kΩ- is used as a predicate nominative: kÏ kuit kiåat “What is this (that) has happened?” VBoT 58 i 16; kÏ–wa kuit UL–wa æarnammar “What is this? Is it not yeast?” KBo 6.34 i 30; kÏ–wa kuit UL–war–at ÅA MUNUS TÚG.NÍG.LÁM.MEÅ “What are these? Are they not the fine garments of a woman?” ibid. ii 44-45; kÏ–wa kuit walkuwan æaåæun “What kind of a brood(?) is this which I have born?” KBo 17.1 obv. 2; kÏ kuit kÏåat “What is this that happened?” VBoT 58 i 16 (OH/NS). And even when the near demonstrative is the object of a finite verb: k„å aræa kuiå peæutet “Who led these (people) out (here)?” KBo 3.34 i 19 (OH/NS), ed. Dardano 1997 34f. Note that here kuiå appears to be in “third” position.

13.18 20.5.1.6 Not infrequently, in a sequence of two or more interrogative clauses the kui-word is expressed only in the initial clause: nu–za kuiå ... nu anzel Ú.SAL aræa weåieåkiåi “Who are you … that you devour our meadow?” KUB 24.7 ii 56-57; kuit–wa waåtul–tit nu–war–at–ta SIGfi-aæmi KUB 24.8 i 45 could be translated either “What is your problem (lit. sin), that I may remedy it for you?”

13.19 20.7 The adjective tamai- “other” inflects partly like the pronouns kΩ-, apΩ- and kui-. It is similar in inflection to dapi(ya)- “all, entire”. The following is its paradigm:

Singular Plural

nom.com. damaiå damauå

acc.com. damain damauå

neut. nom.-acc damai dapiyan, dapin tamai

gen. dammel dapiyaå dapidaå

d.-l. damedani dapi damedaå dapiyaå

all. tamatta, tameda

abl. tamedaz(a) dapiza, dapidaz

13.20 20.7.1 When used adjectivally, damai- like most other adjectives precedes its noun: tamai utne “another land”, tamaiå iåæΩå “another lord”, tamai pedan “another place”, tamaiå kupiyatiå “another plot”, tamaiå URU-aå “another city”. Occasionally, when its head noun is a logogram without Hittite phonetic complement, tamai- as GIÅ attributive adjective follows its noun: maææan–ma–ååan LUGAL-uå ANA KASKAL.GAL parΩ ari GIGIR–ma tamai turiyan æantan “but when the king comes forth upon the Great Road, another chariot is harnessed (and)

176 13. The Pronouns kui- and tamai-

LÚ.MEÅ ready” KUB 10.18 i 24ff.; ALAN.ZU· tamaeå TÚG GÙN.A waååan æarkanzi “the other performers wear brightly colored garments” KBo 4.9 i 45-46; NINDA.KUR›.RA damauå in KUB 7.5 ii 27ff.

13.21 20.7.2 When used substantivally, tamai- means “another (one)” and is construed within its clause just like any ordinary noun: namma–ma–za damain lË kuinki åakti “But (-ma) in addition (namma) do not recognize any other (overlord)” KBo 5.3+ i 32 (treaty w. Æuqq.); iåtarna UD-ti–ma NINDA.KUR›.RA damauå paråiyannaææi nekuz meæurr–a damauå paråiyannaææi “at midday I break other loaves, and in the evening I break (still) others” KUB 7.5 ii 27ff.; takku DUMU.MUNUS LÚ-ni taranza tamaiå–a–an pittenuzzi “If a young woman is promised (in marriage) to a man, and another (man) runs off with her” KBo 6.3 ii 5-7 (Laws §28a, OH/NS); kur-zu-na-aå GIÅ (var. lam-na-aå) [LUGA]L-uå aki GU.ZA–ÅU–ma–za–kan tamaiå eåari “a … king will die, and another will sit down on his throne” KUB 8.1 ii 18-19 (omens, OH/NS);

13.22 20.7.3 It was thought by some530 that another form dam(m)eli- “another kind of” was derived from the stem tamai- (perhaps by way of the gen. pronominal form damel). But since the meaning of dammeli- is rather “virgin (land), unworked or uncultivated (land)”, it is doubtful if it can be derived from damai-.531

13.23 20.8 kuiå kuiå and the neuter kuit kuit and the forms kuiååa and kuitta (HE §125) are indefinites (“whoever”, “whatever”): nu æantezziyaå LÚ-aå kuit kuit [piddaizzi] ta–ååe åarnikzi “(the eloper) must restore to him whatever the first man (i.e., the fiancé) brought” Law §28 (OH); nu–kan kuiå kuiå URU-aå anda SIxSÁ-ri “whatever town is determined within (the limits of liability)” Late NH version of Laws §6.

13.24 20.8.1 kuiååa (kuiåa) can also serve as an indefinite relative Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 59f.; cf. also HE §120b and §125 “und auch ‘wer auch immer’”).532

13.25 20.8.3 kuiåki, kuinki, kuitki, kuedanikki, etc. can be translated “someone/something” or “anyone/anything”: naååu DINGIR-LIM-ni kuiåki peran waåti “(if) either someone sins before a deity” KUB 1.16 iii 60 (HAB); nu åarnikdu LUGAL-i–ma–apa le kuitki “Let (the offender compensate, but to the king let there be no responsibility (lit., let there not be anything)” KBo 3.1+ iv 21 (Tel. pr.).

13.26 20.8.4 “Why?” is usually expressed by kuwat: uk–ma–åmaå [IGI-a]nda zaææiya kuwat UL paimi “Why should I not go [agai]nst them in battle?” KUB3 1.1 + KBo 3.16 ii 16-17; [åeåu]n åumeå–a–wa–mu åaåandan [kuwat aranutten ] [ nu–wa–mu å ]antan kuwat memanutten “I was asleep. Why did you make me arise, when I was sleeping? Why did you make me talk, when I was sulking?” KUB 33.10 ii 7-8.

530 Güterbock 1943, HW 207.

531Güterbock 1964 153.

532 Hoffmann 1984 34f. renders this “Ferner, wer auch König wird”. It is difficult to understand how the “auch” functions here, if it isn’t synonymous with “-ever” in “whoever”.

177 13. The Pronouns kui- and tamai-

13.27 20.8.4.1 Less often “why?” is kuit æanda: [uk] punuåkimi karawar–ået kuit æanda lipåan “I ask: Why is its (i.e., the bull's) horn bent/split?” KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41, line 16 (OH/NS); [∂]IM-å–a tezzi nu–war–an kuit æanda UL wemiya[tten] “The Stormgod says: So why didn’t you (plural) find him?” VBoT 58 i 23 (myth, OH/NS).

13.28 20.8.4.2 Also less often than kuwat is kuit “why?”: kuit uwanun kuwat tariyanun “Why have I come? Why have I exerted myself?” KUB 30.33 i 13-14. (rit.); kuit–war–an zaææiåkinun kuit–war–an zaææiåkinun “Why was I fighting him? Why was I fighting him?” KUB 31.77 i 15-16 (queen’s dream, NH); ku-it-wa-ra-aå ú-iz-zi ne-pí-åa- aå ∂UTU-uå ut-ne-ya-aå LUGAL-uå, ú-iz-zi-ma-wa-ra-aå ku-e-da-ni me-mi-ya-ni “Why does he come, namely the Sungod of Heaven, the king of the lands? For what reason does he come?” KBo 26.58 + KUB 36.7a iv 44-46 (JCS 5:158f). In the last cited example the repeated shortened version of the question explains kuit “why?” by kuedani memiyani “for what reason?”

178 14. Numbers 179

CHAPTER 14 NUMBERS

14.1 20.0 In PIE it appears that only the words for the cardinal numbers 1-4 were declined. But this reconstruction seems not to fit what we know about Hittite number words. Some numbers above 4 have complements reflecting case inflection.

14.2 21.1 The pronunciation of almost all the Hittite numerals is unknown to us, since the scribes made such extensive use of ciphers.

14.3 21.1.1 Of the few number words which are written syllabically we may mention: dΩn “second”, dΩ in dΩyugaå “two-year-old”, teri- “three” which is inferred from the genitive teriyaå, the professional designation LÚtarriyanalli- “third-…” (which is of Luwian origin, cf. Eichner 1992 66ff.), and the beverage name teriyalli (see below on åiptamiya). The Hittite and Luwian words for “four”, meu- and mauwa-, do not correspond to the words for “four” (*kwetwor) in other Indo-European languages. The number “seven” is perhaps attested in the beverage name åiptamiya.

14.4 21.1.1.1 Although Ωåma is not, as used to be thought (HW and HW2 sub voce, Eichner 1992 43f.), the ordinal “first” (cf. HED A 216f.), the writing a-an-ki for 1-an-ki “once” (KUB 4.1 iv 36, 38, if it is not to be read 1!-an-ki) might indicate that the Hittite stem for “one” was a- (so Eichner 1992 42f.533).

14.5 21.1.2 Since the number words are almost always written with numerals, and the complements consist of only one or two signs, it is extremely difficult to be certain as to what suffixes have been added to the root. For example, since numbers can have the complements -ki-iå and -iå, when -iå is used, is it merely the end of -ki-iå or a second and different suffix? Is 2-uå different from 2-i-lu-uå?

14.6 21.2 “One” declines like the pronouns (gen. -el, dat. -edani, abl. -edaz): nom. com. 1-iå, 1-aå (both attested from OS, although in NH -aå is more common than -iå.) acc. com. 1-an gen. sg. 1-el dat.-loc. 1-edani, 1-etta, 1-eda; the writing 1-eda is OS. abl. 1-edaz(a), 1-eaz

14.7 In reciprocal constructions: 1-aå 1-an walæzi “the one hits the other”, 1-aå 1-edani pai “the one gives to the other”, 1-aå 1-el UDU-un dai “the one takes the other's sheep”.

533 Eichner’s citation “KUB IV 2 iv 36, 38” is a simple mistake. What appears on page 4 of the KUB 4 volume is the reverse of text 1, not text 2.

179 14. Numbers 180

14.8 21.2.2 The following is the declension of “two”: nom. com. 2-uå acc. com. 2-e534, 2-an dat.-loc. 2-etaå, 2-aå ins.? 2-etanta

14.9 “Twice, doubly” can be written 2-anki, 2-ÅU, or 2-an. There are verbs 2-aææ-, 3-yaææ-, 4-yaææ- “to multiply by 2, 3, 4”. In combination “two” occurs in tΩ-yugaå “two-year-old (animal)”. Inexplicably, the writing 2- an seems to stand for takåan. Other as yet unexplained complementations of “2” are 2-at, 2-el, and …

14.10 21.2.3 The following case forms of “three” are attested: nom. com. 3-eå (i.e., *tres or *teres) acc. com. 3-uå, 3-e535 gen. te-ri-ia-aå (i.e., *triyas)

14.11 21.2.4 “Four” has the following forms: nom. com. meyawaå, mewaå acc. com. meuå, 4-aå gen. mi-i-u-wa<-aå> dat.-loc. 4-taå

The word for “4” in Luwian is mauwa-.

14.12 24.2.4.1 The cardinal number “8” has the following complementations: dat.-loc. or acc. 8-taå.

14.13 21.2.5 In counting, using the cardinal numbers, Hittites apprently used two modes, depending on whether or not the counted noun was a collective. This is easiest to detect when the number word is written logographically. Collectives were written with 1-NUTU (Akkadian iåtËn„tu) for “one”, and with the bare cipher followed by TA-PAL for numbers above “one”: 2 TA-PAL, 3 TA-PAL, etc. It is possible that the form of the numeral in Hittite in this mode had the stem augment -ant-. Some instances show the noun written as a collective but the number as a mere cipher: 4 æalæaltumari “four corners”, but also 4 æalæaltumar without the collective ending -i, etc.

14.14 21.2.5.1 Non-collectives were written with the simple cipher followed by the noun, either in the singular or plural.

534The forms in -e in the construction LUGAL-uå 2-e ekuzi “the king drinks two” may be adverbial (“two times”?) or accusatives. 535See preceding note.

180 14. Numbers 181

14.15 21.2.5.2 Logographic evidence consists of items with numbers above 1 whose logograms either have or lack the plural markers MEÅ and ÆI.A: (a) with: 2 LÚ.MEÅ “two men”, 3 LÚ.MEÅ “three men”, 30 UDU.ÆI.A “thirty sheep”, 7 DINGIR.MEÅ “seven gods”, (b) without: 7 SAG.DU “seven persons”, 5 UDU.NÍTA “five male sheep”, 2 É NIM.LÀL “two beehives”.

14.16 21.2.5.3 Syllabic evidence shows declined singulars: 5 tayugaå “five two-year-old (oxen)” (tΩyugaå is nom. sg. common gender), 5 yugaå “five yearlings”, 5 åawitiåza “five weanlings”, 2 gipeååar “two ells (of field)”,

14.17 21.2.5.4 But also plurals: 2 LÚ.MEÅ æulæuliyanteå “two men are fighting (each other)”, 3 puååaleå “three p.-garments”, 2 GIÅzaluwaniuå 2 æupparuå “two z.’s (and) two æ.-vessels”, 2 tu[n]ingaå NINDA æaråauå “two thick loaves (made) of tuningaå”, 2 KUÅannanuzziuå “two leather harnesses”, 8 TÚGiåæimaneå neyanteå “eight i.-garments (are) turned”, 2 LÚ.MEÅ pi[tt]iyanduå “two fugitives”.

14.18 21.2.5.5 Some syllabic forms are ambiguous, such as neuters: 7 GIÅæattalu “seven bolts”, 3 NINDA Ωn “three warm breads”, 6 æarnaiåar .

14.19 21.2.5.6 A suffix -il(a)-/-el(a)- exists at least for “2” (2-ila, 2-eluå) with the meaning “the both (of them)”.

14.20 21.2.5.7 Hundreds are written with the Akkadogram ME, thousands with LI-IM, and ten thousand with SIG‡. These three logograms are always preceded by a number, even for the unit “one”: 1 ME for 100, 1 LI-IM for 1,000, 1 SIG‡ for 10,000.

14.21 21.2.6 Fractions existed, as attested by logograms for \, but we do not know how they were pronounced in Hittite.

14.22 21.2.7 “Pairs” of objects or persons were expresed with the number + yugan “yoke, pair” + the noun in the plural: 9 yugan LÚ.MEÅ æunepiå LÚ.MEÅ æalliyareå “nine pairs of æ-men (and) singers”.

14.23 21.3 Only the following primary ordinals are attested in syllabic writings: æantezzi- “first” (this declines), dΩn “second” (this is indeclinable). “Second” is also written Akkadographically as 2-NU-Ú (i.e., åanû).

14.24 21.3.1 In addition to the primary ordinals, Hittite also possessed an ordinal suffix -anna-: 2-anna “second(ly)”, 3-anna “third(ly)”, 4-anna or 4-in “fourth(ly)”, 5-anna “fifth(ly)”, etc. Attested examples go through 7-anna.

14.25 21.3.1.1 An ordinal adverb meaning “firstly” is Ωåma.

14.26 21.3.2 Not ordinals in the strict sense, but related, are the professional designations: LÚduyanalli- or LÚduwanalli- “second ranked (soldier)” and LÚtarriyanalli- “third ranked (soldier)”.

14.27 21.3.3. The numerical adverbs “… times” ended in -anki in Hittite, 1-anki “once”, 2-anki “twice”, 5-anki “five times”, etc., but are often written Akkadographically as 2–ÅU, 3–ÅU “twice, three times”, etc. For non- occurrence with imperfective (-åke-) forms (CREF §27.16).

181 14. Numbers 182

14.28 21.3.4 Distributives (“two each”, “four apiece”, etc.) are expressed with the Sumerian suffixes -ÀM (signs: -A.AN) and -.TA.ÀM (signs: -TA.A.AN) (Rüster and Neu 1989 274, sign #364).

14.29 21.4 There is a different system of indicating the numbers with collective nouns: “one” is 1-N¨TUM (Akkad. iåtËn„tu), and all numbers above “one” are numeral + TAPAL: 2 TAPAL, 3 TAPAL, etc. Rarely one actually finds 2-NUTUM. When the numeral has a Hittite phonetic complement, it indicates that the numeral had a stem extension -ant- and a collective ending -a and followed rather than preceding its head noun: GIÅæarpa–ma 1- anta LUGAL-aå GÌR–åi kitta MUNUS.LUGAL-å–a 1-anta kitta “one heap of wood lies at the king’s foot, and one (heap) lies (at that) of the queen” KBo 17.3 iv 25-26 = StBoT 8 iv 28 (OS). The non-collective numerals precede their head nouns. Exceptions are appositional: n–aåta c.Æattuåaå–pat URU-riaå 1-aå Ωåta “Hattuåa the city alone (lit. as one) remained (loyal)” KBo 10.2 i 26 (OH/NS); [µKu]panta -∂LAMMA-aå–ma–kan LÚ URUArzawa 1-aå æuwaiå “Kupanta-Kuruntiya, the man of Arzawa, fled alone” KUB 23.21 obv. 31-32 (CTH 143); nu–mu–kan µPittaggatalliå–pat / 1-aå iåparzaåta KBo 5.8 iii 31-33; to see that these are really appositional see the unabbreviated form in [(µTapalazunauliå–ma–k)]an 1-aå SAG.DU-aå iåparzaåta KBo 3.4 ii 77; and µMammaliå–ma–kan 1-aå S[AG.DU-aå iåparzaåta ] “Mammali as the sole per[son escaped]” KBo 40.6 + KBo 14.7 i 6'} i 6'; nu–ååi ANA KUR URUKargamiå URUKargamiåaå–pat 1-aå URU-aå / UL takåulait KBo 5.6 ii 9-10; iii 50; nu–za ammuk 1-aå INA É–YA 15500 NAM.RA.MEÅ uwatenun “And I alone led off 15,500 captives to my house” KUB 14.15 (AM), nu zik 1-aå „nni “You drive here alone!” KUB 21.1 + 19.6+ ii 69

14.30 21.4.1 Among the nouns counted in this second manner are: ÆUB.BI “earrings”, TÚGNÍG.LÁM(.MEÅ) “fine garment”, manninniå “necklace,” GIÅKANNUM, TÚGGÚ.È.A “tunic”, KUÅNÍG.BÀR “curtain”, KUÅE.SIR.ÆI.A “shoes”, URUDUÅAGARÛ, DUGGÌR.KÁN, TÚGGAD.DAM and TÚGKABALL¨“leggings”, (TÚG)E.ÍB “sash”, GU›.ÆI.A “oxen”, GIÅIG “door”, GIÅ.RÍN ZI.BA.NA “balance, pair of scales”, GIÅZA.LAM.GAR.ÆI.A “tent”, TÚGMAYALU“bed roll”, etrË “?”, ÅÀ.GAL.ÆI.A “green fodder”, GIÅNÁ “bedstead”, kattiluri (or GADtiluri ), GIÅUD.GAL, åeæelliyaå widΩr “purification waters”, TAÆAPÅI “belt, sash”, TUDITTU “toggle pin”, ÅÈR.ÅÈR “chain”, purkiå, ÆASKALLATU, (GIÅ)æuæupal (a percussion instrument or pair of such), GIÅGA.ZUM “comb(s)”, GIÅmanapnalla , GIÅkiåæita “chairs”, GIÅtarmalla, azzallaya , KASKAL-aå SUD-war “ritual of drawing paths”, GIÅGIDRU “staff, scepter”, parzagulliya, p„rana, NINDAåarΩma , galgalt„ri, GIÅ.KIN.TI.ÆI.A.

14.31 21.4.2 From the meanings of some of these words it is very possible that “pairs” (shoes, earrings, leggings, scales) or “teams” (oxen, equids) is intended. In those cases it is possible that some Hittite expression like yugan “pair, team” underlies the Akkadian writing. Other words, while not occurring in natural pairs, are designations of garments or chains that could be conceived as consisting of many parts. Most of the words so counted are logograms. We do not yet know if their syllabic writings were also counted in this fashion.

14.32 Some of these logograms also occur in the texts written with the usual numeration system: 2 GIÅKANNUM, 6 KUÅE.SIR.ÆI.A, etc. Other words for objects regularly occurring in pairs are numbered in the normal way: 2 iåtamaæuruå “two earrings”, etc.

182 14. Numbers 183

14.33 21.4.3 While most of the syllabically written Hittite or Luwian nouns attested in this system have endings that could be understood as collectives or neuters (widΩr, kiåæita, manapnalla, tarmalla, azzallaya, SUD-war, parzagulliya, p„rana, åarΩma, galgalt„ri — the syllabic equivalent of GIÅ.RÍN was elzi “scales”), it is also clear that in some cases the noun counted in this way did not have the formally collective ending -i or -a, but a simple (common gender) plural: manninniå, purkiå, KUÅE.SIR zazzapiå, etc.

14.34 Melchert has suggested that the Hittite number word in this system had the suffix -ant-, but the evidence to support this view has yet to be published and evaluated by the scholars in the field. Craig: Do you want to update this paragraph or give the evidence or bibliography if I missed it?

14.35 21.5 The PIE number nomenclature implies a ten-base system of counting. But just as in some IE languages other groupings can occur (“four-score”, “two dozen”), so in Hittite larger numbers were sometimes expressed in multiples other than tens or hundreds: 2–ÅU 4 NINDAwageååar , 3–ÅU 9 NINDA.KUR›.RA, 2–ÅU 9 åalakar , GIÅzupari 2–ÅU 9-an, 2–ÅU 7 Ëtri ÆI.A, 3–ÅU 9 EME.MEÅ, 2–ÅU 7 GIÅGAG, 2–ÅU 7 paååilaå , 2–ÅU 7 kappin, 4–ÅU 9 NINDA.ÉRIN.MEÅ, 2–ÅU 9 NINDA.UMBIN.ÆI.A, 2–ÅU 9 UDU.ÆI.A, etc. Note, however, that while the multiplicand varies (the favored numbers being 7 and 9), the multiplier rarely exceeds 2.

183 15. Grammatical Agreement 184

CHAPTER 15 GRAMMATICAL AGREEMENT

15.1 22.1 Grammatical agreement is part of a system of marking that enables speakers to indicate which parts of their utterances correlate with others. In Hittite the following correlated speech elements show agreement in one form or another: (1) a noun and its attributive or predicate adjective, (2) a noun and its attributively used demonstrative (apΩå or kΩå) pronoun, (3) a nominal or pronominal subject and its verb, (4) a possessive adjective and its noun, (5) a relative (kuiå) and its accompanying noun, (6) a noun or pronoun and its appositive (CREF §15.11 (*22.3.1), (7) the antecedant noun and the compared noun in “like … / as …” clauses with mΩn or maææan, (8) the antecedent noun and adverbial appositives, (9) the subject and the predicate noun or adjective in the nominal sentence.

All but case (7) above are illustrated in the examples supplied in the following paragraphs of this chapter. For examples of (7) see CHD maææan mng. 1 and mΩn mng. 1.

15.2 22.1.1 Nouns with adjectives or participles as attributes: arranza æalkiå “washed barley” (KUB 1.13 iii 14), damain antuæåan “another person” (KBo 4.2 i 25), æarran wΩtar “polluted water” (KUB 13.3 ii 30), araæzeneå utneyanteå æ„manteå “all neighboring lands” (KUB 24.4 11 7), tarpalliuå waåanduå “clothed substitutes” (KBo 4.6 i 28-29), kÏ æantezzi LÚ-natar –mit “this (was) my first exploit” (Apol. of Hatt., II 29), kË utne dannatta “these depopulated lands” (Apol. of Hatt., II 56), åalli utne “large land” (KUB 23.11 iii 33), IÅTU BIBRI UR.MAÆ 4 arantet akuwanzi “they drink from animal-shaped vessels of lions standing on all fours” (KUB 10.89 i 20-21). On such animal-shaped vessels see now T. Özgüç apud Otten 1989 p. 366 with note 10.

15.3 22.1.2 Nouns with relative, indefinite, demonstrative, and possessive pronouns (§11.3 (*18.9.2) as attributes: åalla É-er kue, n–e natta parkunuttati (all neuter plurals nom.-acc.); kue kue aåawar Ëåta, n–e ANA ÉRIN.MEÅ aåanduli peææun, “whatever folds there were, I gave them to the troops for garrison” (KBo 10.2 i 7-8); nu–nnaå per kuit eååuwen nu–nnaå–kan åiuniå anda arta , “the goddess came to us there in the house which we had built for ourselves” (Apol. of Hatt., iii 6-7); apΩå memiyaå “the afore-mentioned matter” (KUB 14.14 i 36), tuzziyaå–miå “my army” (KBo 2.5 ii 13), k„n MUNUS-an “this woman” (KBo 4.6 ii 12), kÏ iåæiul “this treaty” (KBo 4.10 i 42), æaååatar –ået “his procreative power” (KBo 6.34 ii 31), kuieå auriyaluå 536 “what border watches” (KBo 5.8 i 42), areå–åmeå “your companions” (Laws §55), åaræuwanduå –åuå “her unborn children”(acc. pl. com,

536This text is New Hittite, showing interchange of nom. and acc. pl. common gender endings. It is not, therefore, technically a case of failure of concord.

184 15. Grammatical Agreement 185

Laws §§17, 18), kË arkuwarri “these prayers” (KUB 6.45 i 26), kedani pedi “in this place” (KBo 4.14 iv 48), apez linkiyaz “from that oath “ (Huqq. 4.48f.), kardiyaå–taå “of your heart (KBo 3.7 i 26).

15.4 22.2.1 It is doubtful if there are more than a few cases of true lack of concord in gender. When a resumptive pronoun refers back to two nouns, one of which is common and the other neuter, the speaker cannot avoid choosing between the two: for example dIM–wa LÚ.MEÅ LÚ.KÚR (com.) KUR.KUR.MEÅ LÚ. KÚR (neut.) tuk–pat LUGAL-i GÌR.MEÅ-aå katta(n) zikkizzi nu–war–uå (com.) aræa dannaruå DUG.KAM.ÆI.A maææan duwarniåkiåi, “The Stormgod keeps putting the enemy men (com.) and the enemy lands (neut.) under your feet, O king, and you smash them (com.) like empty vessels” KBo 15.52 v 14-17 (the “lands” are ad sensum people and therefore resumed by animate pronoun).

15.5 Other cases of disagreement in gender have been claimed for parts of the body, but there may be better solutions: genu–åit “his knee” (neuter; KUB 7.i iii 7), and genuå–åuå “his knees” (com.; KBo 3.4 ii 20; KUB 13.4 ii 58), but Eichner has interpreted the latter as acc. pl. of a noun genuååi- “Kniegelenk” (Eichner 1979). The two forms of the noun “hand”: keååar (previous thought to be neut.) and keååaraå (com.) seem to show inversion in the possessive pronouns: ÅU-aå–ået (which implies *keååaraåået) (Hitt. Laws §4) and keååar–åiå (Hittite Laws §3). But Neu 1983 97 with n. 354 has plausibly proposed that keååar in keååaråiå is an asigmatic common gender r-stem (CREF §4.81 (*5.4.3) and the paradigm in §4.78), since there is no attested example of keååar as a (neuter) direct object. Other possible instances of disagreement in gender may also require reconsideration: mΩn antuwaææaå åuppi “if a person is pure (neuter!)” (or perhaps: “If a person is in a pure state [loc.]”) (KBo 5.2 i 3); and alongside correct iåpantan æ„mandan “the entire night” also GEfl-an æ„man (KUB 1.13 iii 28; KBo 3.5 i 30); nu[–kan a(ntuæåatar )] (neut.) / kuinna (com.) apel ANA URU-ÅU EGIR-pa [(peæutet)] KUB 19.11 iv 14-15 (DS fragment 13.D). More difficult to explain away is the apparent gender disagreement in åuæmilin genu (com.) KBo 10.37 ii 33, where åuæmili- is a com. gender adjective, perhaps meaning “firm(?).”

15.6 22.2.1.1 Heterogenericity plays a relatively minor role in Hittite. Among the nouns claimed as heterogeneric in the dictionaries are: aæruåæi, aiå, alil, alpa -, aniyatt-, ankiå, antuæåatar, antuwaææa -, api-, argama-/argaman -, arkammi-, aråaråura -, aååul -, ateå-/ateååa -, eka-, eræui-, erman-, æaææar (a)-, æaæri -, æakkunai-, æalentuwa -, æalæaltumar (i)-, æali -, æalki-, æanneååar, DUGæaneååa-, æant-, æappu(t)riya-, æarganau -, æarnau -, æarpa -, DUGæaråi -, NINDAæaråi -, æarzazu -, æaå(åa)-, etc. This is the subject of the book by Prins 1997. But a number of the cases cited by her are not neuters, but collectives.

15.7 22.2.2 Disagreement in number is often accounted for as:

15.8 22.2.2.1 A collective singular being conceived as a plural: nu–mu–kan GIM-an UN.MEÅ-annaza ÅA dIÅTAR GAÅAN-YA kaniååuwar ÅA ÅEÅ-YA–ya aååulan awer “but when the population (sg.) saw (plur.) the

185 15. Grammatical Agreement 186 honor of Ishtar, my lady, to me and the favor of my brother toward me537” (Apol. of Hatt., i 30-31); ÉRIN.MEÅ- za–kan kuieå tepaweå iåparter apΩt –ma–kan æ„man aræa æaåpir –pat “they utterly annihilated it (apΩt , neut. sg.) all (neut. sg.), the army (com. sg.) which (com. pl.) escaped (pl.) few in number (com.pl.)” (Madduwatta text, KUB 14.1 i 48, ed. Goetze 1928).

15.9 22.2.2.2 As in other Indo-European languages, neuter plural (collective) nouminal subjects take singular predicates (§2.3.1). When the predicate is an intransitive verb, it will be singular: µAåkali–ma uddΩr araiå KBo 3.34 ii 18-19. When the predicate is made up of the verb “to be” and a predicate nominative adjective, the adjective takes the singular form by attraction to the form of the verb “to be” (van den Hout 1984 63-64). That the singular form of the predicate adjective is due to its attraction to the verb “to be” is shown by the fact that neut. pl. nouns take neut. pl. attributive adjectives: idΩlawa uddΩr, liååiyala … uddΩr, åakkanta UL uwanda uddΩr, kue uddΩr, tamΩi kuËkki uddΩr.

15.10 22.3 Nouns in apposition will show agreement in number and case.

15.11 22.3.1 Appositional constructions normally supply additional information about a substantive which may or may not be essential to the meaning of the clause. nu–kan mZidantan adda (n)–åan kuenta “he killed Zidanta, his father” Tel. Procl. i 68; n–apa DINGIR.MEÅ-iå attaå–åaå mZidantaå eåæar –ået åanæir “then the gods avenged the blood of his father Zidanta” Tel. Procl. ii 8; annaå–åaå MUÅ[-aå kuit uttar nu apΩt dΩå ] “the word which was of his mother, the snake, that (word) he accepted” KUB 1.16 (HAB) ii 10 (restored from the Akkadian version); mTelepinuå–a–z fIåtapariyan æantezziyan NIN-ZU æarta “Telepinu had (as wife) Iåtapariya, his older sister” Tel. Procl. ii 8-10. Other examples: ABU–YA–naå–za … fDINGIR.MEÅ-IR-in–a DUMU.MUNUS-an æaåta “My father begat us (four sons) … and DINGIR.MEÅ-IR, a daughter” KUB 1.1+ i 9-10 (Apology of Hatt. III); dapiyaå åiunaå addan dKumarbin iåæamiææi “I sing of Kumarbi, father of all the gods” Song of Ullik., Tabl. I A i 3; le–ma–war–an auåzi dU-aå URUKummiyaå UR.SAG-liuå LUGAL-uå “Let not the Stormgod (Teååub), the brave king of Kummiya, see him!” Song of Ullik., I A iii 32; dImpaluri LÚSUKKAL-YA uttar–ta kuie memiåkimi nu–mu uddanaå iåtamanan parΩ lagan æarak “O Impaluri, my vizier, hold (your) ear inclined to my words which I am speaking to you!” Song of Ullik. I A ii 16-18; URUTiliuraå URU-aå mÆantiliaå UD-az dannattiå eåta “Tiliura, the city, was depopulated since the time (lit. day) of Hantili” KUB XXI 29 i 11-12; takku antuæåaå LÚ-aå naåma MUNUS-za takiya URU-ri aki “If a person, male or female, is killed in another town” Hittite Laws §6.

15.12 22.3.2 Other appositional constructions seem to be almost adverbial in force, i.e., they serve more to define or restrict the nature of the verbal action than the noun with which they are in apposition. nu–war–an–kan dUbelluriyaå ZAG-ni paltani åiyattal tiyatten “Place him (the child) on the right shoulder of Ubelluri (like) a blade!” Song of Ullik. I C iii 23-24; “like a blade” describes how Ubelluri is to be “placed”; nu–mu kappin–pat DUMU-an dIÅTAR URUÅamuæa atti –mi wekta “IÅTAR of Åamuæa asked my father for me (when I was) just (–pat ) a

537The dative -mu receives the verbal action implied in both kaniååuwar and aååulan.

186 15. Grammatical Agreement 187 small child” KBo 6.29 i 7-8 (Apol. of Hatt. III, other version); kΩåa tuk mÆuqqanan appezzin UR.SAG-an åarΩ daææun “I took you up, H., (when you were) a common soldier” KBo 5.3 i 2-3 (treaty w. Huqq.); “if a slave pays the brideprice for a free young man” n–an antiyantan epzi “and takes him (as) a ‘live-in’ son-in-law” (Hittite Laws § 36). Such examples seem to be different from double accusatives with verbs like iya- “to make”, æalzai- “to call,” and te-, etc. (on which see van den Hout 1992).

15.13 22.3.2.1 Some of these examples are participles in the nominative case, appearing immediately before the verb: É.ÅÀ-aå–åan GIÅ.NÁ-aå åarkuwanza åeåkit “he lay down on the bed in the bedroom booted (i.e., with his boots one)” KUB 24.8 i 25-26 (Appu story, ed. StBoT 14); n–aå–za ITTI mAppu waååanza åeåkit “and she (his wife) would lie down with Appu clothed (i.e., with her clothes on)” KUB 24.8 i 30; kuiå–wa–tta–kan ÅA KUR URUÆatti LÚæuyanza anda uizzi “whoever of the land of Hatti takes refuge with you as a fugitive” KUB 14.1 obv. 34 (Madd.); ∂Telepinuå lelaniyanza uit uwantiwantaz / titæiåkitta “Telepinu came as a furious one: with lightning he thunders” KUB 17.10 ii 33-34; nu–kan nepiåaå KÁ-aå zik–pat aååanuwanza ∂UTU-uå / åarreåkiåi “you pass through heaven’s gate as an established Sungod” KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44+ i 30-31 (this case could be an appositional “vocative”, CREF §15.15 (*22.4). Since most nominative participles are predicates, the less common non-predicative ones tend to assume the role of apposition to the subject.

15.14 22.3.2.2 Related to this construction, if not the very same, are the double accusative constructions to be discussed later in Chapter 16.

15.15 22.4 An appositional construction — not to be confused with the true vocative construction (CREF Hoffner 1998a and (CREF §3.36 and §16.14) — is used for direct address.

15.16 22.5 Singular forms are often used following numbers greater than “1”.

187 16. Cases: Nominative, Vocative & Accusative

CHAPTER 16 NOMINATIVE, VOCATIVE, AND ACCUSATIVE CASES

16.1. 23.0 STEM FORM. There are several situations in which scribes used the bare stem form: (a) As a real pronounced form it could represent the vocative case (§23.2), (b) or a “naming construction” (§23.2.3); and (c) as a purely graphic entity when the noun in question is a proper name (personal, divine or geographical), when following an Akkadian preposition (ANA, INA, ÅA, etc.), or in listings immediately following a numeral (nu 2 NINDAzipinni n–uå … aåeåanzi KBo 5.1 ii 15). Situation (c) is referred to as “Akkadographic” in the CHD. Some early Hittitologists had such words set in upper case italics like real Akkadograms.

16.2. 23.1.1 NOMINATIVE. The nominative case is primarily the case of the subject of the clause , regardless of the nature of the predicate (noun phrase or verb). Thus in the sentence annaå–åiå MUÅ-aå (KUB 1.16 ii 20), “his mother (is) a snake,” the noun annaå is in the nominative case the subject of the sentence whose predicate is MUÅ-aå. In the verbal sentence iåæaå–åiå–an ganeåzi (Laws §61), “its owner recognizes it,” the noun iåæaå is also nominative by virtue of its function as subject of the verb ganeå-.

16.3. Any demonstrative, attributive adjective, or other such form modifying the subject of the sentence will be nominative also under the conditions of grammatical agreement (CREF Chapter 15). Nouns or adjectives which serve as the predicate in sentences with linking verbs (“to be”, “to become”, “to appear”, etc.) also stand in the nominative case. For example, MUÅ-aå “snake” in annaå–åiå MUÅ-aå. The predicate nominative is sometimes called a “subject complement”.

16.4. 23.1.2.1As in other languages, the verb “to be” may be omitted in Hittite in the present tense. Because of the absence of an expressed finite verb these sentences are often called “nominal sentences”. Examples are: DAM BELI-NI–ma–wa–naå wannummiyaå “the wife of our master (is) a widow” KBo 14.12 iv 19-20 (DS fr. 28); takku DUMU.MUNUS LÚ-ni taranza “if a daughter (is) promised (in marriage) to a man (Laws §28),” É-er–ået arawan , areå–åeå … araweå “his house (is) exempt, his colleagues (are) exempt” (Laws §51), partawa (r)–ået–wa amiyanta apΩå–a–wa amiyanza “its wings (are) small, and it (is) small” KUB 17.10 i 38 (Tel. myth, OH/MS).

16.5. 23.1.2.2 The predicate noun or adjective will also occur in the nominative case, when the verb eå- “to be” is expressed ammukka–za fPuduæepaå æarnawaå MUNUS-za Ëåmi, “I, Puduæepa, am a woman of the bearing stool” KUB 21.27 ii 17 (prayer of Pud.); åumeå–a DINGIR.MEÅ-aå uddani naææanteå Ëåten “You (pl.) be afraid of the word/matter of the gods” KUB 1.16 iii 49-50 (OH/NS); kuåduwata lË æandan–pat Ëådu “Let not slander be established!” KUB 1.16 iii 61-61. Similarly when the verb is kiå- “to become”: zik–wa UR.BAR.RA-aå kiåat “You have become a wolf” Laws § 37 (OH).

188 16. Cases: Nominative, Vocative & Accusative

16.6. Since appositional elements regardless of their case can serve for direct address (CREF §16.14), one naturally finds many nominatives so used.

16.7. Although quite rare, there are also clear instances of a non-appositional nominative of direct address . Like the true vocative case (§23.2ff.), this nominative stands in a clause by itself. Only two examples are known: aiå EME-aå gagaå qΩåa –åmaå–kan / parkuin miåriwantan æarkin GIÅ PA UL walæantan / UDU-un åipantaææun “O mouth, tongue, tooth! Lo, I have sacrificed to you a pure, gleaming white sheep, never struck with a rod” KBo 15.10 ii 8-10 (MH/MS), ed. Szabo, THeth 1; UMMAd Gulåaå dNIN.TU-aå dIM-naå attaå kuit–wa uw [(aå)] “Thus said to Fate deities and Mother goddess: ‘O Father Stormgod, why have you come?’” KUB 33.24 (+) 33.28 i 38 (OH/NS).

16.8. The naming function of the nominative case is reflected in its frequent appearance in lists: 3 GUD.MU.2 3 GUD.MU.l 4 åawitiåza pΩi, “he shall give three two-year-old oxen, three yearling oxen, and four weanlings” (Laws § 63). As the example shows, this usage includes cases where the list as a whole may logically be construed as the direct object of a verb.

16.9. 23.2 VOCATIVE. The form of the vocative is the bare stem (iåæΩ “lord!”, åarku “preeminent” KUB 31.129 obv. 4, CREF §16.1 (*23.0), or the stem plus the vowel i (atti–me “O my father” KBo 12.70 rev.! 10b, åarkui LUGAL-ue “O heroic king” KUB 31.127 i 15), or e (LUGAL-ue “O king’“). Examples are so rare that it is difficult to formulate a rule as to which of the three forms occur under what circumstances.538

16.10. a-stems can take either the bare stem iåæΩ or the ending -i (as in atti–me ). All other examples are u-stems (see Weitenberg 1984 §§832-833): the noun æaååu- (LUGAL-u-) “king”, the name ∂Iåtanu (∂UTU-u-), and the adjective åarku- “preeminent”. Here either -i or -e can occur. The -e can also occur on the clitic possessive “my” in atti–me , which in OH shows i-mutation..

16.11. 23.2.1 There is no plural vocative ending -eå (contra Kammenhuber 1969b 303). Examples of DINGIR.MEÅ æ„manteå or DINGIR.LÚ.MEÅ DINGIR.MUNUS.MEÅ æ„manteå as direct address in the god-lists of the treaties are nominatives used in the appositional direct address form. Similarly, nu–za kΩåa åumeå LÚ.MEÅ KUR URUIåmirika æ„manteå IT[TI ∂U]TU-[ÅI l]i[n]kiyaå–åaå “All you men of Iåmerika are parties to his oath with His Majesty” KUB 26.41 (+) 23.68 + ABoT 58 rev. 7 (MH/NS). Examples such as these do not prove a plural vocative ending -eå.

16.12. 23.2.2 Occurrences or Examples . The true vocative is used principally in prayers and mythological texts: [(∂UTU-e)] iåæΩ–mi “O Iåtanu, my lord’ (KUB 31.127 i 1); ∂UTU-e åarkui LUGAL-ue, “O Iåtanu, heroic king”’ (KUB 31.127 i 15); dImpaluri LÚSUKKAL-YA, “O Impaluri, my vizier!” (Ullik. I A ii 16); dMukiåanu LÚSUKKAL-YA, “O Mukiåanu, my vizier!” (Ullik. I C ii 32), åiuni–mi zik–mu iyaå “O my god! You made me”

538For the attempt by Luraghi (1997 §2.1.6.2) to establish a criterion with the u-stems see above in §16.14.

189 16. Cases: Nominative, Vocative & Accusative

KUB 30.10 rev. 11-12 (prayer). inanaå ∂UTU-i kΩåa–ta SÍSKUR peææun “O Sungod of Illness, I have hereby given to you a sacrifice” KUB 7.1 + KBo 3.8 i 6; cf. also ibid. i 15; [∂Ala]waimi lË–aå namma zaææiåkiåi “O Alawaimi, fight them no longer!” KUB 27.67 ii 31. Note how in all these examples the vocative stands in a separate clause of its own and is not included in the immediately following clause with the verb (see Hoffner 1998a).

16.13. 23.2.3 Also exhibiting the form of the bare stem (§≥≥≥≥≥3.15, §3.22, §3.28, §3.32. §3.41, §4.4), but not serving the purpose of direct address, is the form used for the introduction of new names (Güterbock 1945; Hoffner 1968a; Hahn 1969; Laroche 1969; Stefanini 1974; Hoffner 1998b): MUNUS-aå laman–ået ƒÅintalimeni “(there was) a woman whose name was Å.” (KUB 33.121 ii 5); URU-aå laman–ået URUÅudul , “(there was) a town whose name was Åudul” (KUB 14.8+ i 7); LÚ-aå µAppu laman–ået, “(there was) a man whose name was Appu” (KUB 14.8+ i 9-10).

16.14. Appositional Direct Address. As in other PIE languages, the nominative case forms occasionally appear in the role of vocatives (i.e., in direct address) (Meier-Brügger 2000 249f.), but in Hittite the embedded direct address form also occurs and in whatever case is appropriate to the syntax, often with the name in apposition to an independent personal pronoun used for direct address: DINGIR.MAÆ ∂IM-ni tet iya kuitki / [∂]IM-aå “DINGIR.MAÆ said to the Stormgod, ‘Do something, Stormgod!” (KUB 17.10 i 30-31); nu tuel åiunaå uddanta natta lazziyaææat “Did I not prosper by your word, O god?” (KUB 30.10 obv. 18). Here åiunaå is genitive singular in apposition to tuel “your, of you.” CREF Also KBo 3.27: 15-16 in §10.13. Rarely, however, the nominative form in its own clause stands for the vocative, as in Middle Hittite: aiå EME-aå gagΩå “O mouth, tongue, tooth” KBo 15.10+ ii 8. It is inappropriate, however, to claim (as Kammenhuber does539) that with substantives of common gender the vocative corresponds in general to the nominative, since this implies that such forms are really vocatives that merely share the same endings with the nominative! When Luraghi 1997 §2.1.5.1 writes “It [the nominative] is also used as a vocative in the plural,” she ignores the fact that one can use any case form in singular or plural for direct address, so long as it does not occupy its own separate clause, as the true vocative does. The fact that there appears to have been no distinctively plural vocative ending does not justify her claim (§2.1.6.2) that “the nominative [plural] is used in its place.” For further discussion CREF footnote 538 and in Chapter 16. See the treatment of the subject in Hoffner 1998a.

16.15. 23.3 ACCUSATIVE. The principal use of the accusative case is as the direct object of transitive verbs. takku LÚ.U⁄·.LU-an kuiåki æ„nikzi t–an iåtarnikzi nu ap„n åΩktΩizzi pËdi–ååi–ma LÚ.U⁄·.LU-an pΩi … mΩn–aå lazziatta–ma nu–ååe 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR pΩi, “If someone injures a man, and makes him ill, he shall look after him and give a man in his place; but when he recovers, he shall give him six shekels of silver” (Laws §10).

539 “Der Vokativ bei Subst. commune entspricht im allgemeinem dem Nominativ” Kammenhuber 1969b193 [§19.1].

190 16. Cases: Nominative, Vocative & Accusative

16.16. 23.3.1 Double objects (van den Hout 1992) are particularly common with verbs which are causatives of transitive verbs (æapan zai , “he crosses the river;” GUD-ÅU ÍD-an zinuåkizzi (zinu- is the causative of zai-) “he makes his ox cross the river”) (Laws §43). But verbs other than causatives of transitives also take double objects, among them: iya- “to make something (first acc.) into something (second acc.).” LUGAL-uå–an ANA URUTapaååanda EN-an iyanun, “I, the king, made him lord for GN” (KUB 1.16 ii 63-64, OH/NS); n–uå arunaå iræuå iet, “he made them (–uå ) borders (iræuå) of the sea” (KBo 3.1+ i 8, OH/NS); nu–ååi mAmmunan apel æaååandan DINGIR.MEÅ LÚ.KÚR-an ier, “the gods made Ammuna, his (Zidanta’s) own son (æaååandan ), his enemy” (KBo 3.1+ i 67, OH/NS); n–uå LUGAL-uå . . . LÚ.MEÅAPIN.LAL iyanun, “I, the king, made them farmers (LÚ.MEÅAPIN.LAL)” (KBo 3.1+ ii 29-30, OH/NS); ÌR-YA–ma–wa n„wan parΩ daææi nu –war–an–za–kan LÚMUTI-YA iyami, “I refuse to (n„wan) take my servant and make him my husband” (DS fr. 28, A iii 14-15); nu–za URUTaræuntaååan åalli pedan iyat, “he (Muwatalli II) made the city Taræuntaååa ‘the great place’ (i.e., the new capital city)” (KBo 6.29+ i 32, Hatt. III).

16.17. 23.3.1.1 From the fundamental meaning “to make into” such constructions developed into a mode for the expression of the idea “to treat like”: Ù DUMU.MEÅ URUNeåaå idalu natta kuedanikki takkiåta [n–uå ] annuå attuå iet, ‘“He harmed none of the citizens (lit. sons) of Neåa, but treated [them] like mothers (and) fathers (KBo 3.22 obv 7-9); kuiå–war–an–zan dai nu–war–an uppiyaååar iyazzi, “who will take him (the speaker’s son) and treat him like a gift?” (Ullik. I A iii 28-29).

16.18. 23.3.1.2 Other verbs which like iya- take the double object are: æalzai- “to call” te-/tar- “to designate as, declare to be”, åallanu- “to raise up to be”, iåæai- “to provide someone with something”.” Examples: LUGAL- uå–an–za DUMU-la(n)–man æalziææun, “I, the king, have designated him as my son” (KUB 1.16 ii 3-4); nu–åmaå TUR-lan labarnan tenun , “to you have I declared the young man to be the Labarna” (KUB 1.16 ii 2-3); takku . . . A.ÅÀ.ÆI.A ÅA LÚ GISTUKUL æarkantan taranzi , “if they declare the fields of a craftsman to be vacated” (Laws §40); nu idalun UD-an æuwappan åallanuåkizzi, “he raises up a bad day to be (or ‘which is’) an evil” (Ullik. I A i 6); MUNUS.MEÅ wannummiuå aniyattan iåæai, “he provides the widow women with a task” KBo 16.54+ 15’; cf. ArOr 33, 1965, 337-338.

16.19. 23.3.1.3 Another double accusative construction in Hittite is partitive apposition , what corresponds to the Greek sch'ma kaq o{lon kai mevroı. It is found almost exclusively in relation to the human body: takku ÌR- an naåma GÉME-an KIR⁄›–ået kuiåki waki, “if anyone bites off the nose of a slave boy or a slave girl (lit., ‘bites a slave boy or slave girls, namely his/her nose’)” (Laws §14); (if any young man is sick,) n–an tuikkuå iågaææi,” I anoint him, (namely his) members” (KUB 7.1+ 39-40); etc. That this construction only became popular in Hittite after Old Hittite is clear from passages in the laws where the Old Script copy KBo 6.2 uses the genitive construction and the NH copyist of KBo 6.3 replaced it with schma (Laws §11-13). On partitive apposition and its relation to the so-called “split genitive” see Garrett 1998 and CREF §17.11.

191 16. Cases: Nominative, Vocative & Accusative

16.20. 23.3.1.4 When the partitive accusative construction undergoes passivization, the “whole” (scil. the person) becomes the subject, while the “part” (scil. the body part) remains in the accusative. Examples: n–aå genzu æamikta n–aå UZUpant„æaååan æamiktat “he was bound with respect to (his) genzu (scrotum?), he was bound with respect to his bladder” KUB 7.1 iii 5ff. (CHD P 95), DINGIR.MEÅ–za–kan KA≈U–KUNU idΩlawaz uddΩnaz … Ωrranteå Ëåten “Be cleansed, O gods, with respect to your mouths, from evil words, …” KUB 43.58 ii 39-41.

16.21. 23.3.2 As the locative case answers the question “in what place?,” so the allative and occasionally the accusative case answer the question “to what place?”: nu–za–kan arunan tapuåa [iyanniyanun], “[I went] to the side (allative) of the sea (acc.)” (Ullik. Tablet I A ii 11-12) nu–åmaå ÆUR.SAG-an paræanzi , “and they will chase you into the mountain (acc.)” (KUB 13.3 ii 11). This is what Neu 1980 30 n. 67 calls “Akkusativ der Richtung” (accusative of direction). It is an archaic feature seen in other old PIE languages. It is unclear whether there is a functional distinction between the accusative of place to which and the allative, or merely a replacement of the former by the latter (Neu 1980).

16.22. 23.3.2.1 The accusative answers the question “in what place?” only in the sense that it is construed with the verb eå-/aå- used transitively in the sense “to dwell in, inhabit, occupy” (HW2 II 97ff.): dIåtanuå–za URUZIMBIR-an Ëåzi, dSIN-aå–ma–za URUKuzinan Ëåzi, dU-aå–za URUKummiyan Ëåzi, dIÅTAR-iå–ma–za URUNenuwan Ëåzi, dNanayaå–ma–za URUKiååinan Ëåzi, “the Sungod dwells in Sippar, the Moongod dwells in Kuzina, the Stormgod dwells in Kummiya, (the goddess) Ishtar dwells in Nenuwa, Nanaya dwells in Kiååina” (KUB 24.8+ iv 13-17); [k]Ωåa–wa–tta KUR ÆUR.SAG ZippaålΩ AD[DIN] nu–wa–za ap„n–pat eåi namma –ma–z åarΩ tamain æapatin tamai utne ZI-it lË Ëåtari “I have given you the Mountain Country ZippaålΩ; occupy only it; over and above (this), do not intentionally occupy any other river country or land” KUB 14.1 obv. 19-20, MH/MS. Note that Ëåzi in KUB 24.8 and eåi in KUB 14.1 are formally active transitives, and Ëåtari in the latter is a transitive middle.

16.23. 23.3.2.2 Related to the accusative of place to which but distinct from it is the accusative of the way : laææan kuwatta ÉRIN.MEÅ-uå paizzi n–e appa UL SIGfi-in uiåkanta,”on whatever expedition the troops went (actually both verbs are present tense) they returned unsuccessful” (KBo 3.1+ ii 3-4); dUTU-waå–at taknaå KASKAL-an paiddu , “let it (i.e., the evil) go the way of the Sungoddess of the Netherworld!” (KUB 33.54+ ii 4) (CREF §17.8; man–kan HUR.SAG Teæåinan åarΩ pΩun “I would have ascended Mt. Teæåina” (KUB 19.37 iii 49).

16.24. [Accusative of respect or specification HERE] Some examples might be also classified as schma: n–an tuÏkkuå iågaææi “And I anoint him with respect to the body parts (i.e., on the body parts)” KUB 7.1 i 40 (rit.). But other examples in which the clitic pronoun does not agree with the noun in case cannot be so considered: wappuwaå DINGIR.MAÆ-aå / kΩåa–za 12 UZUÚR paprannanza tuel / ÅU-it åapiyan[za] parkunuwanza “O DINGIR.MAÆ of the River Bank! Be cleansed from defilement and purified by your hand with respect to (your) 12 body parts” KUB 12.58+ ii1-3.

192 16. Cases: Nominative, Vocative & Accusative

16.25. 23.3.3 Adverbial accusatives have been adduced from forms such as: æantezzi “in the first place, first of all” and karuwariwar “in the morning.”

16.26. 23.3.4 The accusative of extent, dimension, duration (of time or space) is seen in the following examples: nu–za UD-an (acc.) 2-anki 3-anki Ët, “eat twice (or) thrice in the course of a day!” (KUB 1.16 ii 30); INA UD.1.KAM–war–aå AMMATU pargaweåkaddari INA ITU.1.KAM–ma–war–aå IKU-an pargaweåkaddari “in one day (Ullikummi) will grow a cubit, in one month he will grow an IKU” Ullik. I C iii 25-26; cf. CHD nai- 15. In the second example it is not the time that is in the accusative, but the height (AMMATU, IKU-an). For the locative occasionally designating extent of time CREF §17.41.

16.27. 23.3.5 The figura etymologica of the classical languages (and of several Semitic languages as well540) is to be found in Hittite as well. The characteristic of this construction is a verb which takes as direct object a noun from the same root or stem (cognate accusative): æanneååar æanna- “to judge a judgment,” kupiyatin kup- “to plot a plot,” æukmaeå æuek- “to incant incantations,” uppeååar uppa- “to send sendings,” åullatar åulliya- “to argue arguments,” åarnikzel åarnink- “to make compensation.” æullanzan æullai- “to fight a fight.” æuitteååar æuittiya- “to pull out tufts,” åaåtan åeåk- “to sleep a sleep,” memiyan mema- “to speak a word,” iåæueååar iåæuwa- “to heap a heap”, iåæiul iåæiya- “to tie a tie”.

16.28. 23.3.6 The construction of the logical subject as a grammatical accusative object of an impersonal verb is to be found with verbs of sickness (iåtark-, irmaliya- ) and emotion (naæ-). Some of the better examples use dative- accusative clitic pronouns, which are ambigous: mΩn–mu iåtarkzi “when I got (“historical present” §24.1625.4f.) sick” Apology of Hattusili i 44, tuk–ma irmaliyattat , “you became ill” (Duppi-Teååup treaty, §7). The active verb iåtark- behaves in the same way: tuk iåtarkta “you became sick” (lit. “it sick-ed you”). With a transitive middle: nu µLUGAL-∂SIN-uæ-un / [ÅEÅ–Y]A [… iåtar(kiyattat n–aå)] BA.ÚÅ “And Åarri-kuåuæ, my brother, became ill, and he died” KUB 14.29 + 19.3 i 31 with dup. KBo 4.4 i 6. We see the origin of the impersonal verb iåtark- in the following example, where the subject (illness) is expressed: nu GIÅkalmiånaå pait–pat / [nu URUA]paååan ÅA µUææaziti URU-an GUL-aæta µUææazitin–a GUL-aæta / n–an idΩluå GIG-aå iåtarkta “A thunderbolt went and struck Apaååa, Uææaziti’s city; it struck Uææaziti, and a serious (lit. bad) illness befell him” KUB 14.15 ii 4-6 (AM 46f.), cf. ibid. ii 13.

16.29. 23.3.6.1 Note, however, that the verbs of sickness can also be construed with a personal subject: (Arnuwanda, son of Åuppiluliuma, sat down on the throne of his father;) EGIR-an–ma–aå irmaliyattat–pat “but later he became ill as well” KBo 3.4 i 5-6 (AM 14f.).

540Compare the paronomastic infinitive constructions of Akkadian: Ungnad 1992 §109d and the schema etymologicum (or internal object) of Biblical Hebrew (Gesenius, Kautsch, and Cowley 1910 §117 p and §113 l-x).

193 16. Cases: Nominative, Vocative & Accusative

16.30. 23.3.6.2 The use with verbs of emotion (the Hittite example being naæ- “to fear”) depends on one’s ability to interpret -tta as acc. and nΩæi as a third sg. pres. instead of second sg. imperative in lË–tta nΩæi “fear not” KUB 30.36 ii 8. This is possible because of the lack of attestation of singular dative clitics (plurals can be found) standing for the reflexive -za in Hittite (CREF §32.2) and the rarity of the lË + imperative construction (CREF §29.13 and CHD lË). For the impersonal construction compare German mich fürchtet, Latin mË verËtur.

194 17. Cases: Genitive, Dative, Locative & Allative

CHAPTER 17 GENITIVE, DATIVE, LOCATIVE AND ALLATIVE CASES

17.1. 24.0 Adnominal And Adverbal Cases. Of the five Indo-European cases in Hittite, three (vocative, nominative, genitive) are primarily adnominal cases, and the remaining five (accusative, dative, locative, ablative, and instrumental) are adverbal. One can understand how the vocative can be considered adnominal, since in Hittite it constitutes a complete clause in itself (Hoffner 1998a). Similarly, nouns and pronouncs in the nominative case serve as subjects of finite verbs, but as predicates only of the linking verbs eå- “to be,” kiå- “to become,” etc. This sets it apart from the remaining cases, which relate in manifold ways as objects of finite verb forms.

17.2. 24.0.1 In the case of the genitive, however, certain factors appear to call into question the claim that the genitive is an adnominal case. Thus in Greek, Latin and some other IE languages the genitive occasionally serves as the object of a transitive verb (verbs of perception [“hear”, “see”], ruling, etc.). And in Hittite there seems to be evidence for a genitive of cause which answers the question “why?” about the verbal action, thus being adverbal (CREF below). Nevertheless, the vast majority of uses of the genitive reveal its essentially adnominal character. It can also stand alone with only an implied head noun, CREF §28.9. On the Hittite genitive see Otten and Souc√ek 1969 60ff., Yoshida 1987; Carruba 1978-1979.

17.3. 24.1 GENITIVE. The normal word order for Hittite is genitive + head noun, not head noun + genitive as in the Semitic languages (see Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 47f.). This is already consistently the rule in Old Hittite — URUNËåaå LUGAL-uå “the king of Neåa,” nepiåaå dIM-naå É-er “the house of the Stormgod of Heaven,” patΩnn–a GIÅGÌR.GUB “a stool of the feet,” DUMU.MEÅ-an parna “to the house of the princes,” dIM-naå åaåanti–ååi “to the concubine of the Stormgod,” labarnaåå–a MU.ÆI.A–åeå “the Labarna’s years” — (see Otten and Souc√ek 1969 60ff., and Neu 1974 96f.), with only a few exceptional cases: ∂æantaåepuå æarwani GIÅ-aå (StBoT 8 i 22). The structure of Greek, Latin and German syntax permits either position for the genitive, either preceding or following the head noun, while current English requires the possessive form (“Fred’s”) to precede its governing noun (“Fred’s hat”). In this respect Hittite resembles current English. Additional examples: URUNeåaå LUGAL-uå “Neåa’s king”, attaå –åaå É-ri “in the house (locative) of his father (lit. “of father, of his”)”, LUGAL- an aåka “to the gate (allative) of the king (archaic genitive in -an)”, URU-aå pupulli “the ruins (neut. nom.-acc.) of a city”, ÅU.MEÅ-aå wΩtar “water (neut. nom.-acc.) of (i.e. for) the hands”, genuwaå GAD-an “cloth (accusative) of (i.e., for) the knees”, åiunan uddΩr “the words (neut. pl. nom.-acc.) of the gods (gen. pl.)”, MUNUS-aå dΩwar “the taking (neut. nom-acc.) of a woman (objective genitive)”.

17.4. 24.1.1 If a demonstrative pronoun modifies the head noun, the word order is demonstrative + genitive + head noun: nu ini ÅA GIÅINBIÆI.A eår[i] “That image (made) of fruits” KUB 39.11:40 (funerary rit.), ed. HTR 68f.; kΩå tandukeånaå DUMU-aå “this mortal (lit. this child of mortality)” KUB 7.5 i 8, ed. Hoffner 1987.

195 17. Cases: Genitive, Dative, Locative & Allative

17.5. 24.1.1.1 If an attributive adjective modifies a head noun governing a genitive, the sequence is ATTRIBUTIVE + GENITIVE + HEAD: æandanza maniya[æ]æayaå iåæΩå zi[k] “You are a just lord of rule” KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44+ i 20 (prayer).

17.6. 24.1.2 Certain conditions describe the less common cases in which the sequence head noun + genitive is found:

17.7. 24.1.2.1 Principally, it is the presence of a Sumerogram (or Akkadogram) in the construction which causes the reversal of the sequence: DINGIR.MEÅ EN.MEÅ nepiåaå daganzipaåå –a “the gods, lords of heaven and of earth” KUB 6.45+ i 36; AN.BAR GEfl nepiåaå “black iron of (i.e. from) the sky” (= meteorite iron) KBo 4.1 i 39.

17.8. 24.1.2.2 A second factor is the occurrence of a genitive phrase within another genitive phrase: taknaå–at dUTU-aå KASKAL-an paiddu “Let it (–at) go (paiddu) the way (acc. sg.) of the Sungoddess of the Earth” KUB 17.10 iv 13 is the normal order, but it can also be written dUTU-waå–at taknaå KASKAL-an paiddu (KUB 33.54+ ii 4, CREF §16.22) with the positions of dUTU-waå “Sungod” and taknaå “earth” interchanged. Since this is an isolated example, it may be only a scribal error. In any event, the second example does not mean “way of the earth of the Sungoddess”, as its order would usually be understood.

17.9. 24.1.2.3 Units of weight or measure which occur in the genitive case always follow their head nouns: 4 NINDAæaråauå tarnaå “four thick breads of (i.e. weighing each) a tarnaå ” — i.e., not 4 tarnaå NINDAæaråauå or the like. Perhaps it was the presence of the numeral “4” preceding the NINDAæaråauå which caused the genitive tarnaå to move to a position following the governing noun, to remove the ambiguity (is it 4 loaves each one tarnaå or an indeterminate number of loaves each of 4 tarnaå ?). Also dependent upon kuiååa “each”: nu–ååan ANA GIÅiræui NINDA.LÀL.ÆI.A æ„manteå kuiååa ÅA \ UPNI kitta “All the honey loaves — each \ UPNU (in size/weight) — were(!) lying in a basket” KBo 21.34 + IBoT 1.7 iii 32-33; nu 9 NINDA.GUR›.RA.ÆI.A / anda neyanduå tarnaå 9 NINDA.GUR›.RA.ÆI.A Ì tarnaå / 3 NINDA Ωn kuiååa tarnaå udanzi “They bring (in) nine thick loaves braided together (each weighing) a tarnaå , nine oiled thick loaves (each weighing) a tarnaå , and three warm loaves (each weighing) a tarnaå ” KUB 17.23 i 2-4; NINDA.LÀL–ya–åan æ„mandaå / kuiååa parΩ tarnaå kittari KUB 32.128 i 5-6; 3 NINDA-an æazzilaå KUB 7.53 i 22; NINDAiduriå ZÍD.DA æazzilaå KBo 15.37 i 8; 1 DUG DÍLIM.GAL TU‡ åemeæunaå æazzilaå KBo 16.49 iv 6.

17.10. 24.1.2.3.1 When the genitive is the indefinite pronoun kuelka, this normally follows the head noun (CREF §24.1.2.5 below).

17.11. 24.1.2.4 Often the dependent genitive is doubled in a clitic possessive pronoun on the head noun (called by Otten and Souc√ek 1969 70 “pleonastischer Gebrauch”). Garrett (1998), who calls it a “split genitive”, has shown that this construction is normally restricted to inalienable possession (body parts, etc.): LÚ.U⁄·.LU-aå ELLAM-aå KA≈KAK=ået KBo 6.3 i 33-34 (Laws §13, OH/NS), GÉME-aå åaræuwan[du]å–åuå LAW §18 (B i 43-44), tuel ÅUM–KA KUB 24.3++ ii 52 (NH), tuel … ÅEÅ–KA HKM 63: 12 (MH/MS), tuel … SAG.DU–KA KBo 5.3 i

196 17. Cases: Genitive, Dative, Locative & Allative

19 (NH), ammel DUMU–YA ibid. i 37, This too already occurs in OH: kel mene–åit “this one’s face”, Laws §166); [a]mmell–a lΩmΩ=mit KUB 1.16 iii 13 (OH/NS), labarnaåå–a MU.ÆI.A–åeå “the Labarna’s years,” ammel tueggaå–mieå VBoT 58 i 24 (OH/NS).

17.12. 24.1.2.4.1 In some cases, however, even as early as OS, it seems not to be inalienable possession: dIM-naå åaåanti–ååi “to the concubine of the Stormgod,” LUGAL-aå MUNUS.LUGAL-å–a … papratar–åamet “their (i.e.) the king’s and queen’s impurity” StBoT 8 ii 10f., åuppala –ået kuelka “someone’s animals” Laws §163.

17.13. 24.1.2.4.2 In the same way the doubling possessive can be suffixed to a primitive noun become adverb (kitkar, åer): LUGAL-aå MUNUS.LUGAL-å–a kitkar–åamet, LUGAL-aå MUNUS.LUGAL-aåå–a åer–åemet.

17.14. 24.1.2.5 When the genitive is the indefinite pronoun kuelka, this normally follows the head noun: åuppala –ået kuelka “someone’s animals” Laws §163, parna–ma kuelka “to someone’s house” Laws §44b, takku GU›-aå A.ÅÀ.ÆI.A-ni kuelka aki “If an ox dies on someone’s field” Laws §72, waådul kuelka autti “you see someone’s sin” KUB 1.16 iii 59-60, This pattern persists even when the kuelka is negated: [ARAD.M]EÅ-n–aåta GÉME-åan natta kuelka daææun “I took no one’s [male slave] (or) female slave” KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41 6. For further examples CREF the following paragraphs.

17.15. 24.1.2.6 But rarely in Late Hittite, when kuelka modifies a noun in the genitive, it precedes the head noun (DUMU-aå): mΩn–aå apel / ÅA MUNUS-TI DUMU-aå mΩn–aå tamel kuelqa MUNUS-aå DUMU-aå “If he is a child of that woman, if he is a child of some other woman” Bronze Tablet ii 90-92 (Tudh. IV).

17.16. 24.2 The Hittite genitive has the following uses:

(1) to indicate the possessor (possessive genitive),

(2) to indicate the whole from which the head noun denotes a part (partitive genitive),

(3) to indicate the material, contents or quality of the head noun,

(4) to indicate the actor (subjective genitive) or acted upon (objective genitive) when the head noun denotes an action.

(5) to indicate the length, width, capacity, or weight of the head noun (genitive of measure)

17.17. 24.2.1 The most common genitive use is the possessive genitive (in OH see Yoshida 1987 12-46): kuel–aå aræi aki “on what (person)’s property he dies” (Laws §6), GÉME-aå åaræuwanduå –åuå “the slave woman’s unborn child” (Laws §18), attaå –åaå–a É-ri aki “and (if) she dies in her father’s house” (Laws §27), ammel–pat–wa–za GUD-un daææi “(I have decided that) I will take my own ox” (Laws §74), URU-aå laman –ået “the city’s name” KUB 14.8+ i 7; apel–pat annaå–åaå katta waåtai Laws §189; “he ‘sins” with his own mother”; apell–a DUMU.MEÅ–ÅU “and his sons” KBo 3.1 i 12; tuel DUMU–KA “your son” KUB 12.60 i 17. CREF further examples with “split genitive” above in §17.11.

197 17. Cases: Genitive, Dative, Locative & Allative

17.18. 24.2.1.1 The partitive genitive (“genitive of the whole”) (Yoshida 1987 88-90) is weakly attested in OH by the following: ÅA LÚURUDU.NAGAR UL kuiåki arauaå “no one of the copperworker(s) is exempt” KBo 6.6 i 31 (Laws §56, OH/NS) and a few other exx. adduced by Yoshida, which are somewhat doubtful. One of these, also proposed by Neu (1974 46, 56): åardia(n)–åann–a kuin uwatet of the Anitta text (Neu: “wen von seinen Helfern” [å. is gen. pl.]), is also doubted by Houwink ten Cate (1984 79 n. 51). This clause could be interpreted as “his auxiliary troop (acc.) which he brought”, taking åardian as acc. sg. In most clear cases of the partitive genitive in Old Hittite, the genitive seems to depend on the indefinite pronoun kuiåki as the head pronoun. As a partitive genitive in the NH period Friedrich (HE 1 §211) cites: nu–za æ„mandaå–pat EGIR-ezziå DUMU-aå eåun “I was the last child of all” Hatt. i 11. Further examples of the comparative and superlative constructions can be found in §20.8 (*27.5), where the forms in -aå are taken to be locative plurals rather than as genitive.

17.19. Similar to the partitive genitive is the construction in which the entire person is the genitive and a body part is the head noun, but this can also be seen as the possessive genitive (called sch'ma kaq o{lon kai; mevroı; cf. Friedrich 1960 123f. §213, Kammenhuber 1969b 203f., Yoshida 1987 34f., Neu 1997 142f.): ták-≠ku LÚ.U⁄·.LU- aå EL-LAM±-aå QA-AS-SÚ na-aå-ma GÌR-ÅU ku-iå-ki tu-wa-a[r-ni-iz-zi] “If anyone breaks a free person’s arm or leg” KBo 6.2 i 20 (Laws §11, OS). Note: The OS copy KBo 6.2+ (A) uses the genitive, while the NH copies B and C replace it with the sch'ma kaq o{lon kai; mevroı: ták-ku LÚ.U⁄·.LU-an EL-LUM QA-AS-SÚ na-aå-ma GÌR- ÅU ku-iå-ki tu-wa-≠ar-ni±-iz-zi. Garrett has pointed out that this partitive apposition replaced the older split genitive and is consequently only used with inalienable possession (body parts, etc.).

17.20. 24.2.2 The genitive of material “(made) of” (Yoshida 1987 70-76) is attested in: DUG.GIR›-aå GAL-in “goblet of fired clay” KUB 13.3 ii 26, 1 GIÅåunilaå GIÅlaææuraå TUR “one small laææura - table of åunila- wood”, IM-aå DUGæupuwai “æ.-vessel (made) of clay” (2Mast. ii 55), åeppittaå NINDAdannaå “dannaå-loaves (made) of åeppit-cereal” KUB 9.16 i 19 with dupl. KUB 10.48, and a final example: tueggaå–ma–ååi NA›-aå kunkunuzziyaå iyanza “its body (was made) of k.-stone” Ullik. I A iv 12. This last construction is what in Latin is called the predicate genitive (haec domus est patris mei). For more examples in OH see Otten, StBoT 8 61.

17.21. 24.2.3 The genitive of contents (head noun is the container, genitive is the contents) (Yoshida 1987 83- 87) is exemplified in: 1 DUGDÍLIM GAL TU‡åampukkiyaå “one large bowl of åampukki-stew” KBo 5.1 iii 10-11, ZA.ÆUM KÙ.BABBAR ÅA ME_ “one silver ZA.ÆUM-vessel of water” KUB 39.70 i 17.

17.22. 24.2.4 The opposite of the genitive of the contents is the genitive of the container : ÅA Égarupaæiyaå … ezzan “the chaff of (i.e., contained in) the granary” Hatt. iv 82-83 (on this passage see von Schuler in Or NS 52 [Fs Kammenhuber]).

17.23. 24.2.5 Examples of the genitive of measure can be found above in §17.9).

17.24. 24.3.1 In Old and Middle Hittite some postpositions still governed their preceding nouns in the genitive case, whereas in New Hittite they switched to the locative. CREF §23.4f. for examples.

198 17. Cases: Genitive, Dative, Locative & Allative

17.25. 24.3.2 In New Hittite one postposition continues to govern the genitive case, iwar “in the manner of, like” (see the dictionaries, Hoffner 1993 and §21.8). UR.GI‡-aå iwar “like a dog”, LÚ-aå iwar “like a man” KUB 31.69 i 5, ÅEÅ.MEÅ-aå iwar “like brothers”, LÚ.KÚR-aå iwar “like an enemy”, ÅA mMaåæuiluwa iwar “like Maåæuiluwa” Kup. D iii 55, LUGAL-ueznaå iwar = ÅA LUGAL-UTTI iwar “in the manner of royalty, like a king” KBo 2.5+ iii 29-30 (AM 188) = KBo 3.4 iii 75 (AM 88f.), ÅA LÚÅU.DIB iwar “like a captive” Hatt. IV 62, URUÆattuåaå iwar “in the Hittite manner” KUB 21.17 iii 7, anzel iwar “like us” KUB 17.21 i 16; nu ammel iwar kuwatqa iya[åi] “Perhaps you will act like me” KUB 60.136:4 compared with nu ziqqa kuatqa ÅA µMaåturi iwar iyaåi “Perhaps you will act like µMaåturi” KUB 23.1 ii 29-30 (Åauåkamuwa); ANA KUR LÚ.KÚR-KA zakkiyaå iwar tiya[zi] “he will enter (literally, step to) the your hostile land like a key (enters a lock)” KUB 29.11 ii 4 (translation of Akkadian lunar omen); nu–wa uga ÅAÆ-aå iwar uiyami “and I will squeal like a pig” KUB 14.1 rev. 93 (Madd., MH/MS); nu–wa–kan apel ZI-an DINGIR.MEÅ uwitenaå iwar aræa laæuwaten “pour out his soul, O gods, like water” KUB 13.3 iii 1-2 (inst.). On the Hurrian tab-åa-a-æa as equivalent of Hittite LÚSAGI-aå iwar in the Hurro-Hittite bilingual see Neu 1988a 15.

17.26. 24.3.3 In later NH iwar is occasionally written (not spoken!) as a preposition before logograms or proper names written as logograms (without case endings): „g iwar LUGAL KURKarg[amiå] “I, like the King of Carchemish” KBo 18.48 obv. 19 (letter); iwar mManini “like Manini” KUB 5.1 i 43 (cf. ibid. 87, 90, 93); iwar MUNUS ÅU.GI “like an Old Woman” IBoT 1.33:84; iwar URUArzawa”in the manner of Arzawa” KUB 18.67 obv.? 12; iwar LÚTAPPIÅU “like his colleague” KUB 8.48 i 15-16 (Gilg.). In this pseudo-Akkadographic construction it simply imitates the word order of Akkadian kÏma.

17.27. 24.4 The free-standing genitive “he of …” (Friedrich 1960 §212, Yoshida 1987 1-11), or genitivus absolutus (Carruba 1966 41f.), is attested from Old Hittite on. åawataraå “he of the horn; horn-player”, LÚarkammiyaå = LÚarkammiyalaå “arkammi-player” (see Otten and Souc√ek 1969 61f.), waåtulaå “he of the sin; the sinner”, tuk … linkiyaå–åaå iet “he made you … (a person) of his oath” KUB 14.1 obv. 13 (direct obj.), tayazilaå “he of the theft; the thief (Laws §73), the (compensation) for theft” (Laws §§94-95, direct obj.), kardiyaå–taå “that of your heart, your wish” KBo 3.7 i 26 (direct obj.), aååawaå memiyanaå “(he) of good words” = “he who is on good terms” Hatt. IV 50, TI-annaå (= æuiåwannaå ) “he of (long) life, long-lived”; with the gen. of the verbal substantive (CREF §28.9): naææuwaå “he of being reverent”, parånawaå “the (cupbearer) of squatting”, UL uwawaå “(a person) of not-being-seen”, åarΩ pΩwaå “(a person) of going up (into the temple)” KUB 13.4 ii 12, and of infinitives aræa tarnummaå “he who is to be released (from military service)” KUB 13.20 i 11, kuit–ma DI- åar åumel UL tar(aæ)æuwaå “what legal case is of your not-being-able” = “whatever case you cannot settle” KUB 13.20 i 36.

17.28. 24.4.1 Free-standing genitive indepedent pronouns also exist: apel “his (water)” Laws §162), anzel “our (people)” KUB 9.31 iii 47, ammel daææi “I will take (what is) mine” KUB 13.35 ii 3. Cf. Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 92ff.

199 17. Cases: Genitive, Dative, Locative & Allative

17.29. 24.4.2 The same construction is attested expressed in Akkadian (Ungnad 1992 §30 and §114): ÅA MAMETI “he of the oath, the liegeman” (CREF linkiyaå–åaå above), ÅA KASKAL-NIM “that of the road” = “provisions for the trip” KUB 9.31 iii 13.

17.30. 24.5 Related to the free-standing genitive is the usage in the expression LUGAL-uå GUB-aå = arandaå (or TUÅ-aå = aåandaå ) ekuzi “the king — in a standing (or sitting) position — drinks …” which occurs frequently in the festival texts. This has been often discussed, most recently by Holland 1986 165 note. If GUB-aå stood for the genitive of the verbal substantive (arawaå or aåawaå ), it would be easier to understand: “he of the action of standing/sitting”. But since it is the genitive of the participle, it is problematic: “he of the one standing/sitting”.

The Dative case

17.31. 24.6.2 The dative case is primarily the case of the indirect object , and thus answers the question “to whom?” takku DUMU.MUNUS LÚ-ni taranza “if a young woman is promised to a man” (Laws §28); takku DUMU.MUNUS-aå LÚ-ni æamenkanza nu–ååi kuåata piddaizzi “if a girl is betrothed to a man, and he gives the bride price for her” (Laws §29); kΩåa DUMU–mi Labarni É-er peææun “I have hereby given a house to my son Labarna” KUB 1.16 ii 30-31 (Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 6f.).

17.32. 24.6.3 The use of the dative to express the indirect object can also be attested in the enclitic personal pronouns (-mu, -naå, -ta, -åi, -åmaå) and with nouns represented by logograms. In the latter case when phonetic complements are lacking, one can only detect the dative case by the employment of the Akkadogram preposition A- NA “to, for”.

17.33. 24.6.3.1 Examples of the dative of indirect object : apedaå–a / tamain GEÅTIN-an pÏËr “But to them they gave a different wine” KBo 3.34 ii 3-4; ta LUGAL-i kardimiyattuå piåkatteni “and you are giving to the king reasons to be angry” KBo 22.1: 20 (OS); nu æantezziyaå LÚ-aå kuit kuit [piddaizzi] ta–ååe åarnikzi “He shall make compensation to the first man of whatever [he paid]” (Laws §28); nu ANA DINGIR-LIM ÅU.MEÅ-aå watar parΩ epzi “He holds out to the deity water for the hands” (KUB 39.70 i 19). Rarely, the ideographically written noun, which appears to be a dative, has no ANA to introduce it: nu–ååi 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR pΩi LÚA.ZU–ya kuååan apΩå–pat pΩi “he will give to him six shekels of silver and to the physician that same (man) will pay the fee” (Laws §10).

17.34. 24.6.4 The possessive dative is attested not only as a predicate in clauses with the verb “to be” (kezza–ma maææan ANA ÅEÅ-YA … æuiååuwaliå DUMU-aå nawi kuiåki Ëåta “Now at this time (kezza) since there was not yet any son entitled to rule belonging to my brother” Hatt. iii 40ff.), but even non-predicately without it: [Add Kantuszili ex. uk=a ANA DINGIR=YA kuit iyanun nu=mu É=YA inani peran pittuliyaå É-er kiåat ……] nu–ååi DINGIR.MEÅ-ÅU åara daææun “and I took up his gods” (KBo 10.2 i 10);paltanuå kuedani awan katta kiyantari “one whose shoulders are hanging down idly” (approximate and clumsy Hittite attempt to translate Akkadian aæu nadû “he is idle”; KBo 1.42 ii 32). For the possessive genitive CREF above in §17.17 (*24.2.1).

200 17. Cases: Genitive, Dative, Locative & Allative

17.35. 24.6.4.1 Datives (representing persons) translatable as “from” , when the object of “from” is a person (CREF §3.4). Such datives occur in clauses containing the verbs (–kan aræa ) da- “to take (from)”, (peran aræa ) munnai- “to hide (something from)”, åanna- “to hide (something from)”, and tuæå- “to separate (something from)”, wek- “to ask (something from someone)”: nu–ååi–ååan GIÅæueåan GIÅæulali–ya aræa daææi nu–ååi GIÅBAN … peææi “I take the spindle and distaff from him (–ååi ) and give him (–ååi ) a bow” KUB 9.27 + 7.8 i 23-25 (rit.); apel–ma–ååi–kan aræa daææi “I take away his from him” KBo 17.61 obv. 21 (birth rit.); (the gods were angry at Keååi) nu–ååi æuitar æ„man peran aræa munnΩir “and hid all the animals from him” KUB 33.121 ii 13-14 (Keååi myth, cf CHD munnai- a 2); naåma–an–kan ANA dUTU-ÅI–ma munnΩåi “or if you hide (munna-) him from (ANA) His Majesty” KBo 5.4 obv. 9 (treaty w. Targ.; cf. CHD munnai- b); (if someone reveals a plot to you,) zik–ma–an–kan ANA dUTU-ÅI åannatti “and you conceal (åanna-) it (–an ) from (ANA) His Majesty” KUB 21.1 iii 26-28 (treaty w. Alakåandu); (if a girl is betrothed to a man, and he brings the bride price for her, but afterwards the parents contest it,) n–an–kan LÚ-ni tuæåanzi k„åata–ma 2-ÅU åarninkanzi “they may separate (i.e., withhold) her from the man (LÚ-ni), but they must pay back his bride price twofold” Laws §29; cf. n–an–åi–kan tuæåanta (var. tuæåanzi) “they may withhold her from him (–åi )” Laws §28; (if you hear evil concerning My Majesty,) n–at–mu–kan mΩn åannatteni “and conceal it from me” KBo 5.3 i 27-30 (treaty of Supp. I w. Huqq.); nu–mu … dIÅTAR. URUÅamuæa ANA ABUYA wekta “IÅTAR of Åamuæa requested me from my father” KBo 6.29 i 7- 8, cf. Güterbock, Or NS 12:154 and HE §207e.

17.36. 24.6.4.2 Perhaps also rarely when the dative does not represent a person: (they cook a piglet and bring it back;) nu–kan kuwapitta æappeåni tepu daææi “and I take a little bit from each body part (and sacrifice it to the Sungoddess of the Earth)” KUB 17.28 i 17-18 (rit.), cf. HED 3:113 (“a little of every limb”).

17.37. 24.7 The locative case is principally used to answer the question “where? in what place?” takku antuæåaå LÚ-aå naåma MUNUS-za takiya URU-ri aki kuell–aå aræi aki 1 ME gipeååar A.ÅÀ karåiezzi n–an–za dai “If a person — male or female — is found dead in another village, the one in whose boundary (s)he dies, he shall cut off 100 gipeååar of field, and he (the surviving heir) shall take it” (Laws §6) nu Éæalentuwaå åalli aåeååar “Then in the æalentuwa-buildings a large assembly (convenes)” (KUB 9.16 i 15-16); genuwaå–åaå “on her (the goddess’) knees” KBo 10.2 i 28; tepåawanni “in desgrace/obscurity” KBo 3.34 ii 12; apedani pedi “in that place” HKM 47:53 (MH/MS); nepiåi “in the sky” KBo 3.28:16; aruni “in the sea” KUB 14.15 iii 40 (AM 54).

17.38. 24.7.1 Because of the lack of unambiguously locative (vs. allative) forms in Old Hittite, the classification of the “dative-locative” of purpose as locative instead of as allative is uncertain, but probable. Examples are all post-OS: n–uå pankuå parΩ æingani æarta “and the assembly held them for the death penalty” (Tel.pr. ii 28, OH/NS); nu–mu ANA DINGIR-LIM ÌR-anni peåta “and he (my father) gave me to the deity for servitude” (Hatt. i 18); maææan–ma–at–kan INA URUNinuwa erer n–at ANA dIÅTAR æanneåni tier “And when they arrived at Nineveh, they stood before Ishtar for judgment” (ABoT 48:10-11, Appu myth, OH/NS). Note from the following example that the Akkadographic preposition is AÅÅUM; nu–ååi apel DUMU.MUNUS-ZU NIN-YA fMuwattin

201 17. Cases: Genitive, Dative, Locative & Allative

AÅÅUM DAM-UTTIM paiå “And he gave to him his own daughter, my sister Muwatti, in marriage” (Kupanta- LAMMA treaty, §2).

17.39. 24.7.2 With passive constructions the logical subject of the verb as actively conceived (i.e., the agent), if specified, can be designated by the dative case (Akkadian prep. INA rather than ANA): åiel ÌR.MEÅ-ÅU INA 1 AMA æaååanteå “His servants have been begotten of (literally ‘in’) one mother” (KUB 1.16 ii 47, OH/NS). But it is also possible to designate the agent by the instrumental (CREF §18.19) or ablative case (CREF §18.12). CREF §24.16.

17.40. 24.7.4 The locative is used for temporal expressions, usually simply expressing a unit within which something occurred: iåpandi “at night”, æantaiåi meæuni “in the hot time (of the day),” “åaniya witti “in the same year”, ziga–z GIÅæatalkeånaå æameåæiya–z BABBAR-TIM waååaåi BURU⁄›–ma–z iåæarwanda waååaåi “You are the hawthorn tree. In the spring you wear white, but in the fall you wear blood-red” (KUB 33.54 ii 13-14); gimmanti “in winter” HKM 17 obv. 10 (MH/MS).

17.41. 24.7.4.1 In other examples it is the extent or duration of time which is indicated by the locative (or its equivalent, Akk. INA): nu INA MU.7.KAM daæuåiyaææa “For seven years I endured” (Hatt. iii 63); mKeååiå ITU.3.KAM-aå ÆUR.SAG.MEÅ-aå anda weæatta “Kessi wandered for three months in the mountains” (KUB 33.121 ii 15); INA UD.1.KAM–war–aå AMMATU pargaweåkaddari INA ITU.1.KAM–ma–war–aå IKU-an pargaweåkaddari “In one day (Ullikummi) will grow a cubit, in one month he will grow an IKU” Ullik. I C iii 25- 26; 1-EN MU-anti æaåta “(The Queen of Kanesh) bore (children) in one year” KBo 22.2 obv. 1 (Zalpa myth, OS), ed. StBoT 17. Note how with extent or duration (“in the course of”) the noun for “year” shows the -ant- derivational suffix. For the accusative designating extent of time CREF §16.26.

17.42. 24.7.5 The locative is also used with units of measure or degree . dIÅTAR–ma–mu–kan GAÅAN-YA ilani ilani namma tiåkit “But Åauåka, my lady, kept on advancing me by degrees” (Hatt. iv 39-40); nu–tta GIÅGIGIR.ÆI.A […] … ÅE.ÆI.A NUMUN.ÆI.A iåæueåni peåkit KAÅ.GEÅTIN.ÆI.A–ya–ta BÙLUG BAPPIR.ÆI.A EMŒA [GA.KIN.AG.HI].A iåæueåni piå[kit] “And he kept giving you chariots, […] … grain and seeds in large amounts; and [he kept] giving you beer-wine, malt, beer-bread, rennet (and) [cheese]s in large amounts” (KUB 14.1 obv. 7-8, Madd., MH/MS).

17.43. 24.7.5.1 Occasionally the locative indicates not the unit of measure but the dimension to be measured: n–aå dalugaåti 3 DANNA palæaåti–ma–aå … DANNA “he was three miles in length and … miles in width” (Ullik. I B i 15).

17.44. 24.7.6 (older 24.6.5) The local meanings of the allative and dative-locative are given greater precision by the addition of the local postpositionals anda(n), appa (n), æandaå, iåtarna, katta (n), peran, åarΩ, and åer. And although most of these constructions are attested only in the New Hittite period, when no formal distinction is made between allative and locative singular, it is often possible on the basis of meaning (motion toward or rest

202 17. Cases: Genitive, Dative, Locative & Allative in/on) to assign them to either allative or locative. For instance, åer “above, upon” takes the locative, while åarΩ “up onto” takes the allative.

17.45. 24.8 The earlier formally distinct allative singular in -a and dative-locative sing. in -i have merged in New Hittite, so that both allative and dative-locative appear as -i (or -iya, etc.) in the singular. The allative never existed in the plural, the function being served there by the dative-locative in -aå. From the formal distinction between allative and locative in the singular in early texts it becomes possible to assign certain meanings to the allative and others to the dative-locative. Later all these functions were performed by the dative-locative.

17.48 24.8.1 The allative case answers questions regarding location. But in contradistinction to the locative, which answers the question “in what place?”, the allative answers the question “to/toward what place?” First established by Laroche 1970, this case is clearly attested from OH (StBoT 8 62f.) on. Some Hittitologists call it the “directive” (Otten, StBoT 8, Brixhe 1979), others the “terminative” (Starke 1977, followed by Held, Schmalstieg, and Gertz 1987), and still others the “allative” (CHD, etc.). Most would agree with Otten that “dieser Kasus … ausschliesslich auf der Frage ‘wohin’ verwendet wird” (StBoT 8 62f.). The principal dissent came from Kammenhuber 1979a, who on the basis of the postulated case structure of Proto-Indo-European regarded the “case in a” as a locative answering the questions “in what place” or “to what place”.

17.49 24.8.2 Comparison of the pairs nepiåa “to the sky” KUB 17.8 iv 19 and nepiåi “in the sky”, as well as aruna “to the sea” (KUB 12.60 i 11 and KUB 29.1 i 51) and aruni “in/at the sea” makes this distinction quite clear: eæu dTelepinu zik–za [… a]runa Ït [ne]piåaå dUTU-un arunaz [EGIR]-pa uw[ate] dTelepinuå aruna pait “Come, Telepinu! You go … to the sea. Bring back the Sungod of Heaven from the sea. So Telepinu went to the sea.” KUB 12.60 i 9-11, translit. Myth. 20.

17.50 24.8.3 This use of the old allative is attested in copies in the Old Script: appezziyann–a mAnittaå LUGAL.GAL dÅiuåummin URUZalpuwaz Ωppa URUNeåa pedaææun “Subsequently, I, Anitta, the Great King, brought our deity back from Zalpuwa to Neåa” KBo 3.22:41-42 (Anitta), mΩn tunnakiåna–ma paizzi “When he goes into the inner room” KBo 3.22:78 (Anitta); taknΩ æariemi “I bury (it) in(to) the ground” StBoT 8 iii 8f., DUMU.MEÅ(-an) parna paimi “I go into the house of the children” ibid. ii 3, 16f., iii 17; zeriya allapaææanzi “they spit into the cup” ibid. iv 35; å–uå ÍD-a tarnaå “and she let them (the baskets containing her babies) into the river” KBo 22.2 obv. 3 (Zalpa). But even in Old Hittite texts which were recopied in the New Hittite period (“OH/NS”) the true use of the allative survives: n–aå laææa paizzi “and he goes on a campaign” (Laws §42, OH/NS); æapΩ paiddu “let him go to the river ordeal” KUB 13.3 iii 29); n–aå–za parna –ååa iyanniå “and he (Appu) went to his house” (KUB 24.8+ i 24-25); n–at É.ÅÀ-na pedai “and he carries it to the inner room” (KUB 2.6+ ii 8), etc.

17.51 24.8.4 The allative ending is found also on clitic possessive pronouns accompanying nouns in the allative: parna–ååa “to his house”, parna –mma “to my house”; CREF §11.2.

203 18. Cases: Ablative & Instrumental 204

CHAPTER 18 ABLATIVE AND INSTRUMENTAL

18.1 25.1.1 The fundamental study of the ablative and instrumental cases in Hittite is Melchert 1977. For the ablatival endings attested for nouns CREF §3.24.

18.2 25.2 The ablative designates most often the origin of a movement away and answers the question “from what place?”: iååaz “out of the mouth”, nepiåaz “from the sky”, wetenaz “out of the water”. Often the notions of source and separation are equally stressed in an utterance. Examples where source or origin (Melchert 1977 192f.) is more prominent are: kar„ µUænaå … ∂åiu(n)–åummin URUNeåaz URUZalpuwa pedaå “Previously (King) Uæna had carried off (the statue of) our deity from Neåa to Zalpuwa” KBo 3.22 obv. 39-40; namma URUPalæuiååaz Ωppa URUÆattuåi uwanun “Then I came back home from Palæuiååa to Æattuåa” KBo 3.4 ii 7 (annals of Murå.); n–aåta Ì- an åaræuwantaz–ået wemiezzi “he may recover the lard from its (i.e., the dog's) stomach” (Laws §90; CREF below §18.23 (*25.8); kΩåa–mu PN URUKaåepuraz æatrait “PN has just written to me from the city Kaåepura” HKM 25:4-5 (MH/MS); 5 ANÅE.KUR.RA.ÆI.A–wa ekir nu–war–aå parnaza åarninkun “five horses died, and I replaced them from (my own) house (i.e. personal property)” KUB 13.35+ ii 40; nu–kan ∂UTU-uå nepiåaz katta åakuwayat “Iåtanu looked down from the sky” KUB 24.8+ iv 22-23, 30-31; nu DINGIR.MEÅ-az ariyair “so they sought information by oracle from the gods” KBo 4.6 i 26; written with IÅTU; (“he does not render corvée labor himself,) IÅTU É ABI-ÅU–[(ma ka)rpianzi] “but they render it from the house of his father” (Laws §47).

18.3 25.2.1 Examples where separation (“from what place?”) is more prominent are: DINGIR.DIDLI-å–a DUMU.MEÅ-uå A.AB.BA-az åarΩ dΩir “But the gods picked up the boys from the sea” KBo 22.2 obv. 4-5 (Zalpa text, OS; ed. StBoT 17:6; cf. Melchert 1977 149); GIÅTUKUL.ÆI.A-uå–åuå–åta ZAG.DIB-za (i.e., paltanaza ) daææun nu–åmaå yugan peææun “I removed (lit. took) their(!!) weapons from (their) shoulders and gave them a yoke” BoTU 23A ii 30 (OH/NS); LUGAL.GAL tabarnaå / ÅA GÉME.MEÅ–ÅU ÅU.MEÅ-uå IÅTU NA4 ARÀ daææun ÅA ÌR.MEÅ–ya ÅU.MEÅ–ÅUNU IÅTU KIN daææun “I, the Great King, the Tabarna, took the hands of his (i.e., the enemy king’s) servant girls from the millstone; I took the hands of (his) man servants from the sickle” KBo 10.2 iii 16-17 (annals of Hatt. I, OH/NS); 1-aå–ma–kan … arunaz aræa uit “(one of the two brothers stayed in their island refuge,) but the (other) one … left the island (lit. came out/away from the sea)” KBo 3.4 ii 53-54 (annals of Murs. II). Verbs used in clauses with the ablative of separation are (1) intransitive motion verbs (pai- “to go”, uwa- “to come”), (2) transitive motion verbs (æuittiya- “to pull, draw”, peda- “to carry”, da- “to take”, uda- “to bring”, uwate- “to lead, conduct”), and at least two verbs which themselves express separation, åamen- “to withdraw from” and tuæå- “to separate (someone/-thing) from”.

18.4 25.2.2 From the notion of origin or source it is easy to derive the idea of cause (Melchert 1977 192; Hoffner 1997a 166): takku LÚ-an naåma MUNUS-an åullannaz kuiåki kuenzi “If someone kills a (free) man or woman as the result of a quarrel” (Laws §1, cf. also §§2, 27), maææan–ma ÅEÅ-YA µMuwatalliå IÅTU AMAT (for

204 18. Cases: Ablative & Instrumental 205

AWAT) DINGIR-LIM-ÅU katteri utne katta pait “but when my brother Muwatalli because of a word (Akkad. IÅTU covers the Hitt. abl.) from his god went down (from Æattuåa) to the Lower Land” (Hatt. i 75-76); apez=kan uddanaz aræa akkiåkanzi “people die because of that behavior” KBo 5.3 iii 38-39 (Hukk. treaty); UL=war=an=kan tuetaza memiyanaz kuenni[r] / GUD alun ∂Æuwawain=a “Was it not because of your word/command that they (scil. Gilgamesh and Enkidu) killed the Bull of Heaven and Huwawa?” KUB 8.48 i 12-13 (Gilg.).

18.5 25.2.3 The ablative is also used for indicating directions (Melchert 1977 151f., 195f.). CREF §23.15 (*§29.3) and §23.16 (*29.3.1). A similar usage of a “from” construction can be found in the Semitic languages: Hebrew missemôl “on/to the left”, miœœafôn “to the north”. Hittite examples are kunnaz (ZAG-naz) “on the right” (OH: apaå–a pËrammit kunnaz eåari KBo 3.22 rev. 78-79, Anitta, OS), GÙB-laz “on the left”, æantezziyaz “in front”, iåkiåaz “in back, backwards”, appezziyaz “in the rear”, kuiå ammedaza tiyat kuiå–ma µUræiteåupaz tiyat “some stood on my side; others stood on Uræiteåup's side” (KUB 21.37 obv. 15-16); ∂É.A-aå GALGA[-aå LU]GAL-uå tuetaza ar [tari ] “Ea, king of wisdom, is stand[ing] on your side” CTH 345.3A iv 30; anzedaza tÏËr DINGIR.MEÅ / anzedazza memir / LUGAL.MEÅ anzetaz nuntarnut “The gods stepped to our side; they spoke for our side; he caused kings to hasten to our side” KUB 7.58 i 13-15. Possibly the postposition tapuåza is an ablative of direction in origin (CREF §23.16 (*29.3.1).

18.6 Two OH examples depart from the normal function of the ablative form serving to express the direction with reference to a point of reference usually expressed by the dative-locative (“on the left [abl.] (of) [ref. pt.]”), and use the abl. to indicate the point of reference: (land located) NA›æuwaåiyaz anda … NA›æuwaåiyaz araæza “inside of the stela … outside of the stela” (SBo I 4 = LSU 4 obv. 15-16) (where æuwaåiyaz is the point of reference). An OS example (unfortunately partly broken) has the same construction of ablative and anda meaning “inside of”, i.e., toward the speaker from the ablatival point of reference: utnË æ„manda URUZΩlpuaz anda arunaz [anda(?) …] “All the lands on this side of Zalpuwa, [on this side(?)] of the sea […].” KBo 3.22:38 (Anitta, OS). Another Old Hittite example is: takku ket (later var. kez) ÍD-az … takku edi ÍD-az “if he is on this side of the river … if he is on that side of the river” (Laws §22) (where the river [abl.] is the point of reference). The pair does not mean “in the direction of this river … in the direction of that river.” See discussion of SBo I 4 = LSU 4 obv. 15-16 in Melchert 1977 153f.

18.7 25.2.3.1 The ablative is used in temporal constructions. The forms kitpandalaz “from this moment on” (KBo 3.1+ ii 34), DUMU-annaza “from childhood” KUB 30.10 obv. 10 (prayer, OH/MS), annaz–ma kartaz “from (my) mother's womb (lit. heart)” (ibid. rev. 20), and (apez/kez) UD(.KAM)-az “from (that/this) day” are clear examples of “time from which” (Melchert 1977 289 310, 352f.). It appears that speakers distinguished this usage from the following one by the obligatory demonstrative (apez/kez).

18.8 25.2.3.1.1 But the ablative is also used beginning in MH/MS for the kind of time, like the German genitive “nachts” = “by night”: UD(.KAM)-az (åiwattaz) “by day” KBo 5.8 i 24, KUB 19.37 iii 11 (Murå. II) and iåpandaz “by night” HKM 25:7 (MH/MS), KUB 23.11 ii 22 (MH/NS), KBo 5.6 i 22 (Murå. II). Melchert 1977

205 18. Cases: Ablative & Instrumental 206

297, 322f., prefers to regard these as adverbial ablatives. For the accusative of extent of time CREF §16.26 (*§23.3.4); for locative of location in or extent of time CREF §17.40 (*24.7.4) and §17.41).

18.9 25.2.3.2 What can be called a perlative ablative (translated “through”; Melchert 1977 157, 208) is found in ∂UTU-uå–[(kan GIÅlutt)]anza anda tarnai “The Sungod slips in(?) through the window” KUB 33.70 ii 2, namma–aå–kan GIÅAB-az andan 2–Å[U appanzi] “Next they hold them (the laææanza -ducks) in through the window twice” KUB 39.7 ii 22.

18.10 25.2.4 For the occasional use of the ablative for comparison CREF §20.6 (*§27.3.2).

18.11 25.2.5 In the post-OH period we see uses of the ablative taken over from the instrumental for the expression of means (Melchert 1977 209ff.): n–aå IZI-az kattan [lukkun] “And I [burned] them down with fire” KBo 10.2 iii 39 (OH/NS); ÆAŒŒINNU–wa ÅU-za Ëp “take the axe with (your) hand!” (KUB 8.50 iii 11), URU- an zaææiyaz katta daææun “I captured the city through battle” (KBo 3.4 iv 40), ap„n–ma–kan ∂IÅTAR URUÅamuæa GAÅAN-YA KUfl-un maææan ¬æupalaza Ωppa iåtapta “the Åamuæian Ishtar, my lady, ensnared him like a fish in (i.e., by means of) a net” KBo 6.29+ ii 33-34 (Æatt. III), n–aåta LUGAL-uå URUTaæurpi åarΩ GIÅGIGIR-az paizzi “from thence the king goes up to Taæurpa by chariot” 126/p++ 16-17 (JNES 19, 80f.).

18.12 25.2.5.1 Similar to the ablative of means is the ablative of agency (with passive verbs), likewise first used in post-OH texts (Melchert 1977 214f., 367): INA URUTanipiya A.ÅÀkueraå LUGAL-waz piyanza “a field in Tanipiya was given by the king” KBo 3.7 iv 22-23 (OH/NS), apedani mekki ÅÀ-er DINGIR-LIM-za piyan–pat “to him by the god(s) (abl.) much heart has been given” KUB 1.16 ii 38 (OH/NS541); URUÆattuåaå utne æinganaz tamaåtat “the land of Hattuåa is being oppressed by a plague (abl.)” PP 1 i 8-9; IÅTU DINGIR-LIM–mu parΩ parΩ SIGfi-iåkattari “through the agency of the goddess (abl.) things went better and better for me” KBo 6.29 i 10-11 (ed. Goetze 1925 44ff.), (IÅTU DINGIR-LIM might stand for åiunit or åiunaz); kinuna ammuk µNIR.GÁL LUGAL-uå tuedaz [iÅ]TU ∂U piæaååaååi åallanuwanza arkuweåkimi “Now, I, King Muwatalli, who have been raised up by you, O Stormgod of P., am offering (this) prayer” KUB 6.45 iii 32-33 (Muw. II).

18.13 25.2.6 Less common is the adverbial ablative (Melchert 1977 322f.): n–aå–kan tetæeånaza katta aruni araå “(the Stormgod sprang up from his wagon,) and came down with thunder (abl.) to the sea” KBo 26.65 iv 21- 22 (Ullik. Tablet III), ∂IÅTAR-iå–ma–kan AN-az UR.SAG-annaz aræa uit “IÅTAR came out of the sky with bravery (abl.)” KUB 33.87 + 33.113 + 36.12 + 36.14 (Ullik. II B) i 17-18. These could also be udnerstood as comitative.

541One assumes that in the OH original of this late copy in the place of DINGIR-LIM-za there stood the instrumental of agency åi-ú-ni-it.

206 18. Cases: Ablative & Instrumental 207

18.14 25.2.6.1 Uncertain cases with IÅTU could be covering either instrumental or ablative: nu IÅTU KARAÅ ANÅE.KUR.RA.MES pΩun “I went accompanied by infantry and chariotry (abl.)” Hatt. iii 45-46. for the instrumental of accompaniment CREF §18.21 (*25.7).

18.15 25.27 A partitive ablative can be observed in: n–aåta IÅTU UZUNÍG.GIG æuiåawaz wakuen “we have bitten off (some) of the raw liver (abl.)” (HT 1 i 44).

18.16 25.28 For the ablative with various postpositionals CREF §23.15 (*§29.3) and §23.17 (*29.3.2).

INSTRUMENTAL

18.17 25.3 For the instrumental endings CREF §3.27 (*§2.5.8). The instrumental case is employed chiefly to denote the means or instrument by which an action is performed (Melchert 1977 162ff., 227ff., 300ff., 327ff., 371ff.): tuppuå åakanda (inst. of åagan ‘oil, grease’) åunnaå “she filled (i.e., caulked) the baskets with grease” KBo 22.2 obv. 2 (Zalpa story, OS); nu tuææiyattit Ωkti “and you will die by means of suffocation” KBo 7.14 obv. 5 (OS); nu–kan paææur wetenit kiåtanuwanzi “they extinguish the fire with water (wetenit)” (KBo 4.2 i 12), nu nepiåaå ∂UTU-un IGI.ÆI.A-it uåkizzi “she sees the sun of heaven with (her) eyes” (KBo 4.8 ii 19, ed. Hoffner 1983 188); idΩlawa åakuwa GIÅæatalkeånit katta tarman Ëådu “let the evil eyes be pinned down by the hawthorn” (KUB 12.44 iii 6-9); nu … ANA … ABI-YA Ù-it µMuwattallin ÅEÅ-YA uiyat “(the goddess) sent my brother Muwattalli to my father be means of a dream (i.e., in a dream of the father)” (Hatt. i 12-14); nu MUÅIlluyankan iåæimanta kaleliet “(Æupaåiya) tied up the serpent with cord(s)” (KUB 17.5 i 15-16, OH/NS); nu–kan GÌR-it åarΩ pΩun “I went up on foot” KUB 14.3 i 24 (Hatt. III); LUGAL-uå uizzi / naååu GIÅGIGIR-it naåma / GIÅæulugannit INA É- TIM GAL / paizzi “The king proceeds to travel to the Great House either by chariot or by cart” KBo 19.128 i 2-5 (ed. StBoT 13).

18.18 25.4 Perhaps borrowed from the ablative is the instrumental of cause (CREF §18.4 (*25.2.2) man–kan mΩn ANA µAttaråiya æuiåwetenn–a kaåtit–a–man akten “and even if you had escaped from Attaråiya (contrary to fact condition), you would have died from hunger” KUB 14.1 obv. 12 (Madd., MH/MS). man mΩn … man expresses the contrary to fact condition (Friedrich 1960, p. 166, §330; cf. also CHD sub man). It is possible, of course, that the Hittites viewed “hunger” (kaåtit) not as a cause but a means of dying.

18.19 25.5 The source of the ablative of agency used with passive verbs was the instrumental of agency: anda–kan æalÏnaå teååummiuå tarlipit å„wamuå 2-TAM pËtumini “Twice(?) we bring in cups (made) of æalinaå , filled with tarlipaå ” KBo 17.1 + 25.3 i 26-30 (rit., OS); GIÅTUKUL.ÆI.A-iå–wa–tta / åiunit piyanteå “weapons have been given to you by the god” KBo 22.6 + KUB 48.98 i 24-25 (Sargon epic, OH?/NS); [DUMU.DUMU].DUMU-ÅU ÅA µÆattuåili LUGAL.GAL ÅA LUGAL URUKuååar / ∂åiunit k[aniååa ]ndaå (gen.) NUMUN-aå (nom.) “[great-grand]son of Hattuåili (II), Great King, seed of the king of Kuååar (i.e., Æattuåili I) who was recognized by the god” KBo 6.28 obv. 4-5 (Hatt. III) [on this last passage see Goetze 1968, Carruba 1971 78, and especially Güterbock, JNES 29 (1970) 75]. Cf. also the certain restoration in [åumenzan–a] wetnaå mΩn

207 18. Cases: Ablative & Instrumental 208 pankur–åeme[t 1–EN] eådu / [ …-n]uwan eådu åiel ÌR.MEÅ–ÅU [ IÅTU 1 AM]A æaååanteå “Let your clan be united (lit. one) like that of a wetnaå-animal (wolf??)! Let it be […]ed! His servants have been borne [by one mo]ther” KUB 1.16 (Testament of Hatt. I, OH/NS).

18.20 25.6 Less certain is what appears to be a local use of the forms ending in -ed/t, which might also be old locatives (cf. Houwink ten Cate 1967 and Melchert 1977 259f.): nu–wa–mu anda iåtaminit papraææi “(if he comes out of my body in a certain way,) he will defile me on the ear” KUB 33.120 ii 33 (Theogony).

18.21 25.7 Also resembling a usage of the ablative is the instrumental of accompaniment : maææan–ma–at åeæelliyaå witenit appa uwanzi “but when they come back with the water of purification” (KUB 7.20 obv. 10-11).

18.22 27.7.1 Since the Akkadograms IÅTU and QADU could conceivably reflect either the ablative or the instrumental, we cannot identify the following examples with certainty: LÚ URUSalatiwara QADU DUMU.MEÅ-ÅU araiå [nu–mu IGI]-anda / uet “The king (lit. man) of Åalatiwara arose together with his sons, and he came [ag]ainst [me] (in battle)” KBo 3.22:65-66 (Anitta, OS); ÅA GÉME–YA–a–ta kuedani / uddani watarnaææiåkinun / tuel–ma–an–kan maææan / maniyaææanteå IÅTU ZÍD.D[A] / aræa dayair n–an–åan […] / INA URUTaæazzimuna / EGIR-pa peæut[e]r “Concerning what I informed you about my maid servant, when your subjects stole her away together with the flour (she had milled), they carried her back to Tahazzimuna” HKM 42-8 (letter, MH/MS), ed. HBM, pp. 184-187.

18.23 25.8 Instances of what were once thought to be an enclitic possessive pronoun in the instrumental (-met, - tet, -ået, etc.) combined with a substantive in the ablative (so Friedrich 1960, pp. 125f.) have been interpreted as old locative forms in -(e)d rather than instrumentals (Houwink ten Cate 1967): åaræuwandaz–ået “from its stomach” (Laws §90; CREF above §18.2 (*25.2), iååaz– (å)mit “out of their mouths” (Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 137), ZAG-az–tit “on your right” (KUB 31.127 i 66), kartaz–mit “from my heart” (IBoT 3.135:6). To be similarly understood is ket pantalaz “from this moment on” (KUB 11.1 [BoTU 23B] iv 5).

208 19. Cases with Particular Verbs

CHAPTER 19 CASES WITH PARTICULAR VERBS

19.1 26.1 A number of verbs can be construed with different cases, in many instances showing a slightly different meaning.

19.2 26.2 watarnaææ- (1) with the accusative of the person means “to command or commission (someone)”, while (2) with the thing spoken in the acc. and the person in the dative it means “to send a message or announcement to (someone)” (AU 223). Cf. KBo 18.48 obv. 10-11 (interpret contra THeth 16:9).

19.3 26.3 katta dai- (1) with the accusative means “to subjugate (an enemy city)”, while (2) with the dative- locative it means “to beleaguer, besiege (a city)”.

19.4 26.4 naæ- “to fear, be afraid of” governs three different cases: (1) the accusative: naæmi–uå “I fear them” (KUB 8.65:22), (2) the dative-locative: paææuenaåå–a uddani mekki naææanteå eåten “be very careful in the matter of fire” (KUB 13.4 iii 44); (3) the ablative: nu–za æalluwayaza mekki naææanteå eåten “be very careful of strife” (KUB 13.4 iii 43).

19.5 26.5 punuåå- “to ask, inquire” can be construed in two ways. (1) One can say: “to question someone (acc.) about something (dat.-loc.)”, e.g., n–aå ∂UTU-ÅI ANA DI.ÆI.A punuåmi “and I, My Majesty, will question them regarding the legal disputes” (KBo 3.3 iv 9-10); or (2) one can say: “to investigate something (acc.) for someone (dat.-loc.): nu–åmaå–kan LÚSANGA DI.ÆI.A punuåkiddu “The Priest will investigate legal disputes for you (- åmaå)” (KBo 3.3 iii 28-29).

19.6 26.5.1 Similarly the verb wek- “to ask, request” construes with the accusative of the thing requested and the dative of the person asked: kinuna–wa–åmaå kuit wekmi “What now shall I ask from them (i.e., the gods)?” KUB 34.53 rev. 8 (CTH 370).

19.7 26.6 åarra- : (1) (active) with the accusative and no -kan (often with -za) means “to divide something”; while (2) (active or mid.) without -za, but with -kan or -aåta and the accusative and especially when it takes the dative-locative, it means “to pass through, cross over, transgress”.

209 20. Comparison of Adjectives 210

CHAPTER 20 COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES

20.1 27.1 Hittite does not express the comparative (“better”) and superlative (“best”) degree by suffixes, as is the case in Greek -iwn and -istoı or -teroı and -tatoı, and Latin (-ior and -issimus).

20.2 27.2 Some adjectives have suffixes which at an earlier stage of Hittite may have been comparative in nature (Cf. HE §49e, 94 with literature).

20.3 27.2.1 Nevertheless, during the period of the Hittite language as we know it from the Bo©azköy tablets the speakers and writers of Hittite preferred to express the equivalent of English comparative and superlative adjectives (“-er” and “-est”) by syntactic means.

20.4 27.3 The comparative degree was expressed by the predicate adjective governing the object of comparison in the dative-locative case (HE §§221-223). Thus: nu–wa–kan ANA ÉRIN.MEÅ–KA ÉRIN.MEÅ–YA mekki, ANA ANÅE.KUR.RA.MEÅ–KA–ma–wa–tta ANÅE.KUR.RA.MEÅ–YA mekki “my troops (ÉRIN.MEÅ–YA)542 are more numerous (mekki)543 than your troops (ANA ÉRIN.MEÅ–KA); my horses are more numerous than your horses” (KUB 19.29 iv 18ff.); namma–kan anzel æuiåwanni UL ÅA BELU-NI æuiåwatar nakki “if the life of our lord (i.e., the king) (ÅA BELU-NI æuiåwatar) is not dearer (to us) (UL + nakki) than our own life (anzel æuiåwanni)” (KUB 31.42 ii 18ff.); ANA LUGAL KUR KUR URUU-taååa–kan 1-aå LÚtuæukantiå åalliå Ëådu namma–ma–åi–kan lË kuiåki åalliå “Only the crown prince (tuæukantiå) shall be greater than the King of Tarhuntaååa. Let no one else be greater” Bronze Tablet II 80-81 (treaty of Tudh. IV). Note how the local particle - kan is employed in all of the previous (NH) examples. Yet in OH/NS this particle is not always present: Ëååari–åett–a Ëååari 544 GAL-li SAG.DU–ZU ANA SAG.DU–Å[U GAL-li] [K]A≈KAK–ÅU ANA KA≈KAK–ÅU GAL-li IGI.ÆI.A–ÅU ANA IGI.ÆI.A–ÅU GAL-li (21) [a]Ïå–ået–a iååÏ GAL-li EME–ÅU ANA EME–ÅU GAL-li (22) [kap]ru–ået–åta kapruaz GAL-li mieli–åået–a (23) [mi]eliaå GAL-li iåki<å>–ået–åta iåkiåi GAL-li (24) [paltan]aå–åiå!–a(å)ta palta [n]Ï åalliå GAB–ÅU A[NA] (25) [GAB–ÅU åa ]lli ÅÀ–ÅU ANA ÅÀ–ÅU GAL-li “this one’s (literally ‘his’) stature is greater than that one’s (literally ‘his’) stature; his head is greater than his head; his nose is greater than his nose; his eyes …, his mouth …, his tongue …, his mieli … his back is greater than his back” (KUB 43.53 i 19-25, quoted as unpublished by Sommer, HAB 219).

542The Hittite noun underlying ÉRIN.MEÅ is common gender, ÉRIN.MEÅ-a(n)t-.

543The neuter is unexpected here. Perhaps a different, neuter word underlies ÉRIN.MEÅ here; or (more likely) the mekki is a collective in -i; in HE §192 this is attributed to the irregular declension of mekki-. 544Judging from the parallel SAG.DU–ÅU ANASAG.DU –ÅU which follows, the first eååari is nom., and the second dat.-loc. Note that the order of cases differs here from the earlier cited NH examples.

210 20. Comparison of Adjectives 211

20.5 27.3.1 Several observations are pertinent to the KUB 43.53 passage which was just quoted: (1) the local particles -kan or -aåta are missing in some cases in OH (NS), as shown by the first six, the eighth, eleventh and twelfth clauses, but -aåta appears in the seventh (kapru), ninth (iåkiå), and tenth (paltanaå ) clauses; (2) the gender of the predicate adjective is again in most cases neuter,545 although in line 21— EME-ÅU ANA EME-ÅU GAL-li “his tongue is greater than his tongue” — the usual gender of EME (= lala-) is common546; and (3) although the possessive pronoun is employed with both members in all logographic writings, it never appears with the second member (i.e., the dative) in the syllabic writings. An instance of the common gender in such a predicate adjective employed comparatively is in: [paltan ]aå–åiå !–aåta 547 paltanÏ åalliå “his shoulder is larger than his shoulder” KUB 43.53 i 24.

20.6 27.3.2 In line 22 of KUB 43.53 Sommer found a rare example of the ablative of comparison . kapru–åået–aåta kapruaz GAL-li “his kapru is larger than his kapru”. See also Melchert 1977 215f., who regards it as “secondary at best.” Note the presence of the particle -aåta. It would be convenient, if we could show that -kan was used in comparisons with the dat.-loc., while -aåta was used in those with the ablative. But -aåta seems also to occur with dat.-loc. comparisons (see KUB 43.53 i 23-24 in preceding paragraph). So far, only -kan (no -aåta) occurs in the NH examples of this comparative construction. Since this is the only example of an ablative in this function, we suspect that the text is not in order. On Old Script (hyp)archetype could have had that shape of i (HZL #217)) confusable with the Old Script AZ sign (HZL #92/6). In which case a scribe at some point in the chain of transmission wrote original kap-ru-i as kap-ru-az. At least this is a possible explanation, if we hesitate in accepting this rare construction on the basis of a single example.

20.7 27.4 The syntactic construction employed for comparison is the same when the predicate is the stative verb takk- “to be like” (active and middle): GIÅTUKUL.ÆI.A-eå–w[a–tta] / åalli æ„wanti æatugai kari[tti ……] / weteni takkantari “[Your] weapons are like the great wind, the terrifying flood, and the […] water” KBo 22.6 i 26-28, and a long series of clauses involving the body parts in KUB 43.53 i 2’-15’. In the latter passage, as a few lines later in the long passage cited above from i 19’-25’, the occurrence or non-occurrence of local particles (in this case -apa) seems arbitrary. It occurs in 4 out of 23 clauses (lines 4, 5, 7, 15). In two of the four instances the noun has the clitic possessive, and in two it does not.

20.8 27.5 To express the superlative degree in post-OH one construes the adjective with the loc. pl. in -aå: åallayaå–kan DINGIR.MEÅ-aå kuiå åalliå “he who among the great gods is the great(est)” KUB 31.141:3. Often the dat.-loc. plural is further strengthened by æ„mant- “all”: DINGIR.MEÅ-naå æ„mandaå ∂Zaåæapunaå åalliå

545Since in this case we are not dealing with any form of plurality, the collective interpretation of the forms in -i is no longer open to us. 546Note, however, that in two passages cited in CHD sub lala-, namely KBo 2.3 i 50 (MH/NS) and KBo 23.72 rev. 24 (OH or MH/MS) there is a nominative form EME-an, which has to be neuter. Perhaps in KUB 43.53 too EME is neuter. 547Emend -åi-ta-aå-ta here to -åi-åa!-aå-ta for the correct common gender form.

211 20. Comparison of Adjectives 212

“among all the gods Zaåæapuna is the great(est)” KBo 3.7 iv 15ff. (Illuyanka myth, OH/NS); nu–za æ„mandaå–pat appezziå DUMU-aå eåun “among (or ‘of’?) all (the children) I was the young(est) child” Hatt. i 11.

20.9 27.5.1 Occasionally also strengthened by iåtarna “in the midst of”: KUR-e–kan iåtarna apΩå æappinanza “in the midst of the land (i.e., in all the land) he was the rich(est)” KUB 24.8+ i 10-11 (Appu story); even with an adjectival verb: DINGIR-LIM DINGIR.MEÅ-aå iåtarna taræuileåzi “the god is the bravest among the gods” KUB 36.55 ii 31-32.

20.10 27.5.2 When the adjective is not a predicate, the objects with which comparison is made stand not in the dat.-loc. but in the genitive: daååuå–a–åi ∂Anuå DINGIR.MEÅ-aå æantezziyaå–åmiå peran–ået arta “mighty Anu, foremost of the gods, stands before him” KUB 33.120 i 9 (Song of Kumarbi myth).548

20.11 27.5.3 Since all the examples cited in §20.8-10 stem from post-OH, where -aå can be either dat.-loc. or gen. plural, caution is needed in the case identification.

548æantezziyaå–åmiå “their foremost” is in apposition to the grammatical subject daååuå ∂Anuå in this example.

212 21. Adverbs & Adverbial Endings 213

CHAPTER 21 ADVERBS AND ADVERBIAL ENDINGS

21.1 28.1 Whereas an adjective is a word that qualifies a noun, an adverb is one that qualifies a verb, an adverb, or another adjective. The italicized words in the following examples are English adverbs: “he walks slowly,” “the day has ended too soon,” “she is less talkative than her neighbor.”

21.2 28.1.1 Adverbs can be derived from other parts of speech by the addition of a suffix or by the use of a particular noun case (CREF §16.25 (*§23.3.3). On adverbs formed on a demonstrative base CREF §12.9 (*19.1.3).

21.3 In the examples cited below note that the same adverb may be assigned to several categories. For example, apiya is listed below in local (“there”) and temporal (“then”) meanings, as is kuwapi “where, when.”

21.4 28.1.2.1 Local Adverbs : kΩ “here” (OH kΩni), kËt “on this side,”549 kez “from here, on this side” (often in correlation kËz … kËzzi–ya “on this side … on that side”), apiya “there,” apeda (OH), apadda, apaddan (post-OH) “there, to that place, for that reason,” apez “from that place,”550 ediz “on that side of,” kuwapi “where, whither,” kuwapiya “everywhere,”551 kuwapit “where, whither,” kuwapitta “everywhere,” kuwatta “wherever,” dameda “elsewhere,” 1-eda “alone,” anda(n) “inside, within,” andurza “on the inside; from inside,” araæza “on the outside; from outside,” araæzanda “around, about,” aræa “away,” Ωåkaz “outside,” menaææanda “opposite, against” (usually a preverb or postposition, not an adv.), parΩ “further, in addition,” peran “in front,” åer “above,” åarΩ “upwards,” katta “below,” kattanta “downward,” tapuåa, tapuåza “alongside, laterally, to the side,” aræayan “separately,” t„wa and t„waz “at a distance, remotely,” maninkuwan “nearby, in the vicinity,” duwan … duwan “here … there; in this direction … in that (the opposite) direction.”

21.5 28.1.2.2 Temporal Adverbs : Most of these occur in main clauses: kinun “now” (with a form of kΩ/Ï- “this” plus nun; cf. in reverse order Latin nunc), apiya “then,” kuwapi(k)ki “anywhere, anytime,” natta kuwapikki “nowhere, never,” kuwapiya “always, whenever,” kar„ “formerly, long ago,” anniåan “formerly” (§12.29 (*19.5),

549takku ket (var. B kez) ÍD-az 2 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR pai / takku edi ÍD-az nu–ååe 3 ≠GÍN± KÙ.BABBAR pai “If (it happens) on this side of the river, he shall pay two shekels of silver; if on that side of the river, he shall give him three shekels of silver” LAW 22 (A i 49b-50); [(UGULA LÚ.MEÅ MUÆALDIM)] / æaååaå katta ket arta “The foreman of the cooks stands next to the fireplace on this side” KBo 17.15 obv. 14-15. 550kinuna apez dΩ / nu apË NUMUN.ÆI.A anniya “Now take from there and sow those seeds” HKM 54:25-26; [m]Ωn SÍGmaiåtan–a maåiwantan waåtanzi / [n]–uå ∂UTU-ÅI kezza zaææiyami zik–uå apezza zaææiyaåi “If they fail (to give) so much as a tiny bit of wool, I, My Majesty, will fight them from this side, and you shall fight them from that side” KBo16.47:8-9. 551menaææanda[(–ya–åa)n k(urakki)] / tapuwaå ZAG-ni GÙB-li nu kuwapi–ya QATAMMA 4 wallu[å dai ] “Opposite the pillar, alongside, on the right, on the left — everywhere in the same way [he deposits] four walluå” KBo 4.1 rev. 3-4. kuwapiya also means “whenever”, see §28.1.2.2.

213 21. Adverbs & Adverbial Endings 214 lukkatta “on the morrow,” zilatiya, ziladuwa (Luwian loanword) “subsequently, in the future,” katta–ma “later on, afterwards,” EGIR-ÅU-MA “afterwards, later,” n„wa “still, yet,” nawi “not yet,” peran parΩ “provisionally, previously,” duwan parΩ “until now,” æ„dΩk “immediately, suddenly,” lammar or lamnÏ “instantly, immediately,”552 lammar lammar “at any moment,” 1-anki “immediately, at once,” paræeåni “quickly,” kuååanka “anytime, whenever,” UL kuååanka “never,” appan (EGIR-an) “afterwards,” appaåiwatti (EGIR-pa-UD(.KAM)-ti) “in the future,” karuwariwar “early in the morning,” æandaiåi meæuni “in the heat of the day, at noon,” nekuz (meæur) “in the evening,” miåtiliya meæur (a time of day), iåpandaz “at night,” UD.KAM-az “in the daytime,” tapeåni “previously(?),” annaz(a) “at one time, formerly” (§12.29 (*19.5). A few occur in both main and subordinate (i.e., dependent) clauses: kuwapi “when” (§30.22), kuitman “while” (§38.21 (*43.1.1), kuååan “when, as soon as”, maææan “when.”

21.6 28.1.2.2.1 An adverb can be both temporal and interrogative: kuwapi “when? where?”, maææan “when?” Interrogative adverbs stand in main clauses unless they mark indirect questions (§30.20ff. (*37.3.1).

21.7 28.1.2.3 Adverbs of Kind and Manner : Most occur in main clauses: kiååan “thus, as follows,”553 apeniååan “thus, as just seen or said,” eniååan “thus, in the previously mentioned manner” (CREF §12.27 (*19.7), apeda (OH), apadda, apaddan “for this reason, therefore,” kuwat or kuit “why?,” kuwatka “somehow, perhaps,” UL kuwatka “by no means, in no way,” arumma “highly, exceedingly,” namma “furthermore, next, finally,” imma “actually, really,” katta “accordingly, subsequently,” karåi “really, truly, genuinely,” maææan “how?” “as,” manka (usually UL manka) “in some way, in any way,” kuwatta kuwatta “in every respect.”554 One occurs in both main and subordinate (i.e., dependent) clauses: maææan “as, how.”

21.8 28.1.3 Adverbial phrases are formed with the postpositional iwar “in the manner of, like,” which governs the noun preceding it in the genitive case (LÚSAGI-aå iwar “in the manner of a cupbearer”) (see Hoffner 1993 and CREF §17.25), and the postpositive conjunctions mΩn (CHD mΩn mng. 1) and maææan “like” (CREF §23.20 (*29.6).

21.9 28.1.4 Distributive adverbs (CREF §27.11, §33.49, §33.84 (*33.2) are formed by repetition: ilani ilani “gradually, step by step, witti witti (MU-ti MU-ti) “year by year”, ITU-mi ITU-mi “month by month”, ” UD-at UD-at “day by day,” GEfl-ti GEfl-ti “night by night,” lammar lammar “moment by moment,” “at any moment,” KASKAL-åi KASKAL-åi “trip by trip”, KISLAÆ-az KISLAÆ-az “from each threshing floor” KBo 16.72:5’, ZAG.GAR.RA ZAG.GAR.RA “altar after altar”, etc. See also É DINGIR-LIM É DINGIR-LIM Bo 6251 obv. 3, and gipeåni gipeå[ni] KUB 45.78 iv? 3’. For the use of such distributives of time words with -åke- verbs CREF §27.11.

552n=an MAÆAR ∂[UTU-ÅI] / lammar / uwada[ndu] “Let them conduct him immediately to My Majesty” HKM 12 rev. 3-5.

553For kiååan in interrogative clauses CREF §37.1.1 and 37.1.1.1.

554µAåkaliyaå URUÆurmi eåta apΩå=a / kuwatta kuwatta LÚ.MEÅ (var. LÚ-eå) Ëåta “Askaliya lived (lit. was) in Hurma, and he was a man in every respect” CTH 8 (A=KBo 3.34) ii 8-9.

214 21. Adverbs & Adverbial Endings 215

21.10 28.2 As derived adverbs one finds either (1) frozen case forms of nouns, or (2) derivations from adjectives. Examples of the former are: the accusatives æantezzi “at first opportunity” (§14.23 (*21.3), karuwariwar “in the morning,” nekuz meæur “in the evening”; the dat.-loc. forms aååuli “in a friendly manner,” paræeåni “in haste,” tapeåni “at the first”; the ablatives kunnaz (ZAG-az) “on the right,” iåkiåaz “backwards,” æantezziyaz “forwards” (on these CREF §18.5 (*25.2.3), t„waz “at a distance,” tapuåza “to the side,” annaz “formerly,” åiwattaz (UD.KAM-az555) “in the daytime,” iåpandaz (GEfl.KAM-az) “at night.”556

21.11 28.3 The neuter nom.-acc. of adjectives can serve as an adverb: (1) in the singular: tepu “somewhat, a little, a bit,” mekki “very, greatly,” karåi in LÚ.KÚR karåi zaææiyaddumat “really/truly fight the enemy!” (KUB 13.20 i 19); Ωååu in mΩn antuæåan kuinki Ωååu parΩ æuittiyan æarmi “if I have well preferred any person” (Huqq. §28, line 9 f.); but cf. n–an parΩ Ωååui æuittiyanneåkimi (KUB 1.16 ii 17); (2) in the plural: æatuga (< *æatugaya) “in a terrifying manner,” munnanda “secretly, hidden.”

21.12 28.4 A special adverbial suffix is -ili (originally perhaps neut. nom.-acc. sg. of adjectives like karuili- “old”). It is suffixed directly to consonantal stems: pittiyantili “like a fugitive (pittiyant-),” karuååiyantili “quietly” (karuååiyant-),” MU.KAM-li or MU-tili (witt-) “annually, yearly,” UD.KAM-tili (åiwatt-) “daily,”; suffixed to the oblique stem of the r/n heteroclitic nouns: æaranili “like an eagle (æaran- ), swiftly”; and elides the a of a-stem nouns: MUNUS-nili “of a womanly nature (*kuinna-?),” LÚ-ni-li (piåna-) “in a manly way”; and cf. duddumili “silently,” æaluganili “like a messenger,” GUD-li “like an ox,” LIM-tili “by the thousands”. Since we lack a good example of an adverb based on a u-stem, it is unclear how -ili was suffixed to such nouns, although probably the u was not elided. One assumes that it would have been analogous to the formation of the adjective karuili- “primordial” from the adverb kar„ “long ago” and the adjective taræuili “valiant-.” When based upon geographic names, -ili often denotes the language (or some other cultural characteristic) of that region: URUniåili, naåili and neåumnili (the latter two without det.) “in the language of the city of Neåa,” “in Hittite,” URUæattili “in the (pre-IE) language of the Hattians,” “in Hattic,” luwili (without determinative) “in the Luwian language,” URUpalaumnili “in the language of the land of Pala,” “in Palaic,” URUæurlili “in Hurrian,” URUpabilili “in Akkadian,” laæåanili “in the mode/manner of the city Laæåan” (a dance style), æuppiååanili “in the mode/manner of the city Æubiåna” (a dance style). For a full list of the adverbs in -ili (without translations) see Reichert 1963 120.

21.13 28.5 Adverbial ideas expressed with finite verbs attached to the infinitive: nu [k]uitman akkuåkanzi kuitman a[kuan]na æ„manteå / iræanzi [i]åæamiåkan–ma apa [t] SÌR / n–at iåæamiyawanzi EGIR-pa a [rku]åkanzi “and while they are drinking, while all are completing the drinking, that song is being song, and they sing it responsively (lit., they keep making answer in song)” KUB 25.37 + 35.131 + 51.9 i 38-40 (CTH 771.1); maniyaææiaå iåæan / kuin BEL-ÅU iezi nu–ååan apedani / URU-ri EGIR-an IGI.DU°.ÆI.A dΩnna maknut “(This is the man) whom his lord

555Puhvel thinks UD.KAM-az is to be interpreted here as the nominative *åiwaz. 556

215 21. Adverbs & Adverbial Endings 216 makes a district governor, and behind (the back of) the city he took tribute excessively (lit. behind the city he increased to take tribute)” KBo 32.14 iii 13-15 (Song of Release); nu maææan ∂Hepadduå ∂Taåmiåun auåta / nu–kan ∂Hepaduå åuææaz katta mauååuwanzi waqqareå “And when Æebat saw Taåmiåu, she nearly fell down from the roof (lit., she lacked to fall down …)” KBo 26.65 ii 7-8 (Song of Ullik.).

21.14 28.5.1 The opposite distribution is also attested, where the equivalent of the adverb is the infinitive, not the finite verb. This is best seen with the verb liliwaææ-, for which see CHD L-N s.v. and: ape[d]a[n]i KUR-e / Å[A GE]ÅTIN ÅA GUD.[Æ]I.A UDU.ÆI.A / uttar ku[i]t / maææan nu–[m]u / liliwaææuwanz[i] / æatrai HKM 4:4-9; maææan–åamaå / kΩå tuppianza anda / wemizzi nu annin / 1 LIM 7 ME 1 ÉRIN.MEÅ URUIåæupitta / liliwaææuwanzi / ninikten HKM 20:4-9; n–an MAÆAR∂UTU- ÅI I[N]A UD.2.K[AM URUÅ]apinuwa / liliwaææuwanzi / uwatetten HKM 20:10-12; and other examples in the Ma®at letters, and the broken passage in KBo 32.37:8 [… li]liwaææuwanzi zaiå […] “he crossed hastily ….”

21.15 28.6 An adjective (or participle) in the nominative (appositional to the subject) can function like an adverb from the English point of view. CREF §15.13.

216 22. Preverbs 217

CHAPTER 22 PREVERBS

22.1. 17.5 As in other Indo-European languages the basic meaning of the simple verbal stem is modified by the addition of preverbs. Unlike some other IE languages, however, Hittite permits more classes of words to intervene between the preverb and the verb.

22.2. 17.51 In Hittite very few truly inseparable preverbs exist, chiefly u- “here” and p(e)- “there”, attested in the pairs: uda- “to carry here” and peda- “to carry away”, uiya- “to send here” and peya- “to send away”, unna- “to drive here” and penna- “to drive away”, uwate- “to lead here” and peæute- “to lead away”, which are always written as single words. An exception is pe in pe æar- “to bring, present”, in which the preverb is clearly separable: pe–pat æarkanzi “they shall also present (it)”. On the particle -pat see Chapter 33.

22.3. 17.5.2 Otherwise, all Hittite preverbs are separable. But only words of certain classes (chiefly negations, indefinite pronouns, etc.) are allowed to intervene between preverb and verb, unless the preverb is fronted in the clause: anda–ååan parna nΩwi paizzi , [GAM-an åarΩ–m]Ω–mu lΩlit Ëpten, åarΩ–ma[–wa kui]å kuiå LUGAL-uå iåparzazi. Analyzing by means of these word-order criteria, Zuntz (1936) and Goetze (1963) were able to begin the difficult task of distinguishing between a word’s use as a preverb and its use as postposition or “adverb” in the wider sense. There are many cases, however, in which even the diligent application of Zuntz’s and Goetze’s rules does not allow us to ascertain whether a particular word is being employed as preverb, postposition or adverb. In such cases it is permitted to identify the word as an “adverb” in the wider sense. See also Boley 1985.

22.4. 17.5.3 The most common preverbs are: anda(n) “into”, appa(n) “back, again”, aræa “away”, katta(n) “down”, parΩ “forth, forward,” peran “before”, åarΩ “up”, åer “over, above”. The force of each can be best detected through a study of the various verbs with which it combines and the resulting meanings of each combination. Especially helpful in this respect are verbs of perambulation or motion: iya- “to go”, pai- “to go,” uwa- “to come,” unna- and penna- “to drive here/there”, ar- “to come, arrive”, tiya- “to arrive, enter”, piddai- “to run”, æuwai- “to run, flee”, nai- “to turn, go”, etc. It can be seen from the above list that, even without recourse to preverbs, the Hittite language possessed a stock of verbs of motion which distinguished direction of movement. The preverbs added still more precision.

22.5. 17.5.4 Two preverbs can occur on a single verb: appan anda pai-, åer aræa da-, appa åarΩ da-, peran katta, iåtarna aræa . In some cases the first of two adverb/preverbs indicates the starting point of the motion (e.g., åer katta “down from above”), while in others merely specifies the direction indicated by the second (peran katta “down in front of”). Limited to the first position in such a chain of two preverbs is awan, which occurs in awan aræa, awan katta and awan åarΩ . Since awan does not occur without another preverb following it, some believe that awan has no special meaning of its own, but merely intensifies the following preverb (HW2, HED). Melchert

217 22. Preverbs 218

1996 135 proposed that awan aræa pΩi- meant “to go past (the side of).” For a wide range of these constructions with tentative translations fo each see CHD P 18-19 (table of contents of pai- article).

218 23. Postpositions 219

CHAPTER 23 POSTPOSITIONS

23.1 29.1 Instead of prepositions Hittite has postpositions. Some scholars call these “place words”. They serve the same function as the prepositions of the other IE languages: they lend greater precision to the local or temporal distinctions provided by the case forms of the noun. At times the distinction in Hittite between adverb and postposition is barely detectable: aræa, parΩ, katta, peran, and others can be used as either.

23.2 29.1.1 Often the bare case form expresses without postposition the spatial relationship which we would indicate in English with a prepositional phrase: É-ri (*peri) or É-ni (parni ) “in the house”, parnaz “out of (or from) the house”. See Chapters 17 (genitive, dative, locative, allative, and 18 (ablative, instrumental).

23.3 29.2 In answer to the questions “in what place?” (kuwapi or kuedani pedi) and “when?” or “at what time?” (kuwapi) the Hittites used the dat.-loc. case of a place or time word, often in combination with a postposition.

23.4 The following postpositions govern the dat.-loc., at least in Middle and New Hittite (CREF §17.44 (*§24.7.6). Some governed the genitive in Old Hittite (§3.38 (*8.5), §17.24).

23.5 anda or andan “in, into”: É-ri anda (n) “in the house”, KUR-e anda uit “he came into the land”, aååuwaå anda “among (his) possessions/goods”, aååawaå antuæåaå anda “among good people”, ÆUR.SAGÆapadduini anda “in Mt. H.”, KUR kururÏ anda “into an enemy land”, ulinÏ anda “into the clay”, kiååari anda “in the hand”, KASKAL- åi anda “on the road”, kuedanikki anda iåtamaåå- “to hear from/via someone”, tuekki–ååi anda “on his body”, aåanduli anda “in garrison”.

23.6 Ωppa or Ωppan “(spatially) behind, (temporally) after”: Étarnui Ωppan “behind the tarnu -building”, URU- ri EGIR-an “behind the city”, ANA MUNUS-TI unuwanti EGIR-an “behind the dressed-up woman”, taråanzipi EGIR-an “behind the platform(?)”, æantezzi æubruåæi EGIR-an “behind/after the first æ.-vessel”; in Old Hittite governing the genitive: [nu µPi]tæanaå attaå–maå Ωppan “after (the death of) Pitæana, my father” KBo 3.22:10, 30 (Anitta text, OS); kuiå ammel Ωppan LUGAL-uå kiåar[i ..] “whoever becomes king after me” KBo 3.22:22, 49 (OS);

23.7 æandaå “in accord with”: nakkiyanni æandaå “in accord with the dignity (of my brother)”;

23.8 iåtarna “in the midst of”: åiunaå (DINGIR.MEÅ-aå) iåtarna “among the gods, in the midst of the gods”, ANA KUR URUÆatti iåtarna “in the midst of Æattuåa”;

23.9 katta or kattan “with, alongside of, to (a position with)”: tukka katta “with you” (“where you are”), nu–mu kΩ ANÅE.KUR.RA.MEÅ kuiåki kattan / n–an–da uppaææi “I will dispatch to you what chariotry is here with me”; ka[tti–mi] SIGfi-in tugga katta SIGfi-i[n] / Ëå[t]u “It is well with me; may it also be well with you” ABoT 65 obv. 3-4; ammuk kattan “with me” KUB 23.77a (+) 13.27 + 23.77 + 26.40 rev. 67. Although in NH katta(n)

219 23. Postpositions 220 governs the dat.-loc., in OH it governs the genitive: annaå–maå katta “with my mother, where my mother is”; takku LÚ-iå GUD-aå katta waåtai “If a man has sexual relations (lit. ‘sins’) with a cow” (Laws §291, OH); UDU- aå katta “with a sheep” Laws §291, apel–pat annaå –åaå katta “with her mother”, … DUMU.MUNUS-aå katta “with the daughter” … DUMU.NITA-aå katta “with a son” Laws §189; GÉME-aå naåma MUNUSKAR.KID-aå katta “with either a slave girl or a prostitute” Laws §291;557 [(UGULA LÚ.MEÅ MUÆALDIM)] æaååaå katta ket arta “the overseer of the cooks stands here, next to the brazier”; ammel katta “with (or: to) me” KUB 36.44 iv 4; nu ∂Telepinu[å ∂UTU-un] / arunaå–a DUMU.MUNUS-SU arunaz EGIR-[pa uwatet ] / n–uå ∂IM-aå kattan pe [æutet] “Telepinu brought the Sungod and the daughter of the Sea(god) back from the sea and conducted them to the Stormgod (∂IM-aå kattan )” KUB 12.60 i 13-15 (myth, OH/NS).

23.10 katta or kattan “under, below”, mostly with the locative: GIÅBANÅUR-i katta(n) “under the table”, ÍD-i katta(n) “down to the river”; anda–ma–kan UDU-un kuwapi kuewen nu linkiya / kattan kiååan daiwen “meanwhile when we had killed a sheep (as part of the treaty-making ceremony), we place (the following obligations) under oath” KBo 16.47:15-16 (treaty); GIÅæatalkiåni kattan tuli[yaå pedi] “under the hawthorn tree, in the place of assembly”; with the genitive : nepiåaå kattan uliliåkiddumat “under heaven you (pl., addressing trees) were growing” (cf. also Neu 1968b sub uliliya-).

23.11 peran558 “before”, in NH with the locative: karti–åmi peran “before their hearts (i.e., to themselves),” ∂UTU-i peran “before the Sungod,” åiuni–mi peran “before my god,” GIÅBANÅUR-i peran “in front of the table”, in Old Hittite with the genitive: LUGAL-waå pËran “before the king”; also in New Hittite in the sense of “because of”: kaåti peran akkiå “He died from (i.e., because of) hunger”, inani peran “on account of illness,” pittuliyai peran “because of fear.”

23.12 åarΩ “up onto” (answering the question “to what place?”), mostly with the locative: åuææi åarΩ “up onto the roof”; GIÅDAG-ti åarΩ “up onto the dais”, NA›æuwaåiya åarΩ “up to the stela”, URUTaæurpi åarΩ “up to the city of Tahurpa”, Éæilamni åarΩ “up to the portico (or: gate structure)”; sometimes with allative : DINGIR-LUM–kan KÁ.GAL-åa åarΩ ari “the (statue of the) god comes up to the main gate”, åuææa åarΩ paizzi “he goes up onto the roof”.

23.13 åer “upon, over, above, on behalf of, concerning”, usually with the locative: åuææi åer “on top of the roof”, ÆUR.SAG-i åer “on top of the mountain”, NUMUN-ni åer NUMUN-an “seed upon seed”, ÌR-i åer “on the slave’s

557 NH copies of the laws substituted loc. (ANÅE.KUR.RA-i) or acc. (arnuwalan ) for these genitives (cf. Laws §200 in KBo 6.26).

558This word is written either pé-e-ra-an or pé/pí-ra-an. Many Hittitologists, considering the transliteration pí as “unmarked”, represent the word even in broad transcription as piran . But only once (in an Old Script tablet) is there a writing pí-i-ra-an, and this passage is suspect.

220 23. Postpositions 221 behalf”, ANA LÚ.MEÅ KURAmurra åer “because of the people of Amurru”, kuedani åer “for the sake of what?” LUGAL-waå ZI-ni åer “for the sake of the king’s life/soul”, memiyani åer “concerning the matter”.

23.14 29.2.1 Many of these same words which we are calling postpositions occur like substantives with neuter sg. enclitic possessive suffixes (cf. Houwink ten Cate and Josephson 1967 123ff., Otten and Souc√ek 1969 70-73, Otten 1973 44f., Neu 1983 96): EGIR-an–åamet “after/behind them”, åËr–ået “on his behalf”, peran–tet “before you”. When this kind of peran takes enclitic pronouns beginning with m or å, the final n assimilates: peraåået “before him/her”, perammet “before me”. In the preceding examples the place words look like nom.-acc. neuter substantives. In other examples a different group of postpositions look like dat.-loc. forms: iåtarni–åummi “in our midst” (= anzaå iåtarna) , katti–tti “together with you” (= tuk katta), katti–åummi “with us” (= anzaå katta ). Cf. §18.9.3.

23.15 29.3 In answer to the question “from what place?” the Hittites used the ablative often in combination with one of the above-mentioned postpositions: URU-az katta “down from the city” (ancient Anatolian cities were built on hills or mounds), A.AB.BA-az åarΩ “up from the sea”, URUGaåipuraz åarΩ “up from Gaåipura”, æanteånaz åarΩ “up from the hole (in the ground)”. Another use of the ablative without postposition is in indicating directions (CREF §18.5 (*§25.2.3): kunnaz “on the right”, GÙB-laz “on the left”, æantezziyaz “in front”, appezziyaz “in the rear”. But see tuzziyaz appa “behind the army” (not “from behind the army”!).

23.16 29.3.1 Also governing the dat.-loc. is tapuåza (tapuåa ) “alongside of”: æaååÏ (or GUNNI-i) tapuåza “alongside the brazier”, patteåni tapuåza “beside the hole”, tabarwaåui tapuåza “beside the t.-bread”, GIÅDAG-ti tapuåza “beside the dais”, luttiya tapuåza “by the window”, æuwaåiya tapuåza “beside the stela”. It is possible that tapuåza is an ablative of direction (cf. §18.5 (*25.2.3) from the å-stem noun tapuå- “side”. A.AB.BA tapuåa “to the (other?) side of the sea; overseas”.

23.17 29.3.2 Normally governing the ablative is parΩ “forth from, out of”: GIÅZA.LAM.GAR-az parΩ “out of the tent”; yet one also finds KÁ-aå parΩ “out of the gate”, in which the noun in -aå is not an ablative.

23.18 29.4 parranda and pariya(n) both mean “over, across, beyond; out in”, yet parranda governs the dat.- loc., while pariya(n) governs the accusative: aruni parranda or arunan pariyan “across the sea” or “out in(to) the sea”.

23.19 29.5 The postposition iwar “in the manner of; as” governs the genitive. Usually it follows its noun: IN.NU.DA-aå iwar “like straw”. Rarely, in later NH, it precedes it like a preposition.

23.20 29.6 An older view claimed that the postpositives mΩn and maææan “like, as” governed the genitive case (Goetze and Pedersen 1934), but it has since been shown that these govern whatever case the noun or pronoun to which they make a comparison is in (Güterbock 1943 154). Postpositional comparative mΩn (cf. CHD L-N mΩn 1 w. lit.) is attested from Old Hittite onwards (Neu 1974 103f. with n. 227; contra Kammenhuber 1969a 280f.). Cf. §21.8 (*28.1.3).

221 24. Verbal Voice 222

CHAPTER 24 VERBAL VOICE

24.1 31.0 Hittite possesses two sets of finite verb form endings (active and middle) and one non-finite (participle) for the distinction of voice. On the basis of translational equivalents we may speak of three “voices” in the Hittite verb: the active, the passive, and the middle.

24.2 31.1 The active and passive are easily defined. The active voice is the form of the verb which represents the subject as the initiator of the action. The passive voice is the form of the verb which represents the grammatical subject as the direct recipient of the action. A definition given for the Greek middle is: “in the middle voice the subject is represented as acting upon himself, or in some manner which concerns himself” (Goodwin 1965 267). This definition may help in the interpretation of many Hittite medio-passive forms, but it will by no means explain them all.

24.3 31.2 Active verbs differentiate further into transitive and intransitive . The former take an accusative object, while the latter do not. Sample transitive verbs are epp- “to seize”, da- “to take”, dai- “to put”, pai- “to give”, walæ- “to strike, hit”, and kuer- “to cut”. These and a few others are always transitive, i.e., they are never without an expressed object. Sample intransitive active verbs are: eå- “to be”, aå- “to be left over, remain”, åeå- “to sleep”, up- “to rise (of the sun)”, iåpart- “to escape, survive”, and æark- “to perish”. These and a few others are always intransitive, i.e., they never take a direct object (except for “inner objects”, aååu åaåtan åeå- ). A number of active verbs can either take a direct object or not: åakuwai(a)- “to look” or “to see (someone)”, taræ- “to prevail” or “to defeat (someone)”, naæ- “to be afraid” or “to fear (someone)”, penna- “to drive.” The difference in usage is sometimes marked by the addition of -za (cf. §32.24-32.28). Garrett 1996 has introduced the term “detransitives” for those normally transitive verbs which suppress their direct objects (CREF §31.9).

24.4 31.3 What we translate in English as passive constructions correspond in Hittite to: (1) participles of transitive verbs used as predicate nominatives in “to be” sentences (i.e., with the verb eå- expressed or implied) (CREF §24.12 (*31.5); (2) the medio-passive voice of some verbs which are transitive in the active voice (CREF §24.6 (*31.4.1).

24.5 31.4 First we must consider the uses of the medio-passive forms themselves (cf. Neu 1968b; 1968a).

24.6 31.4.1 Some medio-passive verbs can be considered as passives : armizziya- (act.) “to bridge something”, (medio-passive) “to be bridged (of a river)”; æalzai- (act.) “to call for, name”, (mid.) “to be called”; æamenk- (act.) “to bind”, (mid.) “to be bound”; other verbs of this category with their middle translations are: æanna- “to be judged”, aå(åa)nu- “to be brought into order”, arai- “to be stopped”, ariya- “to be investigated by oracle”, iåtamaå- “to be heard”, au(å)- “to be seen”; immiya- “to be mixed”, kariya- “to be covered”, lΩ- “to be loosed”, laæuwa- “to

222 24. Verbal Voice 223 be poured (liquids)”, and lag- “to be knocked down, knocked crooked”. It is not claimed that every medio-passive form of the above listed verbs must be interpreted as passive, only that at least one example of each verbis such.

24.7 31.4.2 Other medio-passive forms are reflexives: nai- (act.) “to turn something”, (mid.) “to turn oneself”, unuwai- (act.) “to decorate”, (mid.) “to decorate oneself”, cf. aåeåke- (mid.) “to seat oneself”, arra- (mid.) “to wash oneself”, karp(iya)- (mid.) “to lift oneself”, munnai- (mid.) “to hide oneself”, ÌR-naææ- “to subject oneself” (with -za).

24.8 31.4.3 Still others, when plural, can be understood as reciprocals : zaææiya- (mid.) “to fight each other”, ep-/ap- (mid.) “to take each other by the hand”, åarra- (mid.) “to part from each other”, æanna- (mid., and -za) “to contend with each other (in court)”.

24.9 31.4.4 One group of medio-passives shows a difference in meaning from the corresponding actives, but not in any predictable or uniform way: iræai- (act.) “to bound or limit”, (mid.) “to come to an end”; æandai- (act.) “to fit something together, match, correlate, mate; prepare”, (mid.) “to be determined (by oracle)”; zinna- (act.) “to put an end to”, (mid.) “to come to an end”, etc.

24.10 31.4.5 Several verbs with intransitive sense are inflected only as middles: eå- “to take one’s seat, sit down”, ar- “to be standing”, kiå- “to occur, happen, become”, ki- “to be situated, lie”, aååiya- “to be dear, loved”, æaliya- “to prostrate oneself”, igai- “to become cold”, iåduwa- “to become known”, dukk- “to be seen, be observed, regarded, important”, pangariya- “to be widespread, general”, etc. Some of these are semantically “transformative” or “change of state” (eå-, kiå-, æaliya-, igai-, iåduwa-) and others stative (ar-, ki-, aååiya-, dukk-, pangariya- ).

24.11 31.4.6 Hittite also has verbs inflected as middles that have transitive meaning (so-called “deponents”): paæå- “to guard”, åarra- (with -kan) “to transgress”, parå-, paråai-, paråiya- “to break (bread)”. Most of these are also attested with active forms in the same meaning. The latter tend to spread at the expense of the former from OH to NH. Often the middle forms of such verbs are preferred in OH and MH, and the active forms in NH. A few intransitive verbs also are attested with both active and middle forms with no apparent difference in meaning: æuwa-/æuya- “to flee, run”. This last type is not strictly speaking “deponent”.

24.12 31.5 The medio-passive is only rarely used to express the passive of verbs which exist also in the active. Usually constructions employing the (passive) participle in -ant- are employed (§24.4). On participles see Houwink ten Cate 1973a; Laroche 1975; Wagner 1985; Boley 1984 and Chapter 28.

24.13 31.5.1 The following are examples of passive participles of transitive verbs used as predicates and the verb “to be” expressed: nu utnË maniyaææeåkir / nu URU.DIDLI.ÆI.A GAL.GAL-TIM tittiyanteå eåer “They governed the land, and the large cities were assigned (to them)” KBo 3.1+ i 10-11 (Telipinu proclamation, OH/NS); n–apa ÅEÅ.MEÅ-ÅU / DUMU.MEÅ-ÅU LÚ.MEÅ gaenaå–åiå LÚ.MEÅ æaååannaå–åaå U ÉRIN.MEÅ / taruppanteå aåandu “Let (the future king’s) brothers, sons, in-laws, the men of his clan and (his) troops be united” KBo 3.1+ ii 40-42 (Tel. pr., OH/NS); nu–za PANI LÚ.KÚR / mekki paææaååanuanza / Ëå “Be very much on your guard (lit. be

223 24. Verbal Voice 224 protected) before the enemy!” HBM 1:11-13 (Ma®at letter, MH/MS); URU.DIDLI.ÆI.A–ma kuieå ÅA KUR URUHatti iåtappanteå eåer “What cities of the Land of Hatti were blockaded” Hatt. ii 41-42; (The birds which you sent to me,) n–at aræa æarranteå eåer “they were spoiled, (so I didn’t eat them)” AT 125:12 (Hittite letter from Alalakh, NH); (Let those who prepare the daily bread be clean;) war[p]antiå–at kartanteå aåandu iåæeniuå–åmaå–kan åankuwa–ya dΩn Ëåta “let them be washed and clean, and let the body hair and fingernails be removed from them” KUB 13.4 i 15-15 (instructions for priests and temple personnel, NS).

24.14 31.5.2 With the verb “to be” unexpressed: åÏËl ÌR.MEÅ-ÅU [IÅTU 1 AM]A æaååanteå “her servants (are) born [of one mo]ther” KUB 1.16 ii 47 (OH/NS); memiyaå … iåtantanza “the matter (is) delayed” KUB 21.5 i 6 (Alakå. treaty); [GIÅBANÅUR]-kan GAD-it kariyan “the table (was) covered with the linen cloth” KUB 24.8 i 22 (Appu story); tuk menaææanda irimpi kar„ duwarnan TU‡.ÆI.A–ya–ta menaææanda kar„ zanuwan “before you the cedar (is) already broken, before you meals (are) already cooked” KUB 33.102 ii 10-12 (Ullik. myth); KUR URUÆatti IÅTU NUMUN LUGAL-UTTI åuwan “the land of Hatti (is) filled with the seed of kingship” KUB 26.1 i 10-11 (edict of Tudæ. IV); daååu iåæiååa tuk–pat piyan “a weighty lordship(?) (is) given to you” KUB 31.127+ i 19 (hymn to Åamaå). The verb “to be” is unexpressed, when the tense is present or the statement a general, timeless one.

24.15 31.6 Surrogates for passives. Some transitive verbs form no passive at all, but employ suppletive forms of a verb of related meaning. Thus active forms of ak- “to die” are used to express the passive of kuen- “to kill”. Similarly forms of ki- “to be situated, lie, be placed” are used instead of passive forms of dai- “to put, place”. åer tiya- appears as a passive for åer dai- “to place upon”; and -za kiå- “to become” as a passive for iya- “to make”.

24.16 31.7 In passive constructions it is customary to leave the agent unspecified. When, however, an agent is specified, the noun or pronoun denoting the agent can appear in either ablative (CREF §18.12), instrumental (CREF §18.19) or dative-locative case (CREF §17.39).

224 25. Verbal Tense 225

CHAPTER 25 VERBAL TENSE

25.1 32.0 Not only does the Hittite language lack the subjunctive and optative modes of other old IE languages, but like the Germanic languages it has only two uncompounded tenses: (1) the present-future, and (2) the preterite (past tense).

Present-Future

25.2 32.1 As its name indicates, the present-future tense sometimes translates best as an English present tense . antuæåΩtar–ma–wa–nnaå arantallinzi “the people are murmuring against us” KUB 6.41 i 24 (Kup. §4); nu–za LUGAL-uå–a utne–met É-er–mitt–a paææaåmi “(the gods have entrusted to me the land and my house,) and I, the king, am (now) protecting my land and my house” KUB 29.1 i 18-19 (rit., OH/NS); EGIR-pa!–ma tezzi nu kuit iååanzi apΩå–ååi EGIR-pa tezzi GIÅæulali æarzi GIÅæ„åuå åuwaduå æarkanzi “then he says (to the eagle): ‘What are they doing?’ (The eagle) replies: ‘She is holding a distaff, (and) they are holding full spindles’” KUB 29.1 ii 5- 7; kuedani–wa–za menaææanda iåæamiåkiåi “To whom (lit. ‘facing whom’) are you singing?” Ullik. II B ii 9.

25.3 32.1.2 Statements of general validity are called “gnomic” and are expressed in Hittite by the present tense: mΩn–wa ÆUR.SAG.MEÅ maææan aræayan aåanzi mΩn–wa ÍD.MEÅ maææan aræayan aråanzi DINGIR.MEÅ–ya maææan aræayan aåanzi “as the mountains are separate, as the rivers flow separately, as the gods also are separate” KUB 24.8+ iv 9-12; MUÅEN-iå–za–kan GIÅtaptappan EGIR-pa Ëpzi n–an GIÅtaptappaå æu [iånuzi] “A bird takes refuge in the nest, and the nest saves it” CTH 378.A rev. 22; ANA DUMU.NAM.LÚ.U⁄·.LU–pat–kan anda memian kiååan memiåkanzi æarnawaå–wa MUNUS-ni DINGIR-LUM kari tiya[zi] “Among mortals they have a saying: ‘A god yields to the wish of a æarnawaå woman’” KUB 21.27 + 676/v ii 15-16 (CTH 384); and other proverbs (for a collection of which see Beckman 1986).

25.4 32.2 According to the demands of the context, it is sometimes necessary to translate a Hittite present-future form as an English past tense , especially in narrative. This is what is usually called a “historical present” . Since all identified examples are found in New Hittite texts, it is possible that this construction was not used in Old Hittite. 559 In the following examples present tense forms translatable as past are underlined. maææan–ma–aå URUTuwanuwa ari nu ÅAPAL URU Tuwanuwa dai / nu–za URU Tuwanuwan zaææiyawanzi epzi “When he reached Tuwanuwa, he positioned (himself) below Tuwanuwa and began to fight against Tuwanuwa” KBo 14.3 iv 21-22 (Deeds of Suppiluliuma, fragm. 15:); [luk]katti–ma–kan ABU–YA URUTiwanzanaza katta / KUR-e–kan anda pennai EGIR-an–an LÚ.MEÅQARTAPPI–ÅU / 6 ŒIMDUM ANÅE.KUR.RA.MEÅ æarzi nu ABU–YA maææan /

559 The pattern of use of the present tense in past narratives in Old Hittite seems to be regulated differently. For a preliminary description see Melchert 1998 416f. (but the examples he cites for the “historical present” in Old Hittite are all dubious).

225 25. Verbal Tense 226 nannai nu–kan edani pangawi LÚ.KÚR 1-anki–pat / anda æandaizzi n–an–za–an ABU–YA zaææiyawanzi–pat / Ëpzi “The following day my father drove down from Tiwanzana into the land, (while) in the rear his charioteers and sex teams of horses were supporting him. And as my father was driving , he encountered that whole enemy at once, and my father engaged him in battle” KBo14.3 iv 26-31 (Deeds, frag. 15); ANA µ[Piæu]niya–ma GIM-an nakkieåta [n–aå tamedani ] / namma [UL] kuedanikki paizzi n–aå [–mu kattan uit ] / n–[aå–mu ui ]t GÌR.MEÅ-aå GAM-an æaliyat[tat] “When it became difficult for [Piæu]niya, he did[n’t] go (lit. doesn’t go) to anyone [else], but [he came to me,] and he [proceed]ed to prostrate himself at [my] feet” KUB 19.30 i 16-18; nu µAitakkamaå kuiå LUGAL URUKinza Ëåta nu–åi µ NÍQ-MA-∂ U-aå [kuiå] / [æant]ezziå DUMU-laå Ëåta nu maææan auåta / [anda]–kan kuit æatkeånuwanteå Ëåzi nu–åmaå æalkiuå namma / [ tepaw ] eåzi nu–za µNÍQ-MA-∂ U-aå µAitakkaman ABU–ÅU kuenta “When Niqmadda, the eldest son of Aitakkama, King of Kadesh, saw that they were blockaded, and that furthermore the crops (i.e., food supplies in siege) were in short supply , Niqmadda killed Aitakkama, his father.” KBo 4.4 ii 3- 6 (AM 122f.). Note that in the last example the “historical presents” are in a kuit “that” clause subordinate to auåta , i.e., they concern what the young man “saw” (auåta ), and therefore were matters present to him at the time he “saw”.

25.5 32.2.1 Historical presents are by far most common when the subject is grammatically 3rd person. In historical narratives which are expressed in first person (e.g., Muråili’s annals or Æattuåili III’s Apology), the first person forms are all preterites, and the only historical presents are in 3rd person, referring to people other than the narrator. Of course, first person present-future forms which actually express future actions occur frequently in direct discourse recorded in these narratives, but that is an entirely different matter: nu µKantuzilin / kiååan watarnaææun LÚ.MEÅ URU Nuæaååi–wa kuit kururiyaææir / nu–war–aå aræa æarnik nu–wa–åmaå mΩn ÉRIN.MEÅ URU Mizri / warreååanzi nu–wa–mu æatrai nu–wa ammuk / paimi nu–war–an zaææiyami “And I instructed Kantuzzili as follows: ‘Because the men of Nuhaååi have made war, destroy them. If Egyptian troops come to their aid, write to me, and I will go and fight them.’” KUB 14.17 ii 22-26 (AM 86).

25.6 32.2.2 The present-future form can also express an English future (“shall”, “will”). URRAM ÅERAM kuiå ammuk EGIR-anda LUGAL-uå kiåari “whoever in the future shall become king after me” KBo 3.1 ii 40 (Tel. procl., OH/NS); ANA LÚMUTI-KA–wa ammuk peran æuiyami nu–wa–za–kan URUKÙ.BABBAR-aå æ„manza IÅTU ÅA LÚMUTI-KA neyari “I will march before your husband, and all Hatti land will turn to the side of your husband” Hatt. iv 9-11. A present-future form can be indicated as future by adverbs such as URRAM ÅERAM, zilatiya or appaåiwatti.

25.7 32.2.3 Commonly the ambiguity of the present-future form is resolved by the use of the phrasal/serial construction with uwa- or pai-. In these clauses a form of uwa- “to come” or pai- “to go” which agrees in person, number, and tense with another finite verb form which follows it in the same clause, is used almost like our English auxillary verb “going to” in “I am going to write to him”, only in Hittite it would be literally “I am going I am writing to him” (nu–ååi paimi æatrΩmi ) with the dative pronoun “to him” which properly belongs to æatrami

226 25. Verbal Tense 227

(and any sentence particles required by the “main verb” æatrami ) preceding paimi. On these constructions see Disterheft 1984 and van den Hout (in Fs Hoffner, forthcoming).

25.8 32.2.3.1 Note: The phrasal/serial uwa-/pai- construction is never negated, nor does the phrasal verb ever inflect in the iterative, even when the main verb that follows is an iterative. And of course the phrasal verb never takes a preverb.

25.9 32.3 In “if” clauses (introduced by either takku or mΩn) the present-future form is always future in sense (cf. §43.4.2): takku–wa–åan kÏ æazzizi ta–wa DINGIR-LUM / takku–wa–åan natta–ma æa [zzizi] / ta–wa antuwaææeå “If he achieves this, he is a deity; but if he doesn’t achieve it, he is a mortal” KBo 3.60 ii 14-17; takku DUMU.LUGAL / æantezziå NU.GÁL nu kuiå tΩn pedaå DUMU-RU nu LUGAL-uå apΩå / kiåaru “If there shall not be a first-rank prince, then let a prince of second rank become king” KBo 3.1 ii 36-38;. takku DUMU.LUGAL–ma waåtai nu SAG.DU-az–pat åarnikdu “If a prince ‘sins’ (i.e., attempts homicide), let him pay only with his own person (not with those of his extended family)” KBo 3.1 ii 55-56. For “if” clauses with the preterite see §32.5.4 below.

25.10 32.3.1 First person present-future forms are used to express willingness to comply with a request or simple expression of intention to act. UMMA ABI ABI–YA–MA [/kuiå–wa p ]aizzi UMMA ABU–YA–MA ammuk–wa paimi / [nu–kan A]BI ABI–YA ABU–YA parΩ naiåta “My grandfather said, ‘[Who] will go?’ and my father replied: ‘I will go’. [Whereupon] my grandfather sent my father out” KBo 14.3 iii 9-11 (DS frag. 14 ); ÅA ∂IÅTAR parΩ æandandatar memaææi / n–at DUMU.NAM.LÚ.U18.LU-aå iåtamaådu “I shall declare (lit. speak) the divine providence of (the goddess) Shaushka, and let (all) humanity hear it!” Hatt. i 5-6; kuitman–ma–za DUMU-aå eåun nu–za KUR.KUR. LÚ KÚR kue taræiåkinun / n–at T˘UPPU æanti DÙ-mi n–at PANI DINGIR-LIM teææi “I shall make a separate tablet (in which to enumerate) those enemy lands which I conquered while I was (only) a prince, and I shall deposit it before the goddess” Hatt. i 73-74; ∂IÅTAR–ma–mu GAÅAN-YA Ù-a[(t)] / nu–mu Ù-it ki memiåta DINGIR-LIM-ni–wa–ta / ammuk tarnaææi nu–wa lË naæti “Shaushka, my lady, appeared to me in a dream and in the dream said to me: ‘I will turn you over to a (friendly protective) deity, so don’t be afraid!’” (or perhaps rhetorical question: ‘Would I turn you over to a (hostile) deity? Don’t be afraid!’) Hatt. i 36-38.

25.11 32.3.2 Prohibitions (i.e., negative commands) are by their very nature future, and usually take the form of lË + the present-future form (CHD L-N lË section a; CREF §29.12 (*36.4): nu–kan NAM.RA.MEÅ katta uer n–at–mu GÌR.MEÅ-aå / kattan æaliyandat BELI–NI–wa–nnaå lË æarnikti “The civilian captives came and fell down at my feet, (saying,) ‘Our lord, do not destroy us!’” KUB14.15 iii 46-47 (AM 56); BELI<–NI>–wa–naå karu / [ku]it æarnikta n–wa BELI–NI le namma uwaåi “Our lord, because you destroyed us once before, do not come again!” AMD 140 iv 45-46. Rarer and so far only in NH copies of OH texts is the use of the imperative with lË (CHD lË c; cf. §29.13).

227 25. Verbal Tense 228

25.12 32.3.3 Friedrich 1960 136 §258, 2 calls attention to an imperatival future (German Heischefutur) in positive commands: NINDA-an azzaåteni wΩtarr–a ekutteni “You shall (i.e., must) eat (only) bread and drink (only) water” KUB 1.16 iii 48 (OH/NS).

Uses of the Preterite

25.13 32.4 The preterite form is normally used for an English simple past (“he went”, “they struck”).

25.14 32.4.1 According to the requirements of the context, an English present perfect or past perfect is sometimes a more appropriate translation (“he has/had gone”, they have/had struck”). DINGIR-LIM-iå kiåat “(the king) has become a god (i.e., has died)”.

25.15 32.4.2 Speakers could constrain a present perfect meaning of the simple preterite with the introductory words kΩåa or kΩåma (Hoffner 1968b …, followed by Melchert 1998 …). This has a constraining function similar to the use of the phrasal/serial construction with uwa-/pai- to mark the future (§32.2.3).

25.16 32.4.3 (old 32.4.2) The preterite is also used with and without the modal man to express various shades of potential and unreal events (cf. below sub §32.8.3 through §32.9.1).

The Analytic Perfect Construction

25.17 32.5 In order to render a present or past perfect more precisely, speakers used a combination of the (neuter sg.) participle and the verb æar(k)- “to have” or eå- “to be”.560 In general, transitives select the former, and intransitives the latter (see Sommer and Ehelolf 1924 30 and Boley 1984). More specifically, only “unaccusative intransitives” select eå-, while “unergatives” æar- (see Garrett 1996102-106). Garrett has shown that unaccusative intransitives in Hittite also select subject clitics (his section 2.2), while unergative intransitives do not (his section 2.3). Cf. §31.5-§31.10.

25.18 32.5.1 The participle plus the present tense of æar(k)- is translated by English “has/have …ed” (the present perfect ), while the participle plus the preterite of æar(k)- is “had …ed” (the past perfect ): antuæåan kuinki parΩ æuittiyan æarmi “I have preferred some person” KBo 5.3+ iii 10 (Æuqq.); parånan æarkanzi “they have crouched” KBo 4.9 vi 7 (CTH 612.1 ANDAÆÅUM fest.); nu–mu ∂IÅTAR kaniååan æarta “and Åauåka had recognized/honored me” Hatt. I 28-29; nu–mu iåtamaååan æarkir “they had heard about me” KBo 5.8 i 23-24 (DÅ), nu–kan KUR URUArzawa … æ„man … INAURU Puranda åarΩ pΩn Ëåta “the entire land of Arzawa had gone up to Puranda” KBo 3.4 ii 54 (AM 58f.); ÉRIN.MEÅ NARARE_ anda warriååanteå eåer “the auxiliary troops had come to help” KBo 5.8 i 19 (AM 148f.).

560 Occasional exceptions to this rule can be observed, such as: par(a)ånan æarkanzi “they have crouched” KUB 10.21 ii 24, which is intransitive.

228 25. Verbal Tense 229

25.19 32.5.2 The (neuter singular) participle + æar- construction can also have the meaning “to hold (someone/- thing) …-ed”): nu LÚ.KÚR-an utnË kuttanit tar(a)ææan æarta “(the king) held the land(s) of the enemy subjected by (his) strong arm” KBo 3.67 i 6 (Tel. pr., OH/NS); nu KUR-e paææaånuwan æarkir “They held the land protected” (not the pluperfect: “They had protected the land”) KUB 14.16 i 24, ed. AM 28. This construction is more common with the auxiliary verb æar(k)- in the imperative . When the particle -za occurs in this construction, it construes not with the auxiliary verb æar(k)-, but with the verb in the frozen neut. participle. The construction participle + imperative of æar(k)- does not express a tense, but should be translated “keep (something) …ed”: nu–tta DINGIR.MEÅ TI-an æarkandu / nu–tta aååuli paæåandaru “May the gods keep you alive and protect you in wellbeing” HKM 10:45-46 (letter, MH/MS); nu–mu iåtamanan lagΩn æar (a)k “keep your ear inclined to me” KUB 24.1 i 16-17; nu ÅA LÚ.KÚR kueå KASKAL.ÆI.A n–aå–za BEL MADGALTI kappuwan æardu n–aå–za gulåan æardu “let the district commander keep track of the routes of the enemy (incursions) and keep a written record of them” KUB 13.2 i 9-10 (ed. von Schuler 1957). Note that iåtamanan, kueå KASKAL.ÆI.A, and -aå are common gender forms, but the participles are neuter. nu–war–aå–kan LÚ.MEÅ URUHURRI anda waænuwan æarkanzi “the Hurrians are keeping them surrounded” KBo 5.6 ii 25 (Deeds of Supp., fragm. 28) — note: not waænuwanduå to agree with -aå “them”, but waænuwan (neut. sg.); URU.DIDLI.ÆI.A BÀD–kan kuieå maniyaææiya anda nu–za / æurupan EGIR-an kappuwan æarkandu “Let them keep æurup-ed and keep track of the fortified cities in the administrative district” KUB 13.2 i 22-23; nu–wa karuååiyan æar (a)k “so keep quiet!” KUB 14.4 iv 11 (Murs. II); nu–wa–za–kan iåkiåa Ωppa INA GN tiyan æar (a)k “So keep yourself placed with your back towards the land of X” KUB 14.1 obv. 16-17 (Madd., MH/MS); parkuwaya TÚG.ÆI.A waååan æarkandu “Let them keep wearing clean clothes” KUB 13.4 i 16 (instructions for priests).

25.20 32.5.3 The construction with the verb eå- and a neuter or common gender participle in the nominative case (CREF also KBo 5.8 i 19 in §25.18 (*32.5.1) is used to express the perfect and past perfect of intransitives and the perfect passive of transitive verbs : kuez–aåta kuez u[tneaz t]uzziå / [ar]æa uwanza Ëåta “from whatever land the army had come out” KUB 23.11 ii 27-28 (annals, MH/NS); ANA URU [Katæa]riy[a–y]a kuiå / ÉRIN.MEÅ URUGaågaå æ„manza warri pΩnza Ëåta “The entire Kaskaean army which had gone to the aid of the city Katæariya” KUB 19.11 iv 36-39 (DS frag. 13); nu IÅTU KARAÅ / ANÅE.KUR.RA.MEÅ [paun] nu URUNerikkaå / kuit IÅTU UD-UM µHantili aræa æarganza Ëåta / n–an EGIR-pa we[daæ]æun “I went with infantry and chariotry and, because Nerik had been destroyed ever since the days of Hantili, I rebuilt it” Hatt. iii 45-48; nu–mu LÚ.MEÅMUIRTUTI kuieå [maniyaææanni] / piyanteå eåir n–aå–mu–kan a [ræa daå ] “He took away from me the subjects who had been given me to govern” KUB 21.15 i 15-16 (Æatt. III); nu–mu MUÅEN.ÆI.A kue uppeåta / n–at aræa æarranteå eåir / n–aå edun–a UL / uææun–aå UL “The birds you sent me were spoiled, so I neither ate them nor even looked at them” Alalakh Tablets 125:11-14 (letter, NH); DUMU.MUNUS KUR URUKarduniyaå–wa kuiå KUR URUMizri / piyanza Ëåta “What daughter of Babylonia has been given to the land of Egypt” KUB 21.38 rev. 7-8 (letter of Puduhepa, CTH 176).

229 25. Verbal Tense 230

25.21 32.5.4 Ordinary use of the preterite in mΩn conditional clauses is to refer to events which may have occurred in the past (cf. CHD mΩn 7 b; cf. §43.4.1 and 43.4.2): mΩn ammuk eniååan AQBI “If I spoke thus” KUB 14.4 iv 13 (prayer of Murs. II); nu mΩn DINGIR-LIM kuitki kapp„it “If you, O god, have counted something (against her)” KBo 4.6 rev. 14 (Murs. II); nu mΩn zilaå apËz kiåat “If the oracular sign happened for that reason” KUB 22.70 obv. 32, 43, etc.; mΩn–ma–at–åi–kan kar„–ma aræa tatta n–at–åi EGIR-pa pΩ[i] “But if you have already taken them (scil. house and vineyard) away from him, return them to him” Meskene 127 + 107:20-21 (letter of king).

25.22 32.5.5 Temporal mΩn (“when”) with the preterite can render English “when I shall have …ed” (cf. Sommer 1932 163, cited by Friedrich 1960 §258 a 1 as similar to futurum exactum of Latin. Sommer’s example is mΩn–ma–åi–at–kan ¬uåaiæa “when I shall have defended it (i.e., the land) from him” Taw. II 60.

25.23 32.5.6 English translation of the Hittite tenses must take special account of the adverbs kar„ “already” and nawi “not yet”, which require the use of the English present perfect and past perfect to correctly render the simple present and preterite: n–aå kar„ paizzi “he has already gone,” n–aå kar„ pait “he had already gone,” n–aå nawi paizzi “he has not yet gone,” and n–aå nawi pait “he had not yet gone.”

230 26. Verbal Mode 231

CHAPTER 26 VERBAL MODE

26.1. 32.6 The Hittite language possessed no separate sets of verbal forms with the force of the subjunctive or optative. On the other hand, there were imperative forms. In order to express the potential or unreal, one had recourse to the optative and potential particle man (usually written (-)ma-an in contrast to ma-a-an for the temporal or conditional conjunction.

26.2. The Imperative .

26.3. 32.6 The endings of the imperative are listed in Chapter 6 (§6.12 and following).

26.4. 32.7 The first sing. forms are equivalent to our English “I want to …”, “I will surely …”, or “let me …”: aggallu “let me die”, piåkellu “let me keep giving”, uwallu / uågallu “I want to see …”. nu SISKUR ÅA ÍD[Mala] iyallu n–at–kan aånullu “I will surely perform the ritual of the [Euphrates] River and complete it” Second Plague Prayer of Murs. II §8 line 5. Other attested forms are aåallu , æaååiggallu, karåallu, kuwayatallu, memallu, åeggallu, udallu, and wemiyallu. Rarer forms of this ending show a final dental stop: -lut attested in eålut “let me be” and -lit in eålit “let me be” and possibly ug–a–kan talit “but let me leave” KBo 3.38 rev. 16. Cf. §6.21.

26.5. 32.7.1 The first plural imperative (properly a “cohortative” or “exhortative”) is formally identical with the present-future. The presence of the imperative can only be determined by context. The presence of eæu in the exhortative sense “come on!” is sometimes a clue. The first plural forms express a wish of the speaker that the addressee join him in the performance of an action (“let us …”): eæu ANA ∂X … DI-eåni tiyaweni “Come, let us go before the god X for judgment” KBo 6.29 ii 2ff.; kinuna–wa eæu nu–wa zaææiyawaåtati “Come now, let us do battle with each other” KBo 3.4 ii 13-14. On the possible role of eæu in the history of the phrasal/serial construction see Dunkel 1985.

26.6. 32.7.2 The second person forms are direct commands or requests: nu–wa–mu ∂UTU URUArinna GAÅAN- YA kattan tiya nu–wa–mu–kan uni araæzenaå KUR.KUR LÚ.KÚR peran kuenni “O Sungoddess of Arinna, take my side and slay before me that enemy of the surrounding lands” KBo 3.4 i 25-26 (ten-year annals of Murs. II); µPazzannaå–wa–kan µ[Nunnutaå–a åumaå anda uer ] nu–war–aå Ëpten nu–war–aå–mu parΩ peåten “Pazzanna [and Nunnuta have sought asylum with you.] Arrest them and extradite them to me” KUB 14.15 i 13-14 (detailed annals of Murs. II); namma–mu DINGIR-LUM GAÅAN-YA Ù-at [QADU] É-TI–wa–mu ÌR-aææut “then the goddess, my lady, appeared to me in a dream, (saying,) ‘Serve me with your house!’” Hatt. iii 4-5.

26.7. 32.7.3 The third person forms are employed, when the speaker expresses to a second party the wish that a third party may perform some action. Occasionally, there is the implied seeking of the consent of the second party for the third party to do this: nu–wa zaææiyawaåtati nu–wa–nnaå ∂U BELIYA æanneååar æannau “Let us do battle, and may the Stormgod, my lord, decide our case” KBo 3.4 ii 13-14, ed. AM 46; ANA ∂UTU-ÅI–ma EN-YA

231 26. Verbal Mode 232

ÅA µÆaåduili kuit æatrami ∂UTU URUArinna GAÅAN-YA uåkidu “Let the Sungoddess of Arinna, my lady, examine what I shall write to His Majesty regarding Æaåduili” KUB 40.1 obv. 37-38; åiuneå–da aååuli paæåantaru “May the gods protect you” AT 125:3 (from salutation in a letter); utne–wa mau åeådu “May the land prosper and have rest” KBo 3.7 i 5 (Illuyanka myth, OH/NS); ANA DINGIR.MEÅ EN.MEÅ–YA ZI-anza namma warådu “To the gods, my lords, may the mind again be gentle” KUB 14.14 rev. 14’ (PP 1 §8).

26.8. The imperative forms are sometimes used in prohibitions with lË (cf. above §32.3.2 and §36.4.1).

26.9. For the isolated use of present tense forms in positive commands cf. §32.3.3.

26.10. Potential and Irrealis

26.11. For the expression of the potential, the unreal, the ideal, the preferable, and other notions associated with the subjunctive and optative modes of Greek and Latin, Hittite scribes employed a particle ma-an, which they usually (but not always) distinguished from the conjunction mΩn (written ma-a-an) by the shorter spellings ma-an or ma-na-/-nu-. Examples of the plene writing of potential man are ma-a-nu-uå-kán KBo 3.1 ii 11 (OH/NS), ma-a- na-an BoTU 48 iii 11 in AM 66. Further examples may be found in CHD L-N sub man. Unlike the conjunction mΩn “when, if”, man is not found in clauses beginning with nu.

26.12. 32.8.1 man with the present tense can be translated in three ways: (1) “would”, (2) “might” and (3) “ought”. In the latter two cases it closely resembles the usage of the Greek optative mode.

26.13. 32.8.2 As “would” we find man with the present in: mΩn–wa–mu 1-an DUMU-KA paiåti man–war–aå–mu LÚMUTI-KA kiåari “If you would give me one of your sons, he would become my husband” KBo 5.6 iii 12-13 (Deeds of Åuppiluliuma I).

26.14. 32.8.3 As “might” we find man with the preterite in: ma-a-am[-ma-an-åa-ma-aå ?] (i.e., *mΩn–man–åmaå )561 tayazzil piåkir man æ„manteå–pat maråer naåma LÚ.MEÅNÍ.ZU kiåantati kΩå–man k„n Ëpzi kΩå–man k„n Ëpzi “If they [were] to charge [them] with theft, all of them might dissemble or become thieves; this one might seize that one, and that one might seize this one” KBo 6.2 ii 53-55 (Laws §49, OS).

26.15. As “ought” (expressing the ideal, the preferable, the wished for) we find man with the present in: [nu kuit (É.MEÅ DUMU.L)]UGAL danna ilaliyanzi nu kiååan [da]ranzi [(aåi–man–wa URU-aå a )]mmel kiåari “[Because] they covet the princes’ houses, they say: ‘That city ought to be mine’” KBo 3.1 ii 63-64 (Tel. Procl., OH/NS); kΩåa–mu kÏ tet µLabbayaå KAxU-az memiåta man–wa–naå iåæanittaratar iyaweni “Labbaya has said this to me — he conveyed it orally — ‘We ought to make for ourselves a blood relationship’” VBoT 2:1-3 (letter).

561Cf. Hoffner 1997a 59f., 191f.

232 26. Verbal Mode 233

These examples and a few others are what has been called the “speaker optative” use of man.562 [Queen of Egypt: mΩn=wa=mu 1-an DUMU=KA paiåti man=war=aå=mu LÚMUTI=YA kiåari]

26.16. The “subject optative”, which expresses a wish not of the speaker but of the grammatic subject of the clause, can be seen in: mΩn–uå–kan µÆuzziyaå kuenta nu uttar iåduwati “Æuzziya wanted to kill them, but the matter became known” KBo 3.1 ii 11; and in the following example the grammatical subject is also the speaker: man INA URUÆayaåa paun–pat nu–za MU.KAM-za åer tepaweååanza Ëåta “I wanted to go also to Æayaåa, but the year was too short for that” KBo 4.4 iii 22-23 (Mursili II annals).

26.17. man with the preterite tense (CREF §26.14 (*32.8.3) is found both in main clauses and in subordinate ones (principally in conditional clauses).

26.18. In the sense of past potential (“could have”): [m]an–ta–kan É ABI-KAKUR- KA–ya UL aræa dΩir man–at [(da)]medani kuedanikki pier “Could they not have taken from you your father’s house and your land and given them to someone else?” KBo 5.13 i 20-21 (Kup. §7 C).

26.19. The equivalent of English potential “almost …ed” was expressed with the help of the verb waggar- “to lack” governing the infinitive: nu–kan ∂Æepaduå åuææaz katta mauååwanzi waggareå “Hebat almost fell down (lit., lacked to fall down) from the roof” KUB 33.106 ii 8 (Ullik. myth).

562 Hoffner 1982a.

233 27. Verbal Aspect 234

CHAPTER 27 VERBAL ASPECT

27.1 17.1 Any verbal stem can be expanded by the addition of the formative -åke-, which together with its following heteroclitic theme vowel e/a is usually referred to as the “iterative” (and was so designated in Friedrich 1960), though Kammenhuber 1969b 217f. calls it the “durative-distributive”, and Dressler 1968 a verb of plurality. Its usages conform only partially to any of these categories. Two books have been devoted to the Hittite -åke- forms: Bechtel 1936; Dressler 1968. A third book deals with the Hittite iterative as one of many discrete linguistic topics (Wagner 1985). Cf. further above in §§12.5.5 and following.

27.2 17.2 In some cases the addition of -åke- to a verbal stem resulted in sound shifts which partially obscured the identity of the formative: ar- > ar(a)åke-, åipand- > åipanzakke-, ed- > azzikke-, dai- > zikke-, kuen- > kuwaåke-, æann(a)- > æaååikke-, tarn(a)- > taråikke-, au(å)- > uåke-, malt- > malzikke- . In many of these cases it was a stem-final dental in direct contact with the following -åke- which produced -zikke- or -zakke-.

27.3 17.2.1 When a -åke- form began to lose its special force in the common mind, a second -åke- could be added, creating in effect a double -åke-: au(å)- “to see”, uåke- (regular -åke- form), uåkiåke- (double-åke-). Other exx. are MH/MS dammiåkiåkanzi HKM 52:12 (from dammeå- “to press”), [ap]piåkiåkimi HKM 89:18 (from epp-/app- “to seize”), LÚuåkiågatallaå “watchman, sentinel”, and åeåkeåkinun and åeåkiåkanzi (from åeå- “to sleep”) in Mursili II documents. d/tuåkiåke- (OH/NS and later) is an iter. from duåk- “to rejoice”, which may not itself be an iterative.

27.4 17.22 Less common are cases of the formative -eååa-. Its function is similar to -åke-. iya- “to do, make” (iååa-, eååa-), æalzai- “to call” (æalzeååa-) (Friedrich 1960 75 §141d, Kammenhuber 1969b 217f., 320f.).

27.5 17.3 The formative -annai - expresses the durative idea. Examples are: æuittiya- “to draw” (æuittiyannai-), æulla- “to strike” (æullannai- ), iåæuwa- “to scatter, pour” (iåæuwannai -), paræ- “to chase, pursue” (paræannai -), paråiya- “to break” (paråiyannai- ), peååiya- “to drop, throw” (peååiyanneåke-), piyai- “to send” (piyannai-), tuæå- “to part” (tuæåannai -), walæ- “to strike, smite” (walæannai -). Luraghi 1997 28 calls these “intensive” forms.

27.6 17.3.1 But the durative idea is also represented in cases where the extent of the durative action is indicated by kuitman “until” (CREF §38.21 (*43.1.1) + a non-durative verb form: namma–an walæanniåkitten–pat kuitman ÅA ∂UTU-ÅI tuzz[iå uizzi] “Keep attacking (durative) him until the army of My Majesty comes (non-durative)” KUB 23.72+ rev. 28; t–an–za tuæåannai [kuitm(an ape)]l GIÅGEÅTIN SIGfi-atta “And he will keep harvesting it (i.e., the good vine) until his own vine recovers” Laws §113 (KUB 29.24 i 5-6 w. dupl. KBo 6.10 i 29, NS). Note also the ordinary -åke- w. kuitman: nu É-ri–ååi anniåkizzi kuitmΩn–aå lΩzziatta “and he will work on his estate until (the injured man) recovers” Laws §10 (KBo 6.2 i 17-18, OS).

27.7 17.3.2 The forms with -annai - tend to also add the iterative -åke- (cf. §33.7): æuittiyanniåke-, laææiyanniåke-, peååiyanneåke-, piyanniåke-, takåanniåke-, walæanneåke-, werianniåke-.

234 27. Verbal Aspect 235

27.8 17.4 Reduplicated verbal roots are encountered in Hittite (van Brock 1964; Hoffner 1966; Oshiro 1995; Oettinger 1998). This verbal reduplication is of several types: (1) reduplication of the entire root: wariwarant - (war-) “burning”, partipartiåke - (*parti -), æinæin- (*æin- KUB 7.1 i 24), ¬æanæaniya- “to be attentive”, aåaå- /aåeå- (aå-/eå- “to sit”), kikki- (ki- “to be placed”), cf. HED K s.v.), zaæzaææ- (zaæ- “to strike”), (2) reduplication with the vowel e: wewakk- (wek-) “to ask”, (3) reduplication with i: lilakk- (lak-) “to bend, knock over”, tittanu- “to make to stand”, (4) reduplication with a:lalukka-, (5) repetition of the initial syllable of the root: æaææarå- “to laugh” (probably also onomatopoetic), kikkiå- (kiå-) “to become”, kukkurå- (kuer-) “to cut”, kun(ni)kunk- (kunk- “to sway(?)”), lillipa- (lip-) “to lick”, papparå - “to sprinkle”, åiååiya- “to press (as a creditor)”, and (6) like (5) but with a zero grade in the second syllable: åeådu- (*åe-åed-) “to sit safely(?), prosper”, æaliæla- (< æaliya-?), mummiye- (mid.) (< mauåå- “to fall”). Luraghi 1997 29 suspects their original meaning was “intensive or iterative”.

27.9 33.1 The suffix -åke/a- (designated by some Hittitologists as -åk-) denotes action seen in progress (sometimes repeated, sometimes continuous, sometimes gnomic). The suffix -anna(i)-has a similar force.563 The former takes the endings of the mi-conjugation, the latter those of the æi-conjugation. Watkins refers to the -åke/a- forms as “imperfective”, and translates them as “is/was …ing”.

27.10 33.1.1 Bechtel (1936) observed that “static” verbs such as iya- (middle) “to be on one’s way” do not form -åki/a- derivatives.

27.11 With the exceptions of the two verbs eå- “to be” and iya- (mid.) “to go” cited above in §33.1.1, all verbs accompanying distributive expressions (e.g., nouns repeated in the same case: UD-at UD-at “day by day”, ITU-mi ITU-mi “month by month”, GEfl-ti GEfl-ti “night after night”, MU-ti MU-ti “year by year”, lammar lammar “moment by moment”, etc., CREF §21.9) are -åke/a- formations: ANA DINGIR-LIM anda UD-at UD-at memiåkizzi nu DINGIR-LAM walliåkizzi “(the scribe who reads the royal prayer to the cult statue of the deity) says it to the deity daily and repeatedly praises the deity” KUB 24.2 i 1-2 (cf. KBo 3.5 i 4); nu INA 6 M¨Åˆ INA É LÚIÅ aranda nu ÅÀ.GAL azzikkanzi GEfl-ti–ma GEfl-ti turiåkizzi–pat “For six nights (the horses) stand in the stable, and eat fodder, but he hitches (the horses to the chariots) night by night” KBo 3.5 iii 65-67; LUGAL-waå ZI-ni åer ITU-mi ITU-mi / linkiåkiten KUB 13.3 ii 25-26; n–aå–kan MU.KAM-ti MU.K[(AM-ti)] / [(åarΩ å )]anæiåkandu KUB 31.86 + 40.78 + 1203/u ii 31-32 (dupl: KUB 31.89:14); wΩtar–ma–ååi KASKAL-åi KASKAL-åi–pat IÅTU 1 UPNI peåkanzi “they give water to them time after time with one UPNU-measure” KBo 3.5 ii 45-46; ANA ÅEÅ.DÙG.GA–YA aåå„l KASKAL-åi KASKAL-åi æatreåkimi HKM 58:29; namma ÉRIN.MEÅ-an MU-ti MU-ti piåkanzi “then they keep giving troops year by year” KUB 23.72+ rev. 18 (Mita text, MH/MS); note also the use with the Luwian equivalent suffix -ååa/i-: uddΩr–met–ta peææun nu kÏ / [tupp]i ITU-mi ITU-mi peran–tit æalzeååandu KUB 1.16 iii 56-57 (OH/NS). In accord with §33.1.2 note that iya- (mid.) accompanies the

563 Bechtel 1936; Dressler 1968; Friedrich 1960 §141 and §269, and Meriggi 1980 §§171-172.

235 27. Verbal Aspect 236 distributive expression without the derivational suffix: n–aåta LÚ.KÚR Q¸TAMMA/ kuit KUR-e anda / lammar lammar iattar[i] HKM 8:12-14.

27.12 Other actions, not accompanied by distributive adverbs, seem to be described as repeated (i.e., continual, not continuous): nu µMÏtaå mekki kuit waåtaåkit […] idΩluå antuwaææaå NIÅ DINGIR-LIM–kan apΩåå–a åarraåkit “Because Mita continually sinned much (N.B.), [and he was(?)] an evil man, he too repeatedly transgressed the oath of the god” 1684/u + KUB 23.72 obv. 36-36 (MH/MS); INIM.MEÅ ÅA KUR Mizriya kuit […] iåtamaåkiåi n–at–mu DUMU–YA æatreåki “My son, keep writing to me the matters concerning Egypt which you are hearing (from time to time)” KUB 26.90 iv 1-3 (letter fragment).

27.13 Sometimes expresses customary, common, or characteristic behaviour: One of the clearest examples of a - åke- verb form expressing customary action is in Muråili’s Speech Loss (KBo 4.2 iv 28-32 and duplicates): IÅTU GIÅBANÅUR–ma–za–kan kuezza azzikkinun IÅTU GAL–ya–kan kuezza akkuåkinun åaåti–ya–za–kan kuedani åeåkeåkinun IÅTU URUDUDU⁄‚≈A–ya–za–kan kuiezza arreåkinun “the table from which I customarily ate, the cup from which I customarily drank, the bed in which I customarily slept, the wash bowl from which I customarily washed myself” (cf. Goetze and Pedersen 1934 10f., lines 16ff.). Note the contrast with KBo 4.2 iv 37-39 (a few lines later), where the king speaks of what happened on a single occasion (non-åk- forms); tuk–ma–wa DUMU.MEÅ-KA mekkauå memiåkanzi “they ( always ) say you have many sons” KBo 5.6 iii 11-12, æalkiå–wa maææan NAM.LÚ.U⁄·.LU GUD UDU æuitarr–a æ„man æuiånuåkizzi “just as grain keeps all humans, cattle, sheep and wild game alive” KBo 4.2 i 58-59.

27.14 The preterite of the -åke- form is combined with the adverb kar„ to express our “used to do something”: LAW 7 takku LÚ.U⁄·.LU-an ELLAM kuiåki daåuwaææi naåma ZU·–ÅU laki / kar„ 1 MA.NA KÙ.BABBAR piåker kinuna 20 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR p[(ai)] … But the kar„ is optional, as is shown by the exmple: KUB 5.10 + 16.33 + 83 i 7-13 EZEN› aåraæitaååin–wa kuwapi iyanzi (8) nu–wa ANA D-LIM I$TU É.GAL-LIM 1 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR SÍG SAfi SÍG ZA.GÌN 1-NUTUM KUÅ NÍG.BÀR.ÆI.A–ya (9) peåkir kinun–a–wa EZEN› aåraæitaååin ier KÙ.BABBAR–ma–wa SÍG SAfi SÍG ZA.GÌN KUÅ NÍG.BÀR.ÆI.A–ya (10) UL pier

27.15 memiåkanzi “they (always) say” is used frequently to introduce proverbs or popular sayings expressing customary behaviour or statements of general validity (Beckman 1986). But the verb expressing the customary behaviour is not in the -åk- form: ANA DUMU.NAM.LÚ.U⁄·.LU–pat–kan anda memian kiåan mem [i]åkanzi / æarnawaå–wa MUNUS-ni DINGIR-LUM kari tiya[zi] “Among mortals they ( always ) say: ‘A deity yields to the wish of a woman of the bearing stool’” KUB 21.27+ ii 15;

27.16 Interestingly enough, when the numerical adverb for “so-many times” (x-anki or x–ÅU with “x” sanding for a numeral) is used, its accompanying verb is virtually never an explicitly marked imperfective (e.g., an -åke- form). CREF §14.27

236 27. Verbal Aspect 237

27.17 Activity stretching out over an indefinite period of time: takku GIÅTUKUL-li–ma mimmai LÚ GIÅTUKUL- uå A.ÅÀ.ÆI.A æarkantaå taranzi (variant: nu A.ÅÀ.ÆI.A ÅA LÚ GIÅTUKUL æarkantan taranzi ) n–an–za LÚ.MEÅ URU-LIM anniåkanzi “But if he refuses (to perform) the craft, they declare the fields of the craftsman vacated, and the men of the city work them” KBo 6.2 + 19.1 ii 20-21 (Laws §40, OS) with dupl. KBo 6.3 ii 40-41 (OH/NS); 1 LˆM MUL.ÆI.A æukkiåkanzi “the thousand stars are pronouncing spells” KUB 7.1 ii 21-22; DINGIR.DIDLI-å–a DUMU.MEÅ-uå A.AB.BA-az åarΩ dair å–uå åallanuåkir “the gods took (non-iter.) the baby boys up out of the sea and began to raise them (iter.)” KBo 22.2 obv. 4-5, cf. also line 7; (if someone finds a horse, mule or ass, …) n–an–za t„riåkizzi (var. t„rizzi) he may hitch it up (for work)” KBo 6.3 iii 65 (Laws §71) w. dupl. KBo 6.2 iii 60 (OS) | the NH scribe substituted an -åke- form for the OH t„rizzi, because he saw the action as extending over the period until the lost animal was reclaimed; URUÆaææan–ma–za–kan UR.MAÆ maææan / aræa tarkuwalliåkinun “I kept glowering(?) at Æaææa like a lion” KBo 10.2 iii 1-2 (OH/NS).

27.18 Accompanying kΩåa in the present tense to express an action that is currently in progress but also seen as recurring or regular: (the palace servants say:) [kΩ]åa–wa–z MUNUS.MEÅ ÅU.GI-uå punuåkizzi “she is always consulting the Old Women” KUB 1.16 iii 67 (OH/NS)

27.19 If an action unfolds in several stages or consists of several repeated movements (Friedrich 1960 §269d): DUG æupuwaya æaååÏ anda laæuåkizzi DUG æupuwaya–ma tuwarniåkizzi “(the priestess) pours out little by little from the æ.-vessel onto the hearth, and she breaks the æ.-vessel piece by piece” 2Mast. iii 32-34; NINDA.ÆI.A-ya kueuå paråiyanneåkit “and the loaves which he has broken one after the other” KBo 5.1 i 38; (if a slave burglarizes a house,) ÌR-å–a KA≈KAK–ÅU iåta[(manuå–)åuå kukkur]åkizzi n–an appa iåæi–ååi pianzi “he will cut off the slave’s nose and ears” KBo 6.2 iv 45 (Laws §95, OS); Sometimes the idea of doing something to multiple objects “one-by-one” is in view: nu æaåtai / IÅTU lappa KÙ.BABBAR daåkanzi n–at–kan ANA Ì.DÙG.GA æupar KÙ.BABBAR anda / zikkanzi “(The women) take up the bones (one-by-one) with the silver tongs(?) and place them (one-by-one) in the fine oil (in) the silver pitcher” KUB 30.15 + 39.19 (HTR 66f) i 3-5

27.20 If an action, although not necessarily continuous, extends over an expressed period of time (Friedrich 1960 §269e): GEfl-an æ„mantan uzuærin ÆÁD.DU.A azzikkanzi “(the horses) eat hay from throughout the entire night” KUB 1.13 i 35-36; nu É-ri–ååi / anniåkizzi kuitmΩn–aå lΩzziatta “he will work on his estate until he recovers” KBo 6.2 i 17-18 (Laws §10, OS); (if someone sets fire to another’s grain-storage shed,) [GU]D.ÆI.A–ÅU etriåkizzi n–uå–åan parΩ æameåæanda / arnuzi “he must feed (-åke-) his cattle, and bring them through to the following spring” KBo 6.3 iv 60-61 (Laws §100, OH/NS); (the following year I went to fight against Åanaæuitta,) nu URU[Åanaææuit]tan INA ITU.5.KAM zaææeåkinun “and I fought against Åanaæuitta for five months” KBo 10.2 i 47 (OH/NS); [kuitm]an–kan ABU–YA INA KUR.KUR.MEÅ ÆURRI Ëåta µPiææuniyaå–ma [KUR UGU-T]I GUL- anneåk[it] “while my father was in the Hurrian lands, Pihhuniya kept attacking [the Upper Lan]d” KUB 14.17 ii 32- 33 (AM 88).

237 27. Verbal Aspect 238

27.21 33.6.1 Expressing an action in progress during which another event will occur: takku LÚ-aå GUD-ÅU ÍD- an zÏnuåkizzi “if a man is fording a river with his ox, (and another person pushes him off, seizes the ox’s tail and fords the river [all non-åke-])” KBo 6.2 ii 30 (Laws §43, OS); takku arnuwalan [(kuiåki)] / katta åeåkizzi anna(n)–åan n[e]k[a(n)–åann–a (wenzi)] “If someone is sleeping with an arnuwala- woman, and ‘knocks up’ her mother or her sister” KBo 6.26 iv 23-27 (Laws §200, OH/NS) | of course, one could also say that repeatedly, i.e., night after night, he sleeps with the arnuwala- woman, but that explanation is unnecessary to explain the form;

27.22 33.6.2 Expressing an extended activity (-åke-) leading up to a result (non-åke-) (cf. also §33.8 below): nu–tta æartaggan mΩn / […-]iåkimi nu tuææiyattit Ωkti “I will keep …ing you like a bear (acc.) until you die of suffocation” KBo 7.14 obv. 5-6 (OS);

27.23 33.6.3 With -åke- imperatives the force seems to be “keep on …ing”: nu–[z]a pankun EGIR-pa punuåki “keep consulting the pankuå” KUB 1.16 iii 6 (OH/NS); URUHattuåi alwanzannaå n–aåta uddΩr parkunuåkatten KBo 3.1+ iv 20/22 (OH/NS); nu zik azzikki akkuåki nu taknaå ∂UTU-i peran LUGAL-un Ωååu / memiåki n–aåta ÅUMMI LUGAL taknaå ∂UTU-i peran Ωååu tar(a)åki KBo 7.28 + 8.92:17-19 (OH/MS), cf. ibid. 27-29; nu LÚ.MEÅ URUGaåga / kuiËå takåuli iyandari / n–aå–kan MAÆAR ∂UTU-ÅI parΩ naiåki HKM 10:20-22 (MH/MS) (N.B.: Here one sees that iya- mid. “to go, march” does not take the -åke- form); nu–mu æatreåki HKM 27:10 (MH/MS); BELU–mu aååul æatreåki / namma–åan ANA É–YA / IGI.ÆI.A-wa æar(a)k HKM 27:23-25 (MH/MS) (N.B. Here one sees that æar(k)- “to have, hold” does not take the -åke- form); ta BÀD-eååar / [(wal)]æiåkiddu “and let it (scil. the battering ram) keep on hitting the city wall” KBo 22.6 iv 21-22 (OH/NS); nu–ååan parΩ kalankanza Ëå nu–tta kuit memiåkimi nu–mu DINGIR-LUM iåtamanan / lagan æar(a)k n–at iåtamaåki “be appeased, and with respect to what I am saying to you, O god, keep your ear inclined to me, and keep listening” KUB 24.1 i 15-17 (N.B.: here the force of the imv. of the -åke- must be very close to the neut. sg. participle plus æar(a)k, on which CREF §25.19 (*32.5.2) “keep (something) …ed”).

27.24 33.6.4 Certain verbs specialize the -åke/a- form for a certain lexical meaning, e.g. maniyaææ- “to entrust” > maniyaææeåke- “to govern” (cf. CHD s.v.).

27.25 33.7 The -annai- suffix (CREF §27.5 (*17.3) usually combines with the -åki/a- suffix (cf. §17.3.2), especially in post-OH. Forms of the -annai- verb without -åki/a- are often indicators of an archaic (OH or MH) text: iyanniwan [dai]r … piddanniwan dair KUB 14.1 obv. 74 (Madduwatta, MH/MS); t–an–za tuæåannai [kuitm(an ape)]l GIÅGEÅTIN SIGfi-atta “and he will keep harvesting grapes from it until his own vine has recovered” Hittite Laws §113 (KUB 29.24 i 5, OH/NS); nu 1 NINDA.KUR›.RA paråiya nu æu[kmain æukzi] / NINDA.KUR›.RA–ya 7-an ∂Æebat paråiyannai / memiåkizzi–ya QATAMMA“he breaks one thick loaf and [recites] a spell, he breaks seven thick loaves to Hebat and repeats the same words as before” KBo 11.14 ii 29-31 (rit.).

27.26 33.8 Hittite possessed several methods of expressing actions in progress (sometimes continuous or repeated), only one of which was the -åke/a-. One could use the -annai- forms, the (Luwian) -ååa- verb forms, or a reduplicated stem. On the reduplicated verbal stems CREF §§2.8-2.11, §27.8. For imperfective stems with the

238 27. Verbal Aspect 239 supine cf. §§28.42. The choice of which method was often influenced by the availability of reduplicated forms and stylistic criteria. The verbs walæ- and paråiya- seem to have preferred the -annai- to the -åki/e- formation. The verbs iya- “to do, make” and æalzai- “to call” preferred the Luwian -eååa- form: iååa-, æalzeååa-. Combinations of different imperfective forms can be seen in the following passages: peåkizzi … paråiyannai … zikkizzi “he gives … breaks (bread) … puts” KUB 10.21 v 24-26; æalzeååai … paråiyannai … iåkizzi KUB 10.72 ii 20-22; walæannai … tarneåkizzi KUB 7.13 obv. 16. When one or more of such verb forms leads up to a non-iterative verb, it sometimes indicates a repititious process leading to a result (cf. §33.6.2): nu LÚ.KÚR-an utnË kuttanit tar (a)ææan æarta nu utne æarninkiåkit nu utne aræa tarranut “he kept the enemy lands subjected by (his) strong arm, and he kept ravaging the (enemy) lands (until) he wore the lands out” KBo 3.1+ i 6-7 (Telepinu Proclamation, OH/NS), cf. ibid. 16-17, 26-27; … åarliåkizzi … lilakki … walæannai [t]–uå æarnikzi “he will continually vindicate (the innocent), he will repeatedly knock down (the wicked), and repeatedly hit (them) until he destroys them” KUB 24.8 i 3-5 (Appu).

27.27 33.9 An overlooked facet of verbal aspect in Hittite is the use of kΩåa or kΩåma with the two primary tense forms (present-future and preterite) of the verb. This was first noticed in Hoffner 1968b 532. The function of kΩåa/kΩåma is to relate the past or present-future tense of the verb to the present, i.e., it renders the immediacy of the action. With present-future it must often be translated “to be ready to …, be prepared to …, be about to …”, and with the preterite “to have just finished …” (i.e., like the present perfect).

239 28. Verbal Nouns 240

CHAPTER 28 VERBAL NOUNS:

GERUND AND INFINITIVE

28.1 The Hittite language possessed four verbal nouns: the gerund (or verbal substantive), the infinitive, the supine, and the participle.

28.2 34.1 The forms of the verb in -war, -mar (gen. sg. -waå, -maå) and -atar (gen. sg. -annaå) discussed briefly in §9.1.5 mark what is called the verbal substantive . The verbs which form their verbal substantive with - war/-mar form the infinitive with -wanzi/ -manzi; those with verbal substantives in -atar form the infinitive in - anna (cf. §3.23, §6.9). The choice of ending is wholly a matter of the class of the verb and in no way reflects a difference in meaning or usage.

28.3 34.1.1 The e-grade of ablauting stems is shown in åeåuwar, åeåuwanzi (from åeå-), eppuwanzi (from epp- “to seize”), but æamankuwaå (gen. sg.), not *æaminkuwaå.

28.4 34.1.2 The terminology of the various verbal nouns in Hittite is summarized by the following table.

Name Verbal Substantive Infinitive Supine Participle

Ending -war, -mar, -atar -wanzi, -manzi, -anna -wan -ant-

28.5 34.2 The usage of the verbal substantive (or gerund) can best be illustrated by considering separately its use as nominative, accusative and genitive.

28.6 34.2.1 When it occurs in the nominative case, it merely names an action: kÏ kuit daliyawar SI≈SÁ-at “(now with regard to) this omission which has been determined” KBo 14.21 i 28; wekuwar “(this composition is) a wekuwar [an ‘asking/requesting’]” in colophon after KUB 15.5+ iv 39. The verbal substantive is the citation form used to translate Akkadian “infinitives” in Sumerian-Akkadian-Hittite lexical texts: (A.) åaºΩlu = (H.) punuååuwar, (A.) åitaººalu = (H.) punuåkiwar, (A.) uzzuzu = (H.) katta–åan arnumar KBo 1.44 i 11-13, ed. MSL 17: 101.

28.7 34.2.2 In the accusative case it represents the object of a transitive verb: [nu–za m]aææan ABU–YA wa-al- aæ-æu-wa-ar auåzi “when my father saw the attacking, (he drove up to Tuwanuwa)” KBo 14.3 iv 39, ed. Güterbock 1956; “(with regard to the shipments which I have been sending to you, if I send you an aååul-gift,) zik–ma–at–za parΩ dammenkuwar æalzeååatti “you call it forming an attachment” KBo 18.24 i 5-7 (Otten, AfO 22:112f.); nu–za ANA KARAÅ uwatar … iyanun “I made for the army an inspection (lit. a seeing)” KBo 4.4 iii 28; IGI.ÆI.A- aå–mu uwatar pai “give me the seeing of (my) eyes!” KUB 27.67 ii 65.

28.8 34.2.3 In the genitive case it also merely names an action: taknaza dawaå SISKUR.SISKUR “the ritual of taking (something) from the earth” KUB 17.18 iii 20, cf. Taracha 1990; maææan–ma d.KUÅkuråaå … iræawaå pedi

240 28. Verbal Nouns 241 ari “but when the (deified) hunting bag reaches the place of the iræawar rite” KUB 20.25+ i 4’-5’ (JNES 20:92f.); ANÅE.KUR.RA t„riyawaå “a draft horse (lit. horse of hitching up)” KBo 6.2 + 19.1 iii 43 (Laws §64, OS);

28.9 34.2.4 As discussed in §17.27, there is a genitive without an expressed head noun (“genitive absolute”) which stands alone: n–aå mΩn LÚUB¸RUM–ma kuedani uizzi n–aå INA É DINGIR-LIM åarΩ pawaå “but if he comes to someone a privileged outsider and is ‘one of going up’ (i.e., one allowed access) to the temple” KUB 13.5 ii 11-12 (with restorations from manuscript “J”); mΩn–aå æarkannaå “if he is ‘one of perishing’ (i.e., one deserving the death penalty)” KBo 4.10 i 10; naææuwaå “he of fearing” (i.e., a reverent man) Hatt. IV 55; kuiå aræa tarnummaå “he who is to be released (from military duty)” KUB 13.20 i 11; nu [(annanu)mm]aå 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR pai “he shall give six shekels of silver as the (price) of training” KBo 6.26 iv 29-30 (Laws §200b) w. dupl. KUB 13.14 + 13.16 rev. 6-7, ed. Hoffner 1997a 158f.; note the following negated examples: kuit–ma DI- åar åumel UL tar-aæ-æu-u-wa-aå “whatever litigation (proves) impossible for you (plural) (to resolve/settle)” KUB 13.20 i 36; UL uwawaå (literally, “not one of coming”) “one not permitted to come” KUB 1.16 ii 5; ÍDAranzaæit UL mazzuwaå “(I have impregnated you) with the Tigris River, not to be resisted” KUB 33.120+ i 32 (Song of Kumarbi); nu–wa memiyaå nakkiå UL–ma–war–aå aræa peååiyawaå “the matter is important; it is something not to be cast aside” Ullik. I A iv 45-46. A negated gen. of the verbal substantive can usually be translated “not …- able” or “not to be …-ed”.

28.10 34.3 The verbal substantive, having both a nominal and a verbal aspect, can take its logical object in either the genitive or accusative case. When its nominal aspect is prominent, it takes its object in the genitive : DINGIR.MEÅ-aå–ma–mu ar[nummar] / UL ZI-anza Ëåta “The relocating of the gods was not my wish” KUB14.7 i 9-10; ÅEÅ–YA–ma–mu kuit kiå(å)an TAÅPUR ÅA DUMU.MUNUS–wa zaluganumar [UL Ωra ] “Concerning what you, my ‘brother’ (Ramesses II), wrote to me, saying: ‘Detaining the (promised) daughter [is not permitted]’” KUB 21.38 obv. 34 (letter of Puduæepa); LÚ.MEÅ KUR URUMizra–ma maææan ÅA KUR URUAmqa GUL-aææuwar iåtamaååanzi “but when the people of Egypt heard (lit. hear) the attacking of the land of Amqa” KBo 5.6 iii 5-6; [ÅA MUNUS.LUGAL tepn]umar [mΩn Z]I-anza Ëåta / [mΩn–ma–ta UL ZI-anz]a eåta / [apaå–ma ÅA ƒTawannann ]a tepnumar / [iyat] “Whether or not it was your will to demote the queen, he carried out the demoting of Tawananna” KUB21.19 i 25-28; æalluwanuer–m [a–at–za ] / nu namma [ÅE-aå? m]alluwar U[L kiåari] “They quarrelled, so that no further milling [of the grain occurs]” KUB 24.7 i 32-33, ed. Güterbock, Fs Kramer 155-164. When its verbal aspect is prominent, it takes its object in the accusative : n–uå µIåpudaåinaraå maniyaææeåkizzi / GI-an GIÅUMBIN æaåæaååuwar GIÅTUKUL appatar “Iåpudaå-inara taught (hist. pres. “shows” or “teaches”) them (how) to smooth/sharpen an arrow (or) a wheel (and) to hold a weapon” KBo 3.34 ii 28-29 (“Palace Chronicle”, OH/NS). Perhaps even the dative: nu–za ANA KARAÅ uwatar … iyanun “I made for the army an inspection (i.e., I inspected the army)” KBo 4.4 iii 28. The logical subject of the verb contained in the gerund can also occur in the genitive case: IGI.ÆI.A-aå–mu uwatar pai “give me the seeing of (my) eyes!” KUB 27.67 ii 65.

241 28. Verbal Nouns 242

INFINITIVE

28.11 34.4 The infinitive is most often used to express the purpose of the action in the main finite verb of the clause: nu–wa–kan … µPipitaæin åa [p]Ωåiyawanzi [par]Ω neææun “I sent Pipitahi out to do reconnaissance” HKM 17 obv. 16-17 (letter, MH/MS); takku Ωppatriwanzi kuiåki [p]aizzi “If anyone goes to requisition” KBo 6.26 i 28 (Laws §164, OH/NS); sometimes the verb governing the infinitive is itself non-finite (e.g., a participle): ¬allallΩ pΩwanzi–wa–za UGU linkanuwanza “I have been made to swear with the regard to defection” KBo 4.14 ii 46-47 (treaty).

28.12 34.4.1 Even when no finite verb is expressed, the infinitive can express purpose: 1 DUG æaniååaå GEÅTIN åipanduwanzi “one jug of wine for libating” KUB 7.53 i 23 (rit. of Tunn.).

28.13 34.4.2 Occasionally the infinitive describes the manner in which the action of the main verb is executed: liliwaææuwanzi nai “Send quickly!” ABoT 60 rev. 3-4, VBoT 2:10-12, liliwaææuwanzi arnutten “Move quickly!” HKM 15:10-13, liliwaææuwanzi „nni “Drive here quickly!” HKM 14:6-7, nu INA 8 MUÅI penniyawanzi 6 DANNA arnuanzi “And for eight nights they move them six DANNA’s at a trot” KBo 3.5 i 57-58 (Kikkuli horse training manual); n–uå åakuruwawanzi æaååiknuanzi “And they satisfy them (i.e., the horses) by watering” KUB 29.40 ii 5 (Hipp.heth 178);

28.14 34.4.3 The infinitive can define a (predicate) adjective: eki BÀD-ni LUGAL-aå KASKAL-å–a takåuwanzi GIÅSAR.GEÅTIN-aå tuææuåuanzi (var. KBo 6.3 iii 24 tuæåuwanzi) ÅA [(LÚURUDU.NAG)]AR / natta kuiåki arawaå “No one of the metalworkers shall be exempt with respect to making ice, a fortification wall, and a king’s road, or harvesting vineyards” KBo 22.62 + 6.2 iii 21-22 (Laws §56, OS); URUAkitumaå–ma–aå SISKUR-eååar / anda uåkiyawanzi / kuit åanezzi “she (i.e., my mother) is an offering of the Akiti festival which is pleasant to look at” CTH 315:54-56.

28.15 34.5 The infinitive can be construed so that the logical direct object of the verb stands in the accusative case (note also the variety of auxiliary verbs and their force): anzel–za–ka[n] / ÉRIN.MEÅ-an ÉRIN.MEÅ KÚR walæuwanzi / zikkizzi “The enemy’s troops will begin to attack our troops” KBo 10.7+ iii 15-16; takku DUMU-an an [(nanumanzi)] kuiåki pai naååu LÚNAGAR n[(aåma LÚ)S(IMUG.A) LÚUÅ.B]AR naåma LÚAÅGAB naåma LÚ TÚG “If anyone pays for training a son (in a craft), either a carpenter, a smith, a weaver, a leatherworker or a fuller” Laws §200 (OH/NS); ÅA É.GAL-LIM–ma–z NUMUN.ÆI.A / aniyawanzi UL mimatti “but you will not refuse to sow the seeds supplied by the palace (lit. of the palace)” HKM 55:27-28 (MH/MS); GIÅarmiz[zi–wa] / IÅTU NA› wedumanzi / kar„ zinnanda “They have already finished building the bridge with stones” HKM 72:4-6 (letter, MH/MS); nu–za URUTuwanuwan zaææiyawanzi Ëpzi “he began to fight Tuwanuwa” KBo 14.3 iv 22 (Deeds of Åupp., fragm. 15); Ω[ppa]–ma–kan µAttariååiyaå LÚ URU¸ææiyΩ aræa uit nu EGIR-an tuk–pat µMadduwattan kunanna åanæ[iåki]t “Attariååiya, the man of AææiyΩ, came, and was seeking to kill you, Madduwatta” KUB 14.1 obv. 60 (MH/MS); nu–za URUTuwanuwan zaææiyawanzi Ëpzi “He began to fight Tuwanuwa” KBo 14.3 iv 22 (DÅ frag. 15F), cf. ibid. 29-31; nu–za pait URUAlminan wetummanzi IŒBAT “he

242 28. Verbal Nouns 243 began to fortify Almina” KBo 5.6 i 9 (DÅ frag. 28A); nu–wa–za DUMU-aå kui[å zik] / [nu–w]ar–an–kan taparuna kuwapi paiåi “And because you are but a child, where will you go to rule him?” KUB 19.29 iv 20-21, ed. AM 20f.; µ∂LAMMA-aå–a kue KARAÅ.ÆI.A INA KUR URUNuæaååi / æalkiuå æarninkuwanzi peæudan æarta “The troops that Kurunta had led to Nuæaåe in order to destroy (their) crops” KBo 4.4 ii 63-64, ed. AM 120f.; nu uwaåi / ÅA ÆUR.SAG Taååa NA›perunuå IÅTU SAG.DU–KA GUL-aææuanzi / zinniåkiåi “You will end up striking the rocks of Mt. Taååa with your head” KUB 33.120 i 34-36 (Song of Kumarbi); mΩn–apa NINDAtaparpaåuå åarrumanzi taruptari “when the distribution of taparpaåu -breads is completed” KUB 41.42 iii 5’-7’, with restorations from dupl. KUB 10.89 i; probably acc., but possibly nom.-acc. neut. is aååu UZU.Ì æuwappann–a UZU.Ì / uwanna “to see the favorable inner organ and the unfavorable one” KBo 3.21 ii 9-10 (MH/NS).

28.16 34.5.1 The following additional examples are ambiguous, either nom. or acc.: [n–aåta maninkuwaææi ] / [ka]ttawatar åanæeåki [wanzi maninkuwaææi] “[She will draw near. She will draw near] in order to seek vengeance” KUB 1.16 ii 21-22 (OH/NS); kuel–a GUD-uå UDU-uå u[watewanzi maninkuwaææi] ibid. ii 27; [nu kuit] É.MEÅ DUMU.LUGAL danna ilaliyanzi “[And because] they want to take the estates of the prince(s)” KBo 3.1 ii 63 (OH/NS); ÅA É.GAL-LIM–ma–z NUMUN.ÆI.A / aniyawanzi UL mimatti “but you shall not refuse to sow the seeds of the palace” HKM 55:27-28 (letter, MH/MS); liååiyala–tta–ma nepiåaå daganzipaå –a / uddar kattan aræa petummanzi “It is for you to take along the oracular words of heaven and earth” KBo 3.21 ii 6-7 (hymn to Adad, MH/NS); mΩn–za–kan LÚ.MEÅKISAL.LUÆ É.MEÅ GIBIL æaneååuwanzi appanzi “When the courtyard washers begin plastering the new building(s)” KUB 29.1 iii 29 (without ANA the logogram É.MEÅ GIBIL is probable accusative, not dative); maææan–ma–za æalkueååar æandawanzi zinnai nu–za EZEN› namma iyawanzi Ëpzi “when he finishes preparing the materials (for the festival), he will then begin performing the festival itself” KUB 27.59 i 23-25. The uses of MH liliwaææuwanzi in the Ma®at letters (HKM 13:10-12, 15:10-13, 20:6-12, etc.) are adverbial (“hastily”), with the acc. objects depending upon the main verb in the clause.

28.17 34.5.1.1 But more often, when the verb which occurs in the infinitival form has a logical object in the sentence, that object stands in the dative : mΩn ANA GIÅGEÅTIN tuæåanna / IGI.ÆI.A-wa / UL æaråi “If you do not keep your eyes on harvesting the grapes” HKM 34:15-17 (letter, MH/MS); n–at ANA ∂UTU-ÅI / uwanna æandΩer “and (the lords) arranged to see His Majesty” HKM 63:20-21 (letter, MH/MS); ∂Anuå–ma–ta ∂EN.LÍL-aå–a … / ANA LÚ.MEÅ KÚR-ÅUNU wemiyawanzi tuk watarnaææir “Anu and Enlil … commissioned you to ‘find’ their enemies” KBo 3.21 ii 12-13 (hymn to Adad, MH); kuedaå–ma–kan ANA EZEN›.ÆI.A GAL.ÆI.A ÅA EZEN›.MEÅ ITU aånumanzi æandandat ABoT 14+ v 9-11 (CTH 568, oracles); EME.ÆI.A EME.ÆI.A kuwapi–wa paitteni NA›peruni :palæuna paiweni … ANA NA›KA :duwarnumanzi paiweni UR.MAÆ tarwawanzi (text reads with haplography: tarwanzi ) paiweni UR.BAR.RA :patalæauna paiweni :zammanti DUMU.NITA lalauna paiweni “Tongues, tongues, where are you going? We go to the rock for palæa-ing, … we go to the KA- stone for breaking, we go to the lion for tarwai -ing, we go to the wolf for patalæa- ing, we go to the zammant-boy for releasing (him from a spell)” KUB 44.4 + KBo 13.241, rev. 22-25 (ritual incantation); MUNUS.LUGAL fPuduæepaå–kan kuwapi mUR.MAÆ-LÚ-in GAL DUB.SAR.MEÅ URUHattuåi ANA ØUPPAHI.A URUKizzuwatna

243 28. Verbal Nouns 244

åanæuwanzi weriyat n–aåta kË ØUPPA HI.A ÅA EZEN› æiåuwaå apiya UD-at aræa aniyat “When Queen Puduhepa commanded Walwaziti, (who is) chief of the scribes, to seek in Hatti for tablets of Kizzuwatna, on that day he copied out these tablets of the Festival of æiåuwaå” KBo 15.60 = KUB 7.45 vi 5ff. (colophon); mΩn INA UD.2.KAM lukkatta nu MUNUS.MEÅ uktu[riy]a æaåtiaå leååuwanzi / pΩnzi “At dawn on the second day women go to the pyre to collect the bones (dative)” KUB 30.15 + 39.19 (HTR 66f) i 1-2 (funerary rit.).

28.18 34.5.1.2 In the following examples with -mu we cannot be sure if the object is in the dative or accusative: apΩå–ma–mu æarkanna åanæta “but he sought to kill me” (lit. he sought me for perishing) Hatt. III 63-65; mΩn–mu idalawanni–ya kuiå waggariya [w]anzi åanæazi “if someone in wickedness seeks to rebel against me” KUB 21.47+:23 (CTH 268); nu kuiå LÚNAGAR IŒŒI ÆUR.SAG GIÅinnaååaå / karåuwanzi paizzi “He who is a carpenter goes to the mountain to cut beams” KUB 29.1 iii 14-15 (rit., OH/NS) (innaååaå in NH copy could be acc. pl., but is probably dat. here); CREF also KBo 22.62 + 6.2 iii 21-22 above sub 40.4.2. The following could be an example of the logical object in either the dative or the accusative, depending on whether ANA or the ending - an is to be taken more seriously: naåma ANA dDuppiteååupan INA KUR URUAmurri ANA LUGAL-UTTIM aræa tittanummanzi takkeåzi “of (if) he plots to remove Duppiteååup (logical obj., but dat.) from kingship in Amurru” KBo 5.9 ii 34-36 (Dupp. §12).

28.19 34.5.2 When this construction involves the verb “to be”, what to us is the logical object of the verb in the infinitive may actually appear in the nominative case: [kË]z–ma–kan URUTiyaååiltaå QADU A.ÅÀ A.GÀR-ÅU / [IN]A URUTimmuæala åipanduwanzi anda appanza “in this direction (the city) Tiyaååilta with its fields and meadows (is) combined with (the city) Timmuæala for the purpose of being made sacrosanct (to a deity)” KUB 19.37 ii 21-22 (annals of Murå. II); NINDA.KUR›.RA paråiyawanzi NU GÁL “There are no loaves for breaking” KUB 12.12 v 32; IÅT[U KUR] URUKÙ.BABBAR-TI LÚMUNNABTUM EGIR-pa piyanna UL a-a-ra “a fugitive (nomin.) is not right for giving back from the land of Hatti (i.e., it is not permitted to give back a fugitive from the land of Hatti)” KBo 5.4 obv. 38 (Targ. §7); LÚMUNNABTUM EGIR SUM-wanzi UL a-a-ra “It is not permitted to give back fugitives” KUB 19.55 rev. 4 (Milawata letter, Hatt. III); nu–ååi GUD piyawanzi SIxSÁ-at “An ox was determined for him for giving (if from pai-; or for sending there, if from piyai-): KUB 43.50 + KUB 15.36 + KUB 12.27, i 11-13 (Murs. speech loss); mΩn URU-LUM kuiåki … ANAm Ulmiteååup piyanna UL ZI- anza (Literally:) “If some village/city is not the wish to give to Ulmi-Teååup” KBo 4.10 ii 18.

28.20 34.5.3 When there is an impersonal verb such as “it doesn’t succeed that” or “it doesn’t happen that”, the logical subject of the infinitive’s verb can stand in the dative: mΩn tuk–ma [warr ]iåuwanzi UL kiåari “But if you are unable to [as]sist” KBo 5.9 ii 19 (Dupp. treaty); nu–nnaå–kan epurawanzi UL æapdat “We couldn’t epura-“ KBo 18.54 rev. 14-15 (letter); according to one possible interpretation, the passages Bronze Tablet i 96-97 and ii 1- 2 would also serve as examples.

28.21 34.6 Often the infinitive combines with a finite verb idiomatically, as if the latter were an auxiliary verb.

244 28. Verbal Nouns 245

28.22 34.6.1 The infinitive combines with the auxiliary verb epp- with the meaning “to begin to do something” (Goetze 1925 89, Friedrich 1930 154, and HW2 2:64f.). This construction is attested once in a New Hittite copy of an Old Hittite ritual: mΩn–za LÚ.MEÅKISAL.LUÆ É.MEÅ GIBIL æaneååuwanzi appanzi “When the courtyard- washers begin plastering new buildings” KUB 29.1 iii 29 (ritual, OH/NS). But since there is no other example in either OH or MH, we should probably attribute this construction to the NH scribe rather than his OH archetype. A few securely datable New Hittite examples: nu–za pait URUAlminan wetummanzi IŒBAT “He went and began to fortify Almina” KBo 5.6 i 9 (DÅ, Murå. II), ed. JCS 10:90; not found in Muråili II’s own military annals; nu–mu–za alwanzaææuwanzi namma QADU DAM-ÅU DUMU-ÅU epper “They — (he) together with his wife and son — began again to bewitch me” Apol. of Hatt. ii 77ff. In addition the construction is found routinely in NH ritual and cult texts: nu–za DINGIR.MEÅ æuittiyawanzi appanzi “And they begin to draw the gods” KUB 15.31 i 33, iii 48; nu–za EZEN› namma / iyawanzi Ëpzi “And he begins to celebrate the festival again” KUB 27.59 + 209/t i 24-25; etc.

28.23 34.6.1.1 The infinitive with dai- and -za also means “to begin to (do something)” (lit., “to place oneself to (do something)”): anda–ma–z–kan mΩn LÚ.KÚR-aå kuwΩpi uwalæuwanzi dΩi “Then when the enemy begins (lit. sets himself) to attack” KBo 16.50 (oath of Aåæapala); anzel–za–kan ÉRIN.MEÅ-an ÉRIN.MEÅ KÚR walæuwanzi zikkizzi “Enemy troops will begin to attack our troops” KBo 10.7 + HSM 3645 iii 15-16, cf. ibid. 19- 20. Cf. the same verbal construction without the infinitive: LÚ.KÚR–za–kan / maææan URUKaåaåan / URUTaæazzimunan–a / zikkizzi “How the enemy is begins the (towns of) Kasasa and Tahazzimuna” HKM 27:3-6 (letter).

28.24 34.6.2 The infinitive with tiya- also means “to begin to (do something)”: nu DINGIR.MEÅ æ„manteå ANA ∂Ullukummi …GUD.ÆI.A maææan / uwayawanzi tÏer “And all the gods like cows began to low towards Ullukummi” KUB 33.106 + KBo 26.65 iv 19-20 (Ullik. myth). See also: [... LÚ]-LUM kuwapi waåå„wanzi tianzi KUB 31.69 obv. 8 (NH), 1 NINDA.KU‡ BA.BA.ZA ÅA 2 UPN[I] / 1 DUG æalwatalla LÀL / 1 DUG ÆAB.ÆAB GÚ.GÍD.DA ANA AÅ[RIÆI.A ] / iræawanzi tiya[nzi] / nu AÅRIÆI.A iræanz[i] KUB 25.19 vi 13-17 + IBoT 4.80:4-8 (NS), LUGAL-uå iræΩwanzi / tiyazi 3=ÅU! iræaizzi / ∂U URUZippalanda / ÆUR.SAG DΩæa ∂ÆaåmΩyu KUB 11.30 + IBoT 4.197 iii 22-25. This construction is strikingly similar to the more common use of tiya- with the supine (CREF §28.45 (*35.5).

28.25 34.6.2 The infinitive with the verb zinna- is translated “to finish (doing something)”: maææan–ma LÚNAR AWA[TEMEÅ] memiyawanzi zinna[i] “but when the singer finishes speaking the words” KUB 39.84 obv. 1-2; nu–za GIM-an […] SISKUR.ÆI.A iyawanzi zinnaææi “And when I finish performing the rituals” AT 125:22-24 (letter); maææan–ma–za æalkueååar æandawanzi zinnai nu–za EZEN› namma iyawanzi Ëpzi “when he finishes preparing the materials (for the festival), he will then begin performing the festival itself” KUB 27.59 i 23-25.

28.26 34.6.2.1 Similar in meaning is the infinitive with åarΩ tittanu- : nu tuel ÅA ∂UTU URUArinna æimmuå SISKUR.SISKUR.ÆI.A EZEN›.ÆI.A iyawanzi åarΩ tittanuåkanzi “They finish celebrating your æimmuå, rituals

245 28. Verbal Nouns 246

(and) festivals, O Sungoddess of Arinna” KUB 24.3 i 23-25 (prayer of Murå. II), and the infinitive with aååanu-: maææan–kan MUNUS ÅU.GI mugawanzi aånuzi nu aruwaizzi “When the Old Woman finishes invoking (the deity), she bows down” KUB 17.23 i 1-2 (mugawar for Anzili and Zukki); n–aåta GIM-an tuppa ÆI.A -aå–a memiyanuå anda memiyawanzi aååanuwanzi “When they finish speaking the words of the tablets” KUB 17.18 ii 15-16 (ritual).

28.27 34.6.3 The infinitive with æandalliya- means “to dare to (do something)” KBo 4.4 iii 62-63 (AM 130ff.);

28.28 34.6.4 The infinitive with mazz- also means “to dare to (do something)”: [mΩ]n apΩå–ma memiyawanzi UL mazzazzi “But if he doesn’t dare to tell (his superior)” KUB 13.4 iii 76 (instructions for priests. Cf. CHD mazz- a 1’ d’.

28.29 34.6.5 The infinitive with taræ- means “to be able to (do something)”: nu–war–at–za namma iyatnuwan æΩåuwΩi SAR [pu]ååuwanzi lË kuiåki taræzi “And let no one be able to [cr]ush the iyatnuwan æaåuwai plant again” KUB 29.7 + KBo 21.41 rev. 28 (Åamuæa rit.), but also “to defeat someone (acc.) in doing something”: ÅUÅÅI LÚ.MEÅ 70 LÚGURUÅ[–z]a åiåiyawanzi taræta “he defeated sixty men (and) seventy young men in shooting” KUB 36.67 ii 23 (Gurparanzahu myth).

28.30 34.6.6 The infinitive with wakkar- means “to almost do something, not quite do something” (lit. “to lack to do something”): (When Æebat saw Taåmiåu,) nu–kan ∂Hebaduå åuææaz katta mauååuwanzi waqqareå “she almost fell down from the roof (where she was standing)” KUB 33.106 ii 7-8 (Ullik. III A).

28.31 34.6.7 The infinitive with karå- means “to fail to (do something), neglect to (do something)”: nu 1-aå 1- aå INA É DINGIR-LIM åarΩ åËåuwanzi lË–pat karåtari “And individually don’t neglect to spend the night(s) up in the temple” KUB 13.4 iii 5-6 (instructions for priests).

28.32 34.6.7.1 The infinitive with mimma- means “to refuse to (do something)”: µMadduwattaå–a–z KUR ÆUR.SAG Æariyati aåΩnna mimmaå “Madduwatta refused to settle in the Mt. Hariyati district” KUB 14.1 obv. 18; ÆUR.SAG-aå–za arawanzi memmai æariyaå–za appΩnna memmai KASKAL-åaå–za karipuwanzi memmai “The mountain will refuse restraining. The valley will refuse seizing. The road will refuse devouring.” KUB 12.62 rev. 3- 6 (ritual); ÅA É.GAL-LIM–ma–z NUMUN.ÆI.A / aniyawanzi UL mimatti “but you shall not refuse to sow the seeds of the palace” HKM 55:27-28 (letter, MH/MS);

28.33 34.6.8 The infinitive with tarna- means “to allow (something to be done)”: nu namma ∂UTU-ÅI / URUDukkaman URU-an [å]Ωruwawanzi UL tarnaææun “And then I did not permit (the city) Dukkama to be plundered” KBo 4.4 iv 23-24 (annals of Murs. II); ammuk–ma–za–kan pariyan pΩwa [nzi] UL tarnaå “But he did not allow me to go beyond” KUB 23.87:10-11 (letter).

246 28. Verbal Nouns 247

28.34 34.6.9 The infinitive with nuntarnu - means “to (do something) hastily or precipitately”: “The disposition of the gods is patient:” [(nu eppuwan)]zi UL nuntarnuzi “they in no hurry to seize (an offender)” KUB 13.5 ii 31 (instructions for priests) with restorations from copy C.

28.35 34.6.9.1 The infinitive with iræai- means “to perform (an action) in a circular way”: 1 DUG KUKUB KAÅ–ya åipanduwanzi iræaizzi “he libates one pitcher of beer in a circle” or “makes the rounds libating a pitcher of beer” KBo 24.45 obv. 12.

28.36 34.7 The infinitive with natta a-a-ra means “It is not permitted to (do something)”: LÚMUNNABTUM EGIR SUM-wanzi UL a-a-ra “It is not permitted to give back fugitives” KUB 19.55 rev. 4 (Milawata letter, Hatt. III); nu UL–ma a-a-ra UGU åeåuwanzi “Or is it not permitted to spend the night up there?” KUB 5.1 i 38 (oracle question, NH).

28.37 34.8 The infinitive with the negated impersonal (sing. 3) verb form UL æaddat/æaddari and the dative of the actor means “couldn’t/can’t (do something” (lit., “it was/is impossible for [the person] to [do something]”): nu–nnaå–kan epurawanzi UL æaddat “We couldn’t epura-“ KBo 18.54 rev. 14-15 (letter), epurawanzi–ma–kan UL æaddari “it will be impossible to epura-“ ibid. 19.

28.38 34.8.1 Similar in meaning is the infinitive with the negated impersonal (sing. 3) verb UL kiåari/kiåat: nu–ååi UL parΩ iyanniyawanzi kiåari UL–ma–ååi EGIR-pa tiyawanzi kiåari “He (Æuwawa) couldn’t go forward, and he couldn’t step backward” KUB 8.53:18-20 (Gilgamesh).

28.39 34.9 Although usually the main verb which governs the infinitive is a simple present or preterite, other forms such as the analytic perfect (pËæudan æarta KBo 4.4 ii 64) or the iterative (æatreåkiåi Hatt. iii 76, taræiåkit Dupp. B 16 SV 1:8) also occur.

SUPINE

28.40 35.1 The form of the verb in -(u)wan is called the supine (Latin and German: Supinum). In Hittite it is employed only in constructions with an auxiliary verb, either dai- “to put” or tiya- “to step, arrive, enter” (see Friedrich 1960 §§184c, 273 and 259c). The supine is not found in the other two reasonably well-known Indo- European languages of ancient Anatolia: Luwian (Laroche 1959) and Palaic (Kammenhuber 1959; Carruba 1970, 1972). Principal studies of the supine in Hittite are Ose 1944 and Kammenhuber 1955a.

28.41 35.2 The supine construction is never negated, and no word breaks the nexus between the supine and its auxiliary verb (dai- or tiya-). This is in contrast to the infinitive (cf. ÅA É.GAL-LIM–ma–z NUMUN.ÆI.A / aniyawanzi UL mimatti “but you shall not refuse to sow the seeds of the palace” HKM 55:27-28 above in §34.5).

28.42 35.3 In the supine the verb almost always takes the -åke- stem: æurzakiwan, karpiåkiwan, uppeåkiwan, memiåkiwan, uiåkiwan, åanæiåkiwan, miåkiwan, daåkiwan, walæanniåkiwan, aruweåkiwan, taræiåkiwan, punuåkiwan, duåkiåkiwan, uåkiåkiwan, weåkiwan, åippanzakiwan, æukkiåkiwan, æatreåkiwan, waluåkiwan,

247 28. Verbal Nouns 248 kururiyaææiåkiwan, dameåkiwan, teåæaniåkiwan, waænuåkiwan, æarninkiåkiwan, paiågawan (KUB 19.36 ii 5), kappueåkiwan. In all cases but paiågawan the theme vowel after -åk- is i/e.

28.43 35.3.1 Occasionally instead of the -åke- stem, the verb in the supine takes the -annai- or -eååa- stems: iååuwan, eååuwan, piyanniwan (OH KBo 8.42 rev. 2-3), iyanniwan (MS), piddanniwan (MS). At least twice it attaches to a reduplicated verbal root: lilæuwan dΩiå KBo 32.14 iii 19 (Song of Release, MH/MS); n–aå DINGIR- LIM-iå kikiååuwan daiå KUB 3.1+ i 63-64. Cf. §33.8 .

28.44 35.4 Quite rarely the verb shows no imperfective stem extension: karipuwan dair “they began to devour” KBo 3.1 i 21-22 (OH/NS), åarriyawan dair KUB 24.8 + KUB 36.60 iv 21-22 (OH?/NS), taræuwan dΩiå KBo 3.7 iii 25 (OH/NS), iåparruwan da [i(?)…] KBo 14.45:4, æannuwan daiå KUB 29.39 iv 8’; piyawa[n tiyaåi] KUB 14.29 + KUB 19.3 i 7 (AM 105). With the exception of the last-cited passage (Mursili II), these passages were copied OH or MH archetypes. Cf. too in MH/MS: åapaåiyawa[n dΩir] HKM 7 obv. 6. It is possible that in some of these cases the verbs themselves were felt to be inherently imperfective and needed no external marking (cf. Hoffner and Melchert 2001). Such might be the case with karip- “to devour”, åapaåiya- “to scout”, and iåpar- “to spread out, trample”. But since others in the above list are actually attested with the overt imperfective marking (åarråke-, taræeåke-, æanniåke-), one cannot make this claim for them.

28.45 35.5 The older texts show a preference for dai- “to put” as the auxiliary verb; later texts can employ either dai- or tiya- “to step, enter”, although tiya- is most commonly confined to the plural: tiyaweni, tier. The form ti(- ya)-an-zi is ambiguous, as it could be parsed as 3 pl. pres. of either verb. Rarer (mostly OH or MH) plural forms of dai- as auxiliary verb are: daiåten, dair and daier; otherwise it is employed in the singular: teææi, daitti, dai, daiå .

28.46 35.5.1 The origins of the use of dai- “to put, place” in this construction are obscure. The analogous tiya- constructions with allative or locative of action nouns: zaææiya tiya- “enter upon battle”, æanneåni tiya- “enter a legal dispute”, kuååani tiya- “enter a wage-earning situation”, åardiya tiya- “enter upon a military-assistance action” afford us an idea of how tiya- could have been felt an apt choice as an auxiliary verb in the construction with the supine. The action nouns just cited are all inherently processes, which fits them as near equivalents of imperfective verb forms. For da- with the infintive cf. §34.6.1.1 . For tiya- with the infinitive cf. §34.6.2 .

28.47 35.5.2 One usually translates the supine construction “to begin to do something”, “to be ready to do something”, “to be willing to do something”. It is found occasionally in almost all types of text, but it is used quite extensively in only two types: the NH mythological narratives (see DeVries 1967) and the NH military annals (see Goetze 1933a and Güterbock 1956), but especially in the former. There is a noticable complimentary distribution of the two semantically similar constructions (both meaning “to begin to …”), supine with dai- or tiya- and infinitive with epp-: where the supine construction is found, the infinitival one is not, and vice versa. Thus the infinitval construction is not found in the myths or in the annals of Muråili II, but the supine construction occurs, and in the Deeds of Åuppiluliuma, authored by Muråili II, the infinitival construction occurs, but the supine construction is not found. In the Apology of Hattuåili III the supine construction is quite common, while the

248 28. Verbal Nouns 249 infinitive + epp- occurs once. The infinitive + epp- construction occurs rarely prior to New Hittite, while the supine construction was in normal use from Old Hittite times.

PARTICIPLE

28.48 35.6 The declined form of the verb in -ant- is called the p a r t i c i p l e . It is built on the same stem as the present third plural active in those cases where there is stem variation (e.g. appant- ‘seized’ from Ëp-, kurant- ‘cut’ from kuer-, æandΩnt- ‘prepared, arranged’ from æandΩi-). This form corresponds not only to the participle forms in -nt- to be found in Greek and Latin, but within the Old Anatolian language group to the participle of intransitive verbs in Luwian (Laroche 1959): iyant- “going, current”, arant- “arriving”, ulant- “having died”. Luwian possessed another form in -mmi- to denote the passive participle of transitive verbs: aiyammi- “made”, piyami- “given”, kiåammi- “combed”, dupaimmi- “beaten”. In Hittite (= Nesite) the one participial form in -ant- serves both functions: (1) usually to express the person or thing acted upon (i.e., passive participle of a transitive verb, = the Luwian -mmi- forms), and (2) less commonly the actor (i.e., active participle of an intransitive — akk- “to die” — or detransitive verb): akkant- “having died”, iåtamaååant- “hearing (ear)”, uwant- “seeing (eye)”, adant- “having eaten”, akuwant- “having drunk”, dWiåuriyanza “the strangleress” (Carruba 1966 49f.).

28.49 35.6.1 The participle can serve as either noun or adjective. It is therefore employed in sentences in the same way as ordinary adjectives.

28.50 35.6.2 Like other adjectives, the participle may be used attributively to modify a noun. But when it does so, it does not precede the noun, as do most adjectives (e.g., åalli pedan “great place”), but follows it, as do a small number of adjectives including æ„mant- “all” and dapiyant- “all”: gaggapan zanuwandan tianzi “they set out a cooked gaggapa -animal” KUB 20.11 ii 22; UDU æuiåwanduå appanzi “they seize living sheep” KUB 32.82:6’; 2 NINDA.KUR›.RA KU‡ paråiyanduå “two broken up sweet loaves” KUB 10.52 vi 13; LÚSAGI-aå waååanza “a fully clothed cupbearer” KUB 10.21 ii 11; paååiluå a-a-an-du-uå “warm pebbles” KUB 7.53 + KUB 9.58 ii 22, KUB 17.23 i 13; GUD.ÆI.A-uå UDU.ÆI.A warkanduå SIGfi-anduå “fat (and) healthy cattle and sheep” KUB 31.124 + KUB 48.28 ii 15 (prayer of Arn., MH); URU.DIDLI.ÆI.A … aåanduå “settled … cities” KBo 11.1 obv. 33. This similarity in word order between participles and æ„mant-, dapiyant- coincides with their similar stems (-ant-).

28.51 35.6.2.1 Exceptions are: IÅTU ABIYA kaneååanzaUN -aå “a person recognized/honored by my father” KBo 4.12 obv. 9, witantuå URU.ÆI.A-uå “fortified cities” KUB 36.108 obv. 6, 8; anda æuppanduå NA›.ÆI.A “stones gathered together” VBoT 24 ii 20 (Anniwiyani rit.), ed. Sturtevant and Bechtel 1935 100-126; paråiyanduå NINDA.KUR›.RA.ÆI.A “broken breads” KUB 9.27 + 7.5 + 7.8 ii 9 (Paåkuwatti rit.), ed. Hoffner 1987; and a-a- an-du-uå NA›paååiluå KBo 16.54 + KUB 32.131 + KBo 20.73 iv 18, if (as is usual) Ωnt- is to be viewed as the participle of a verb Ω- (Neu 1968b 1; Friedrich and Kammenhuber 1975-1984 44-45).

28.52 35.6.3 Since the verbal origin of the participle was not forgotten, it continued to be used with complements qualifying its verbal element, such as nouns in the instrumental case: IÅTU ABIYA kaneååanzaUN -aå

249 28. Verbal Nouns 250

“a person recognized/honored by my father” KBo 4.12 obv. 9, Éæili–ma zeriyalli GAD-it kariyanda karu artari “potstands covered with linen cloths are already standing in the courtyard” KUB 10.21 ii 7-8. kariyanda (neut. pl.) shows that zeriyalli is a plural. The verbal aspect of kariyanda is complemented by GAD-it “with linen”. nu–ååan ∂Telepinuå Ì.DÙG.GA-it papparåanta / KASKAL-åa iyanni “O Telipinu, set out on the road sprinkled with fine oil” KUB 17.10 ii 29-30 (Tel. myth, OH/MS); aiå EME-aå gagaå qΩåa –åmaå–kan / parkuin miåriwantan æarkin GIÅGIDRU UL walæantan / UDU-un åipantaææun “O mouth, tongue, tooth! Behold I have sacrificed to you (plural) a pure, gleaming white sheep never (lit. not) struck with a rod” KBo 15.10 + KBo 20.42 ii 8-10 (rit., MH). This recalls similar construction involving pure adjectives whose meanings resemble passive participles: marnuwantet å„n “full (i.e., filled) with marnuwant-beer” KBo 21.72 i 13). This use is more common as a predicate than as an attribute.

28.53 35.7 Like other adjectives, the participle can fill the role of a predicate (“the land is large”, “the situation is grave”), where it can be regarded as the second component of an equation, X = Y: kÏ ØUPPU aræa æarran Ëåta “(the prototype of) this tablet had deteriorated (and was recopied)” KUB 33.120++ iv 32-33 (colophon of Song of Kumarbi myth); æarkiåå–a NINDAæaråiå karu paråiyanza “and the white æ.-bread (was) already broken up” KUB 10.52 vi 8-9. negated: kuåduwata lË æandan–pat eådu “Let a false accusation not be established” KUB 1.16 ii 51- 52 (OH/NS).

28.54 35.8 Like the supine and infinitive, the participle was often employed with auxiliary verbs. On this CREF §25.17 (*32.5) to §25.20 (*32.5.3).

28.55 35.8.1 The participle can be substantivized: æuninkanza 3 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR dai “the injured party takes three shekels of silver” Hittite Laws §9; akkant- “dead person”, LÚpitteyant- “fugitive”, LÚmaniyaææant- (CHD s.v.); cf. the divine name dWiåuriyanza “the strangleress” (cf. Carruba 1966 49ff. and review of the same by Hoffner 1968b.

250 29. Negation 251

CHAPTER 29 NEGATION

29.1 (*36.1) Hittite possessed during the Empire Period five negative words : (1) the negative of assertions natta (usually written as an Akkadogram UL or Ú-UL, rarely as Sumerogram NU), (2) the negative of prohibition le-e, (3) the negative of “not yet”, nΩwi (older spelling na(-a)-ú-i continuing into latest periods, later na(-a)-wifi unattested before New Hittite), (4) the negative of wish or potential nu-u-ma-(a-)an (or nu-u-wa-(a-)an), and (5) nekku “not … somehow?” (Friedrich 1960 §§279-283). All five of these words have been comprehensively treated in the CHD, vol. L-N (1990).

29.2 36.1.2 In Hieroglyphic Luwian the negation of assertions is na, and that of prohibition is ni(s); see Hawkins 1975; Meriggi 1980; Marazzi 1990. In Cuneiform Luwian the negation of assertions is nauwa, and that of prohibition is niå.

29.3 36.2 In Hittite the primary negative of assertions na-at-ta (Akkadian UL) may accompany any part of speech except the imperative: (1) present or preterite tense finite verbs, (2) infinitives, verbal substantives, or supines, (3) participles or adjectives, and (4) adverbs (imma, etc.). Luwian na and Hittite nΩwi suggest that the suffix -tta in natta is secondary in Hittite.

29.4 36.2.1 The usual word order is natta (UL) immediately before the verbal form: takku åumeå natta åaktËni “If you do not know” KBo 22.1:5 (OS), luzzi natta karpiezzi “he shall not perform corvé work” KBo 6.2 ii 40 (OS). But with preverbial constructions the preverb can intervene between natta and the verb: nu namma aræa UL tarnai “he doesn’t let go again” KUB 13.4 ii 23-24 (pre-NH/NS), nu–war–aå–mu parΩ UL peåteni “and (if) you don’t hand them over to me” KUB 14.15 i 15 (NH). For additional examples, exceptions and discussion see Hoffner 1986 86-89.

29.5 36.2.2 In some short sentences (often when the finite verb is fronted), the negation can come at the end, after the finite verb (Goetze 1928 114): namma–ma–kan KUR URUHapalla kuenta–ya UL epta–ya–at UL “But then you neither attacked the land of Hapalla nor seized it” KUB 14.1 ii 23 (Madd., MH/MS); nu–war–an åannatti–ya lË munnΩåi–ya–war–an lË “you must neither hide him nor conceal him” KUB 14.1 i 35; DINAM åarazzi katteraææi lË katterra / åarazziyaææi lË kuit æandΩn apΩt Ïååa “Don’t declare a superior case to be inferior, don’t declare an inferior case to be superior, do what is right” KUB 13.2 ii 27-28; paimi nΩwi uææi nΩwi “I haven’t yet gone, nor have I yet seen” KBo 3.34 i 23 (“Palace Chron.”, OH/NS), warpzi–ma–za nΩwi “but he hasn’t yet bathed” KUB 13.4 iii 79 (instruction for priests, MH/NS). Cf. also the threefold example below in §36.4.3 (categorical negative). When two or more clauses with inverted order are juxtaposed, note that they are asyndetically related.

251 29. Negation 252

29.6 36.2.3 When the negative is delayed until after the verb, it takes with it any indefinite pronoun or adverb (kuiåki, kuinki, kuitki, kuwatqa) associated with it: arruåa / pawar åanæzi lË kuiåki “Let no one seek to defect” KUB 21.42 + 26.12+ ii 16-17;

29.7 36.3 A second negative of assertion is nΩwi, which is usually translated as “not yet” . When the accompanying verb is present tense, it is translated with an English present perfect (“has/have not yet …ed”), while when accompanied by the preterite, it is translated with a past perfect (“had not yet …ed”). Cf. §25.23 (*32.5.6).

29.8 36.3.1 A common use of nΩwi is in the construction with kuitman “while”: kuitman … nΩwi uizzi “while he has not yet come” = “before he comes” (CHD nΩwi a 2’); kuitman … nΩwi uit “while he had not yet come” = “before he came” (CHD nΩwi b 2’ and §38.20 (*43.1).

29.9 36.3.2 When nΩwi occurs in a sentence with unexpressed verb “to be” (eå-) (CHD nΩwi c), the implied tense of eå- is present, and the construction is translated “have/has not yet …ed”.

29.10 36.3.3 As in the case of the other negatives, certain classes of words may intervene between it and the finite verb (CHD nΩwi d): indefinite (kuiåki) and relative pronouns (kui-), conjunctions such as kuitman, and adverbs such as anku, and kuwapikki.

29.11 36.3.4 As with the other negatives, nawi breaks the nexus between preverb and verb (Hoffner 1986 86-89): anda–aå–åan parna nawi paizzi “(but) he hasn’t yet gone into the house” KBo 6.3 iv 36 (Laws §93, OH/NS); kuitman–wa æanneååar aræa nawi ariyaweni KBo 16.47:16-17; n–aåta kuitman æaliaz … katta nawi uwanzi “before they come down from the district” KUB 13.1+ i 6-7.

29.12 36.4 The prohibitive le-e usually associates with the present-future tense (CHD lË a), occurring with all three persons: lË åaggaææi “I don’t want to know” CHD lË a 1’; lË umËni “Let us not see” ibid. a 4’; nu–wa BELI- NI INA URUÆayaåa le-e paiåi “Our lord, don’t go to the city of Æayaåa!” KBo 4.4 iii 24-25 (AM 124f.); nu LÚæippari æappar lË [ku]iåki iezzi “Let no one do business with a æipparaå -man” KBo 6.2 ii 49-50 (Laws §48, OS).

29.13 36.4.1 le-e occasionally associates with the imperative (cf. Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 91f. and CHD lË c; all examples are from Old Hittite documents, although most are in later, NH, copies): lË æandan–pat Ëådu KUB 1.16 ii 51 (HAB 91f.); nu–tta LÚ.MEÅ ÅU.GI lË memiåkandu “Let the elders not speak to you” ibid. ii 60. Another alleged (CHD lË c) example, lË–wa–tta nΩæi “Don’t be afraid” KUB 33.24 (+?) 33.28 i 43; KUB 30.36 ii 8; KUB 30.33 i 15, is better understood as an impersonal third sg. pres. with acc. -tta “let it not make you afraid” (cf. §16.30).

29.14 36.4.2 lË–man, which Sommer understood to have the force of Latin utinam ne “would that … not …” (cf. Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 198 and CHD lË b) consists of lË and the “speaker optative” (-man). It is slightly more “polite” than simple lË and is appropriate when the person addressed is a superior: lË–man–åe

252 29. Negation 253

LUGAL-uå kiååan tezzi “I wish the king would not speak thus to her” KUB 1.16 iii 65-66 (OH/NS), and ABU- YA–man–wa–kan MUNUS.LUGAL–ya lË æannetalwaneå ammukka–man–wa lË kuitki ÆUL-weåzi … lË–man–wa–mu kuitki HUL-weåzi “I wish that my father and the queen would not be opponents-at-law. I wish it would not do me any harm. … I wish it would not do me any harm” KUB 31.66 iii 5-8, 19 (NH). In 1938 Sommer did not know the true significance of n„man, as it has now been clarified (Hoffner 1982a), indicating a negative wish of the subject of the sentence. The NH KUB 31.66 passage with its separation of lË and man (in ammukka–man–wa lË kuitki ÆUL-weåzi) shows that the combination had not been frozen into a single word as *lËman, which seems to have been the case with n„man. lË + man is the negation of the “speaker optative” man a 1’, as n„man is the negation of the “subject optative” man a 2’. But whereas the special sense of lË + man as the negation of the speaker optative was so close to simple lË as to be almost indistinguishable, perhaps accounting for its sparse use, the peculiar force of n„man as the negation of the “subject optative” could not be expressed by any of the other negatives. It is possible that in the broken NS mythological passage KBo 19.121:3 le-e-ma-an-ta DINGIR.MEÅ pí[-...] we actually have lË–man–ta rather than lË–ma–an–ta .

29.15 36.4.3 A rare, but clearly attested usage of lË in a passage where the prohibitive translation is obviously impossible, is the categorical negative (cf. Hoffner 1977b 151f. and CHD lË): “In a meadow there stands a åiåiyamma- tree. Beneath it sit a blind man and a deaf man.” taåwanza auåzi lË duddumiyanza–ma iåtamaåzi lË ikniyanza piddai lË UƇ.ÆI.A-aåå–a uddananteå EN.SISKUR QATAMMA lË uwanzi “The blind man certainly does not see. The deaf man certainly does not hear. The lame man certainly does not run. In the same way the words of sorcery will certainly not see the man for whom this ritual is performed” KUB 12.62 + 1696/u (ZA 63:87f.) rev. 7- 10. Because one would not be likely to say “Let the blind man not see! Let the deaf man not hear!” this is presumably an emphatic negative assertion. Although this usage is rare, it is not without parallel. The first person singular imperative verb occasionally has to be translated as a strong assertation of intention: nu æandan / uk (B am[muk]) kiååan memallu “Truly I shall speak as follows” KUB 6.45+ iii 73-74 (prayer of Muw. II), tr. ANET 398 (“Truly I wish to speak thus”); nu SISKUR ÅA ÍD[Mala] iyallu n–at–kan aånullu “And I will most certainly perform the ritual of the Mala River and complete it” KUB 14.8 rev. 6-7 (PP 2), nu–wa u[g]a ÅAÆ-aå iwar wiyami / [namma=w]a akkallu “I will squeal like a pig, and then I will die” KUB 14.1 rev. 93-94 (Madduwatta, MH/MS).

29.16 36.4.4 When lË precedes the finite verb, it usually allows only certain types of words to separate it from the verb, notably words like kuiåki, kuitki. Its occurrence in final position in nominal sentences (CHD lË d) ÌR-miå lË “Let him not be my subject!” is possible only through the suppression of the implied verb “to be”: ÌR–miå lË Ëåzi.

29.17 36.4.5 As with the other negatives, lË usually breaks the nexus between preverb and verb (Hoffner 1986 86-89): anda lË tarniåkanzi KUB 31.86 ii 25; t–at Ωppa åarΩ lË uËzzi StBoT 8 iii 12-13 (OS); aræa lË autti KUB 17.6 i 20 (OH/NS); parΩ lË uwanzi “they shall not come out” KUB 13.8:8 (MH/NS).

253 29. Negation 254

29.18 36.5 n„man (n„wan) differs from lË and lË–man in its ability to express the wish of the subject of the sentence (Hoffner 1982a). While LUGAL-uå lË uizzi can only mean “may the king not come” (i.e., “I do not wish the king to come”), LUGAL-uå n„man uizzi means “the king does not wish to come”. For n„man and lË + man as negative equivalents of the two uses of optative man CREF above sub §29.14 (*36.4.2).

29.19 36.6 Less certain is nekku, a negative adverb used in rhetorical questions since OH (cf. CHD nekku). nekku … kuit (for kuitki) “not … something?” and nekku kuwapikki “not … somewhere?” CREF below in §29.23 (*36.7.3).

29.20 36.7 A rhetorical question is an utterance which has the outward form of a question, but which does not seek information but seeks to make an emphatic assertion, either positive or negative. For discussion of negative rhetorical questions cf. Hoffner 1986 89ff. with the earlier lit. cited there and also Melchert 1985, and Chapter 37.

29.21 36.7.1 Some negative rhetorical questions (“Has he not done so-and-so?”) are the functional equivalents of emphatic positive assertions (“He has certainly done so-and-so!”). In Hittite they usually show the negative in initial position: natta–åamaå LÚ.MEÅDUGUD tuppi æazzian æarzi “Has (my father) not inscribed a tablet for you dignitaries?” KBo 22.1 obv. 23 (inst., OH/OS); UL–war–an–kan tuetaza memiyanaz kuennir “Was it not at your word that they killed it (the Bull of Heaven)?” KUB 8.48 i 12 (Gilgamesh, NH).

29.22 36.7.2 But the negative does not need to be clause initial: (If a mortal were to live forever, the unpleasant illness of such a man would also continue;) man–at–åi natta kattawatar “Wouldn’t it (then) be a grievance for him?” KUB 30.10 obv. 23 (prayer, OH/MS); man zik UL aråanieåe “Wouldn’t you be upset?” ABoT 65 rev. 6 (letter, MH/MS); often with UL imma: nu–wa–ta UL imma peææi peææi–ta “Will I indeed not give it to you? I will (certainly) give (it) to you!” VBoT 2:8-9 (letter to Ramses II).

29.23 36.7.3 A second type of negative question does not necessarily assume either a positive or negative answer, but strongly suggests a positive one. This type of question in Hittite is expressed with nekku. KUR-e–wa nikku kuwapikki æarkan man–wa URU.DIDLI.ÆI.A / nikku kuwapikki dannateååanteå / mΩn–wa LÚÉRIN.MEÅ nikku kuwapikki æullanteå “The land is not destroyed somewhere, is it? The cities wouldn’t be devastated somewhere, would they? The troops wouldn’t be defeated somewhere, would they?” (If they aren’t, then why has this deity come to me?) KUB 24.8 + KUB 36.60 ii 16-18 (Appu), ed. Siegelová 1971. 8f. We take both the plene ma-a-an and the non-plene ma-an in this sequence to be the irrealis man.

29.24 36.8 In Hittite a double negative does not equal a positive, but rather an intensified negative: nu–war–an æuwappi DINGIR-LIM-ni UL parΩ UL kuwapikki tarnaææun “I never turned him over to a hostile deity, never!” Hatt. iv 12-13; apatt–a kuåduwatar lË lË æandΩn–pat Ëådu “And let that false accusation never — never be established!” KUB 1.16 ii 65, cf. ibid. ii 30. But a negated subject and a negated main verb do cancel each other out: ektaå–ma–du–ååan iræaz UL naæåariyawanza / aræa UL uizzi “even he who is not afraid will not escape (lit. come out of) the circle of your net” KBo 3.21 ii 17-18.

254 29. Negation 255

29.25 36.8.1 The force of a negative in one clause can continue into the following one (Sommer 1922 8 n. 3, Goetze 1925 93, as in the English translations: “(As malt has no ability to germinate,) UL–an A.ÅÀ-ni pedanzi n–an NUMUN-an / ienzi “ they don’t carry it into the field and use it as seed” KBo 6.34 ii 33-33 (Soldiers’ Oath); cf. [BÙLUG] / mΩææan tepåuå UL–an gimra ped [anzi] / n–an NUMUN-an iyanzi UL–ma–an NINDA-an iya[nzi] / É NA›KIÅIB tianzi “As [malt] is sterile, they don’t carry it into the field and use it as seed, nor do they make it into bread and deposit it in a storehouse” KUB 17.10 iii 16-19 (Tel. myth, OH/MS); æaååannaå DUMU-an idalu le kuiåki iyazi nu–ååi–åan GÍR-an takkeåzi “Let no one mistreat a son of the (royal) family and drive a dagger into him” KBo 3.1 ii 35 (Tel. procl., OH/NS).

29.26 36.9 To summarize , the following are the negatives of Hittite together with translations:

natta (UL) makes a negative assertion “he has not (does not, will not) come”

nΩwi denies action prior to the time of the action in “(until now) he has not yet come” or “(until the main clause then) he had not yet come”

lË expresses negative wish or command of the “may he not come” or (rare) “he never speaker; or (rarely) states a categorical comes” negative

n„man states a negative wish of the subject of the “he does not (did not) want to come” sentence

nekku in negative rhetorical questions this suggests “he isn’t coming, is he?” a positive answer, but without the unavoidable positive aspect of natta imma

255 30. Questions 256

CHAPTER 30 QUESTIONS

Friedrich, J. 1960 . Hethitisches Elementarbuch, 1. Teil: Kurzgefasste Grammatik. Indogermanische Bibliothek. 1. Reihe: Lehr- und Handbücher. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag. §§284-286 (pp. 146f.); Mascheroni, L. M. 1980. Il modulo interrogativo in eteo I: note sintattiche. SMEA 22:53-62. Hoffner, Harry A., Jr. 1986 “Studies in Hittite Grammar.” In Kaniååuwar. A Tribute to Hans G. Güterbock on his seventy-fifth birthday, May 27, 1983, edited by H. A. Hoffner Jr. and G. M. Beckman, pp. 83-94. Chicago: Oriental Institute. Mascheroni, L. M. 1980. Il modulo interrogativo in eteo I: note sintattiche. SMEA 22:53-62; Hoffner, Harry A., Jr. 1995. “About Questions.” In Studio Historiae Ardens. Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented to Philo H. J. Houwink ten Cate on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday, edited by T. P. J. v. d. Hout and J. de Roos, 87-104. Istanbul: Institut historique et archéologique néerlandais de Stamboul.

30.1 37.1 In the spoken language, questions were probably marked in two ways: (1) by voice intonation (cf. §37.1.1), and (2) with interrogative words. Sentence questions, i.e. those not marked by an interrogative word, were marked as questions only by voice intonation (Friedrich 1960 §284, Mascheroni 1980 53f.). As such they are usually formally unmarked in the writing. Marking sentence questions by inverted word order, as in English “Are you going?” versus “You are going”, is not a feature of Hittite.

30.2 37.1.1 Scribes in Assyria and Babylonia who wrote Akkadian in cuneiform script sometimes indicated the interrogative intonation by a plene spelling of the vowel in the final syllable of the central word in the interrogative clause (von Soden 1952 §153d, Ungnad 1992 §24d). Since the Hittite cuneiform writing system was initially derived from scribes who used it to write Akkadian, it is no surprise that in one of the oldest Hittite tablets, KBo 22.1, an instructions text written in the Old Hittite ductus, one finds the same phenomenon in writing Hittite questions. nu ki-iå-åa-an A-WA-A-AT A-BI-IA ar-æa-a-an æar-te-ni-i “Is this the way you hold my father’s word (as) a limitation?” (lines 30-31). One further example may be present in a NH letter: § [IÅTU?/PANI?] ABU–KA–ya GIM-an eåer nu me-ma-aæ-æi-i “And shall I tell (you), how they were [with(?)] your father?” KBo 18.22 obv. 6. This is the only known example of the form memaææi with a plene writing of the final vowel. But since this phenomenon is found to date only rarely, it apparently did not become a regular scribal method of indicative interrogative stress. Cf. Hoffner 1995a 88.

30.3 37.1.1.1 Sample sentence questions: ÅEÅ–YA–za malΩåi “Are you agreed, my brother?” KUB 14.3 iii 62 (Tawaglawa letter, NH); DINGIR-LUM–za kÏdaå waåkuwaå åËr TUKU.TUKU-wanza “O deity, are you angry on account of this offence?” KUB 5.10 i 12 (oracle question, NH); kiååan AWAT ABI–YA / paæåanutten “Is this the way you (pl.) have kept my father’s word (i.e., command)?” KBo 22.1:4-5; peææi–wa–at–åi mΩn–wa–åi UL pe[ææi] “Shall I give it to him? (What) if I do not give it to him?” KUB 12.60 i 21 (myth, OH/NS); and cf. KBo 22.1:30-31 in the preceding paragraph. In Hittite one probably answered such a question not with a “yes” or “no”

256 30. Questions 257 word, but with a confirming or denying sentence: ÅEÅ–YA–za malΩåi “Are you agreed, my brother?” was answered with malΩmi–za “I agree” or UL–za malΩmi “I don’t agree” (so assumed by Hoffner 1995a 89). But since our only examples of sentence questions are either rhetorical ones which seek no answer (§^37.1.1.2, §37.1.2), or questions in letters for which we possess no specific reply (KUB 14.3 iii 62), or questions in oracles, where the answer only comes in the standard manner of “favorable” or “unfavorable”, we cannot verify this supposition.

30.4 37.1.1.2 Some sentence questions are also rhetorical questions, which expect an answer opposite to the situation stated in the query: nu ammel / dammeåæaå ÅA DAM-YA æinkan SIGfi-yattat “My punishment is the death of my wife. Has (this) gotten any better?” KBo 4.8 ii 20-21 (prayer of Murå. II), ed. Hoffner 1983 188; zik–za–kan ammukk–a / 1-edani AMA-ni æaååanteå “Were you and I born of one mother?” KUB 23.102 i 14-15 (letter to Adad-nirΩri of Assyria); n–an–kan ANA GIÅGIGIR waggariyanun naåma–an–kan ÅÀ É-TI / waggariyanun “Did I rebel against him in the chariot, or did I rebel against him in the house?” Hatt. iii 67-68; (man doesn’t live forever; his days are numbered; If a mortal were to live forever, (and) the painful ills of man were to remain,) man–at–åi natta kattawatar “wouldn’t that (lit. it) be a punishment (lit. grievance) for him?” KUB 30.10 obv. 23; nu zik–a kuwatqa / ÅA µMaåturi iwar iyaåi “Will you perhaps also act like Maåturi?” KUB 23.1+ ii 29-30, ed. Kühne and Otten 1971 10f.. Further examples in Hoffner 1995a 90.

30.5 37.1.1.2.1 Some rhetorical sentence questions serve as the apodosis of a contrary to fact conditional clause: [DUMU.LUGAL]–ma[n–wa ]–naå kuwapi Ëåta anzaå–man–wa / [da]medani KUR-e uwawen mΩn–wa–naå / [an]zel BELI wekiåkiwen “If we had [a prince] anywhere, would we have come into a foreign land and kept requesting a lord for ourselves?” KBo 14.12 iv 15-17 (Deeds of Åuppiluliuma, frag. 28), ed. JCS 10:97f.; mΩn–war–aå–mu–kan åulliyat kuwapi UL / mΩn æandan LUGAL.GAL ANA LUGAL TUR katterraææir “If he (Uræiteåub) had not picked a quarrel with me, would (the gods) have truly subjected a Great King to a minor king?” Hatt. iii 76-77. Others introduce a clause giving the grounds: kinuna apel TI-tar idalaweåta TI-anza kuit / nu nepiåaå ∂UTU-un IGI.ÆI.A-it uåkizzi “Has her (i.e., Tawannanna’s) life become bad, just because she is (still) living and sees with her eyes the Sungod of Heaven?” KBo 4.8 ii 18-19 (prayer of Murå. II), ed. Hoffner 1983 188; cf. also Ullik. Tabl. I A iv 55-58.

30.6 37.1.2 Negated sentence questions are usually rhetorical questions , which expect a positive answer. See above §§36.6-36.7.3. Although these are often marked by fronted negation, this is not always the case (contra Friedrich 1960 §282c, see Hoffner 1986). For fronted examples: see §36.7.1 . For non-fronted examples: §36.7.2 . Because of their emotional content, rhetorical questions often (but not always) employ imma “actually, really, indeed” (see Otten apud Rost 1956 332f., Melchert 1985, and above sub §36.7.2). For negative questions that do not necessarily assume a positive answer see §36.7.3 .

30.7 37.2 The following are some examples of Hittite questions employing interrogative pronouns, adjectives and adverbs. Mascheroni 1980 60f. calls them “domande complende” (German “Ergänzungsfragen”), because the

257 30. Questions 258 reply cannot be merely “yes” or “no”, but must supply the information requested (“where, how, why, when”). Cf. Hoffner 1995a 92ff. In the vast majority of cases the interrogative pronoun is clause initial.

30.8 37.2.1 With maææan “how?” Clause initial: maææan iyaweni / kiåtantit æarkweni “What shall we do (lit. how shall we act)? We will die of starvation!” KUB 17.10 i 29-30 (Tel. myth); not clause initial: nu–wa wattaru mΩææan iyan “How is the fountain made?” KBo 21.22:41-42 (OH/MS).

30.9 37.2.2 With interrogative adjective kui- “who?” or “what?”: UMMA ÅI–MA /[ k]Ï–wa kuit walkuwan æaåæun “What mob is this that I have borne?” KBo 22.2 obv. 1-2 (Zalpa text, OS); uk–uå punuåkimi [kÏ–wa k]uit walkuwan “I ask them, ‘What is this mob?’” KBo 3.40:15; apΩå–a pait dIM-ni tet kÏ kuit kiåat “He proceeded to say to the Stormgod, ‘What is this that has occurred?’” VBoT 58 i 16 (myth of disappearance and return of the Sungod, OH/NS); [mΩn dUTU]-un Ëpmi n–an munnami nu kuit iezzi dIM-aå “If I seize the Sungod and hide him, then what will the Stormgod do?” KUB 36.44 i 5-6; kuedani– wa–za menaææanda iåæamiåkiåi “Before whom are you singing?” KUB 36.12 ii 9-10 (Ullik.); nu–za kuel walliyatar UL–za ÅA dU piæaååaååi / EN–YA walliyatar “Then whose glory am I? Am I not the glory of the Stormgod piæaååaååi ?” KUB 6.45+ iii 48-49 (pr. of Muw. II), note that -za excludes the translation “Then whose is the glory? Is it not the glory of the Stormgod p.” found in ANET 397f.; kuel –wa–kan ZI-anza uriå dandukeå–wa–kan / ZI-anza uriå “Whose soul is great? The mortal soul is great.” KUB 43.60 i 27-28. Not clause initial: [tue]ll–a DUMU.MEÅ-KA kuin åagain iyanzi “And what miracle do (i.e., can) your sons perform?” VBoT 58 i 7; [(KUR.KUR.ÆI.A)–m]a æ„man kuiå æarzi “Who holds all the lands?” KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41:12.

30.10 37.2.3 With kuit æanda “why?” [∂]IM-å–a tezzi nu–war–an kuit æanda UL wemiya[tten] “The Stormgod says: ‘So why didn’t you (pl.) find him?’” VBoT 58 i 23; [uk–uå] punuåkimi karawar–ået kuit æanda lipåan “I ask [them]: ‘Why is its (i.e. the bull’s) horn bent/cracked?’” KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41:16 (OH/NS).

30.11 37.2.4 With kuedani åer “on what account? why?” not clause initial with a fronted adversative element: DUMU.MEÅ LUGAL–ma kuedani / [åe]r æarkiåkantari “But as for the princes, why are they dying (i.e., being put to death)?” KBo 3.1+ ii 56-58.

30.12 37.2.5 With kuwat, kuit “why?” Clause initial: kuit –wa uw[(aå)] “Why have you come?” KUB 33.24(+)28 i 38; [UMMA ÅI–MAku ]wat–mu kÏ tepu paitta “She said: ‘Why have you given me this little bit?’” (KUB 40.65 +) KUB 1.16 iii 10; LUGAL-uå–a memaææun / [kuwa ]t–war–e akkanzi “And I, the king, said: ‘[Wh]y should they die?’” KBo 3.1 ii 28-29 (OH/NS); LÚ.MEÅ TEMI-YA–mu kuwat UL uieåkittani “Why are you not sending my envoys (back) to me?” HKM 53:29-30 (letter, MH/MS); zik–wa–kan ap„n anda kuwat auåta “Why did you look at that (woman)?” KBo 5.3+ iii 71 (Hukk.); (The Egyptian queen wrote back to Suppiluliuma I:) kuwat –wa apeniååan TAQBI appaleåkanzi–wa–mu “Why do you speak thus: ‘They are deceiving me’?” DS fragm. 28 A iii 52-53; (Pharaoh Ramses II writes to Puduhepa:) kuwat–war–an–mu kinun UL peåta “Why have you not given her (sc. the bride) to me now?” KUB 21.38 i 8; not clause initial : nu k„n memiyan kuwat iyatten “Why did you do this thing?” KBo 3.3+ iii 3-4;

258 30. Questions 259

30.13 anniåan–war–an / [LUGA]L-eznanni kuwat tittanut kinun–ma–wa–ååi kururiyaææuwanzi [k]uwat æatriåkiåi “Why did you previously put him on the throne, and why now are you writing to him to declare war?” KUB 1.4 + KBo 3.6 + iii 40-42 (Hatt. iii 75-76). Many other examples in Hoffner 1995a 97-100.

30.14 With kuwapi “Where?” Clause initial : nu kuwapi ∂UTU-uå mumiezzi / […]-i–ku æappeni–kku GIÅ-i–kku æaææali–kku mumiezzi “So where will the Sungod fall? Will he fall into the […], or the flame(?), or the tree(s), or the brush?” KUB 36.44 iv 8-9 (myth); kuwapi–war–at andan piddaiåkanzi / LÚ.MEÅATÆUTIM “Where are they running to, (these) brothers?” Ullik. Tablet II B i 19. Interrogative kuwapi preceded by direct address: EME-aå EN- aå kuwapi pΩåi “Where are you going, O lord of the tongue?” KUB 12.62 obv. 10, cf. rev. 3; EME.ÆI.A EME.ÆI.A kuwapi–wa paitte[ni] “Tongues, tongues, where are you going?” KUB 44.4 + KBo 13.241 rev. 22 (rit.). In rhetorical question interrogative kuwapi preceded by the fronted topic: ÅA LÚ.GAL.GAL-TIM É-ÅUNU kuwapi UL–at æarker “Where are the houses/estates of the grandees? Have they not perished?” KUB 1.16 iii 45 (Political Testament of Hatt. I).

30.15 37.2.6 With kuwapit “Where? To what place?” kuwapit arumen nu ANÅE-iå arkatta “What have we come to, that a donkey will climb? (Expressing incredulity.)” KBo 22.2 obv. 10 (Zalpa text, OS); mΩn–wa ANA dIM URUNerik / paiwani nu–wa–åan kuwapit (variant: kuwapi) / eåwaåtati “When we go to the Stormgod of Nerik, where shall we sit down?” KBo 3.7 iv 6-7 (Illuyanka myth, OH/NS).

30.16 37.2.7 Passages with a mixture of interrogative words: nu maåieå MU.ÆI.A pair / [maåieå]–a–kan æuwair ÅA LÚ GAL.GAL-TIM É-SUNU kuwapi UL–at æarker “How many years have passed? [How many] have run (by)? And where (are) the houses of the great men? Have they not perished?” KUB 1.16 iii 44-45 (Political Testament of Hatt. I, OH/NS).

30.17 37.2.8 From these examples it is clear that Hittite — unlike English— does not usually place the interrogative word first in the clause. On the contrary, with the possible exception of kuwat “why?” the interrogative word usually precedes the finite verb as closely as possible. And since the normal position of the finite verb is clause final, the interrogative word also gravitates to the end of the clause. Of course, in very short clauses it will be initial: kuit–wa uwaå “Why have you come?” KBo 26.124 (+) KUB 33.24 (+) KUB 33.28 i 38 (myth, OH) and [kuw]at–war–e akkanzi “why should they die?” KBo 3.1 ii 29 (Tel. procl., OH/NS), ed. TH 11:30f.; and [UMMA ÅI–MA kuw]at–mu kÏ tepu paitta “[Thus she said: Wh]y have you given me this little bit?” (KUB 40.65 +) KUB 1.16 iii 10-11 (Political Test. of Hatt. I, OH/NS), CREF §30.12 (*37.2.5). CREF below §30.25 (*37.4) and above §13.10 and §13.13.

30.18 37.3 Questions which pose alternatives take a special form (Sommer 1932 77f., Hoffner 1995a 101). The second question of the pair frequently has the form nu … –ma …(but see CHD sub -ma a 1’ b’ 4”, where it was shown that the initial nu is only optional): BAL andurza kuiåki DÙ-zi … nu BAL araæza–ma kuiåki DÙ-zi “Will someone revolt from inside (the kingdom), or will someone revolt from outside?” KUB 5.4 i 33-35; nu–war–at ÅEÅ–YA IDI nu–war–at UL–ma IDI “Does my ‘brother’ know it or not?” KUB 14.3 i 5 (Tawagalawa, NH);.

259 30. Questions 260 kuit–at ÅEÅ-UTTA n–at kuit–ma / ÅA ÆUR.SAG Ammana uwawar “What is it, (this) ‘brotherhood’? Or what is it, (this) ‘seeing (or coming to) the Amanus mountains’?” KUB 23.102 i 7-8 (letter to Adad-nirΩri of Assyria), cf. Sommer 1932 78;

30.19 37.3.1 A special kind of alternative question is that which is also rhetorical in nature, implying a denial of both stated alternatives: DAM-YA MUNUS.LUGAL idalawaæta kuitki / n–an tepnutta–ma kuitki nu–kan ƒTawannannaå DAM–YA kuendu “Did my wife harm the queen in some way, or did she demote her, so that Tawannanna should kill my wife?” KUB 14.4 iii 21-22 (prayer of Murå. II).

37.3.1 Indirect questions

30.20 Indirect Questions (Mascheroni 1980 58ff.) are often formed in conjunction with clauses containing the verb åak- “to know”, auå- “to see”, or æatrai- “to write”:

30.21 37.3.1.1 Using a form of kui- “who? what?”: nu DINGIR.MEÅ UL / [åekteni k]uel–aå dammeåæaå “O gods, don’t [you know] whose is the injury?” KBo 4.8 iii 3-4, ed. Hoffner 1983 188.; UL åa-[a]q-qa-a[æ-æ]i kuiå–aå aåi DINGIR-LIM-iå “I don’t know who that god is” KUB 33.106 iii 44 (Ullik.); ed. Ullik. 46f.; åumeå–wa [D]INGIR.MEÅ UL uåkatteni kiååan–wa–mu kuiå iyan æarzi “don’t you gods see who has done this (lit. thus) to me?” KUB 54.1 i 20-21 (NH). Not clause initial: KUR URUWiluåa–ma ANA KUR URUÆatti kuedani LUGAL-i awan aræa tiyat nu memiyaå kuit iåtanza n–an UL åagga[ææi] “Since the incident occurred long ago, I don’t know from what Hittite king Wiluåa defected” KUB 21.2 + 48.95 i 6-9 (Alakå. treaty).

30.22 37.3.1.2 Using kuwapi “where?”: kiåan–mu kuit æatrΩeå / kΩåa–wa LÚ.KÚR uit / nu–wa–za–kan URUÆaparan iniååan / tamaåta URUKaåipuran–ma–wa–kan / kez tamaåta apΩå–wa–kan / iåtarna aræa uit / namma–ma–wa–aå kuwapi pait / nu–war–aå UL IDI / nu apΩå LÚ.KÚR / alwanzaææanza imma / eåta n–an UL / åa-a-ak-ta<<-aå>> “(Concerning) what you wrote me as follows: ‘The enemy has come and has besieged the city Æapara on that side, and has besieged the city Kaåipura on this side; and he has passed through (and gotten away). But I do not know know (text: ‘he does/did not know’) where he was going.’ Was that enemy perhaps bewitched, that you did not know him?” HKM 6:3-14 (MH/MS), ed. HBM 126-29.

30.23 37.3.1.3 Using maææan “how?” CREF maææan mng. 3: zik dIÅTAR URUNenuwa GAÅAN-NI UL åa-ak-ti KUR URUÆatti GIM-an dammeåæan “Don’t you know IÅTAR of Nineveh, our Lady, how the country of Hatti has been oppressed?” KBo 2.9 i 38-39 (prayer in a rit., NH); æantezziuå–ma–at LUGAL.MEÅ maææan aræa pittalair n–at dUTU URUTÚL-na GAÅAN-YA åa-ak-ti “How the earlier kings neglected it (i. e., Nerik), you, Sun Goddess of Arinna, my Lady, know it” KUB 21.27 + 676/v + 546/u i 16-18 (prayer, NH), ed. Sürenhagen, AoF 8:108ff., cf. ibid. i 43.

30.24 37.3.2 Indirect questions which pose alternatives take the form mΩn … mΩn … (Friedrich 1960 §333 Mascheroni 1980 58 and CHD sub mΩn): (Since Uræi-Teååup is there,) n–an punuå mΩn kiåan mΩn UL kiåan “just ask him if (it is) so or not” KUB 21.38 i 11-12 (letter of Puduhepa to Ramesses II), nu UL åagga[ææun] mΩn–za

260 30. Questions 261

LUGAL KUR URUMizri ANA[ ABI]-YA edaå ANAKUR.KUR.MEÅ åer ar [kamma]n iyat mΩn–za UL kuitki [iyat] “I don’t know if the King of Egypt has rendered tribute to my father for those lands or if he has rendered nothing” KUB 31.121a ii 9-12; cf also KUB 31.121 iii 12-15.

30.25 37.4 The following are examples of short, abrupt questions (Sommer 1932 122, 174): nu namma kuit “So now what?” KUB 14.3 iv 20 (Taw.); nu kuit iååanzi “And what are they doing?” KUB 29.1 ii 5; kuit apΩt “What is that?” ibid. ii 37. CREF §30.17 (*37.2.8).

30.26 37.5 As negated statements which continue through more than one clause omit the negation after the first clause (Sommer 1922 8 n. 3, Goetze 1925 93: CREF §29.25 (*36.8.1), so interrogative words which continue their force in succeeding clauses may be discontinued: n–aåta DINGIR-LIM-ni [¬zuwan kuw]at KAxU-it para æuittiyatteni / n–an–za [aræa ] datteni “Why are you drawing out [food] from the mouth of the god and taking it [away] for yourselves?” KUB 13.4 ii 16-17 (instructions for priests, pre-NH/NS); kuwat–wa weåkiåi nu–wa–tta–kkan åuppayaza [åa]kuwaza iåæaæru paraΩ arå[zi] “Why are you weeping, and tears flow out of your holy eyes?” KUB 17.9 i 20-22 (Gurparanzaæu story); kuwat åarΩ–mu kiååan iyatten nu–mu–ååan kÏ yugan iåæaiåt[en] “Why did you (pl.) do thus over me and bind this yoke upon me?” KUB 31.4 obv. + KBo 3.41:7 (OH/NS).

261 31. Sentence Particles 262

CHAPTER 31 SENTENCE PARTICLES

31.1 18.8 (old 18.9) Hittite possesses three classes of enclitics: (1) those which attach only to the first word in the clause (and there only in a fixed sequence), and (2) those which attach only to a noun, but anywhere in the clause, (3) -ma, which attaches to any word in the clause, but usually to one of the first three.

31.2 18.8.1 (18.9.1) Some of the Hittite enclitics are pronouns or adjectives: (1) the enclitic dative and accusative pronoun for all three persons (-mu “me”, -ta “you”, -åi “him/her”, -naå “us”, -åmaå “you, them”), (2) the enclitic pronominal stem -a- “he, she, it” (3rd pers. only), and (3) the enclitic possessive adjectives (§4.97).

31.3 (old 18.9.1.1) By far the most common base on which the enclitic pronouns and adjectives of the first two types (-mu, -ta, -åi, etc., and -a-) are suffixed are the clause conjunctions (nu, åu or ta) (on these see Chapters 41 and 42). Whenever these are immediately followed by an enclitic beginning with a vowel, they lose their final vowel (n–aå, å–e, t–uå ). And since more than one enclitic particle may be suffixed to the sentence conjunction, it is common to find entire chains of enclitics of the type n–aå–mu–za–kan . For such chains there is a specific sequence in which the various particles must appear (see Laroche 1958 161, Friedrich 1960 §288. This sequence is illustrated below, first by means of a chart showing the “slots” in the chain and the particles capable of filling each, and secondly by a few examples of attested chains together with their translation.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 n(u) -wa(r-) -naå -aå c. sg. nom. -mu -za -kan

å(u) -åmaå -an c. sg. acc. -ta (rare -da) -åan t(a) -at neut. sg. (pl. in NH) -åe/i -(a)åta

-(y)a -e564 neut. pl. (OH) -du (rare -tu) -(a)pa

-a/-ma -uå c. pl. acc. -an

31.4 18.8.3 (old 18.9.1.2) In NH third sg. pronominal nom. and acc. forms (slot 4 ) can recur between 6 and 7 , e.g., n–an–za–an–kan (1 + 4 + 6 + 4 + 7), n–at–åi–at (1 + 4 + 5 + 4). This phenomenon occurs for the first time in the Deeds of Suppiluliuma I, written by Mursili II,565 although it may have been introduced by the later

564The assumption, based upon [kuw]at-wa-ri in Tel.pr. ii 29, that there is an -i vocalism of this pronoun is false, since the -ri sign can just as well be read -re. 565 n–an–za–an in DS frag. 15 F iv 30 and DS frag. 26 KUB 34.23 ii 8, and DS frag. 28 A KBo 5.6 iv 6-7 DUMU–YA–wa–mu NU.GÁL ÌR–YA–ma–wa n„man daææi / nu–war–an–za–an LÚMUTI–YA iyami. Cf. in AM 42 KUB 14.16 ii 15-16 maææan–ma–an–za–an–kan EGIR-pa uææun, which has the same author as DS. It also occurs in NH copies of OH and MH compositions: n–an–za–an in the NH manuscript KBo 6.3 (B) of Laws §23, where the OS copy A reads n–an–za , in n–an–za–an in KUB 1.16 ii 44 (OH/NS), and naåma–an–za–an KUB 31.115 11 (OH/NS), and namma–an–za–an in KUB 23.11 iii 14 (MH/NS). But none of these is in OS or even MS; they are NH copies, subject to thes ame modernizing that we see in KBo 6.3 of Laws §23, where the OH copy is extant.

262 31. Sentence Particles 263 scribe who recopied the text. Particles which occupy the same slot never occur together in the same chain (e.g., *nu–ta–mu “and you (acc.) to me (dat.)” is impossible, as -ta and -mu occupy the same slot). *nu–aå–an “and he .. him” is also impossible, as -aå and -an occupy the same slot. Watkins (apud Garrett 1990a) has determined the reason why the nominative and accusative enclitic pronouns occupy the same slot in Hittite: Hittite does not permit the use of the nominative enclitic pronoun to be expressed in a sentence containing a transitive verb. Instead of a sentence like n–aå LUGAL-un walæta “and he (-aå) struck the king” one should always find nu LUGAL-un walæta .

31.5 18.9.1.3 Certain rules determine the presence or absence of the subject pronoun -a- (-aå, -e, -at ) when the verb is intransitive (see Garrett 1996). Garrett maintained that “subject clitic distribution in intransitive sentences is lexically determined, at least at a superficial level. That is, subject clitics regularly occur with some verbs, but with other verbs they never occur” (p. 90). This is clearly the case.

31.6 18.9.1.3.1 But there is another factor that needs to be added to the discussion. One has to distinguish between cases in which the pronominal subject (at least as expressed in English translation) is referential or not. The “it” in English sentences such as “when it rains”566, “it will go badly”567, or “it is murder”568 is non-referential and would require no clitic subject in Hittite.569 Cf. §19.9.1.4 below.

31.7 18.9.1.3.2 There appear to be two classes of intransitive verbs in Hittite: “unaccusatives” (which take a clitic subject pronoun) and “unergatives” (which do not) (Garrett 1996).Among the “unaccusatives” are (1) intransitive verbs of motion such as iya- (mid.) “to go, march,” pai- “to go,” uwa- “to come” (but neither pai- nor uwa- take the clitic subject when used as serial verbs), åarra- (mid.) “to make a crossing, cross a distance,” æuya- “to run,” piddai- “to run, flee,” parå- “to flee, take flight,” and ar- “to arrive” (The inner accusative construction KASKAL-an iya- “to make one’s way” sometimes called the “accusative of the way”, behaves like an intransitive verb of motion in taking the clitic subject pronoun), (2) change-of-state verbs [Garrett, p. 94f., list 16) such as ak- “to die,” æark- “to perish, die, get lost,” irmaliya- (mid.) “to get sick,” mer- “to disappear,” æarp(iya)- (mid.) “to reassociate, change one’s association,” mai- “to grow,”570 mayanteåå- “to grow up,” putkiya- “to swell up,” kiå-

566 GIM-an æameåæanza DÙ-ri tetæai “When it is spring (and) it thunders” KBo 2.7 rev. 16-18 is another example., as is æurkil “(It is) æurkil” (e.g., Laws §189) instead of *æurkil–at. 567THeth 11 iv 33-34 [kui]å–an UL–ma uwatezzi nu uizzi apedani–pat UN-åi É-ri–åi–pat idΩlawËåzi . See also: KUB 4.1 iv 29 apedani UN-åi kallareåzi. 568Compare the one-word clauses æurkel “It is æurkel” and nakkuå “It is nakkuå” in the Hittite laws, which show no subject clitic marker. Note also that takku ÌR-iå KBo 6.4 i 18-19 (cf. ibid. i 26) must be translated “But if it (not ‘he’) is a slave” (Hoffner 1997a 22), since without -aå the subject is non-referential . 569A borderline case, which may show the use of a subject clitic for a non-referential “it” subject is: [lË kui]åki tezzi LUGAL-å–a duddumili kardiyaå–åaå [iezzi n]–at parkunumi takku–at Ëåzi takku–at NU.GÁL KUB 1.16 ii 53-54. The clause [pa-a]æ-æa-aå-nu-wa-an Ëåta HKM 89:25 (MH/MS) is problematic on several grounds. 570KUB 39.41 rev. 8-10, cited CHD L-N 114b.

263 31. Sentence Particles 264

(mid.) “to become, happen,” weæ- (mid.) “to turn, change,” neya- (mid.) “to turn,” zeya- (mid.) “to become cooked,” war- (mid.) “to burn,” igai- (mid.) “to freeze,” åalliya- “to melt,” eå- (mid.) “to sit down,”571 åeå- “to lie down, sleep,” åupp- “to fall asleep,” arai- “to get up, stand up,” tiya- “to take up a position,” iyanni- “to set out,” aåandulai- “to encamp, go into garrison,” lazziya- (mid.) “to get better, recover,” kiåtanziya- “to get hungry,” iåpai- /iåpiya- “to become satisfied with food,” æaååik- “to become satisfied with drink,” karuååiya- “to fall silent,” and the -e- and -eåå- inchoatives such as parkue(åå)- “to become pure,” mieåå- “to become sweet,” miyaææunteåå- “to grow old,” åalleåå- “to grow up,” warreååeåå- “to become helpful, come to the aid of”, etc., (3) middles which function as true passives of transitive actives such as dattari “it will be accepted,”(Garrett 1996 90f. called these “middle decausatives”). In Garrett’s list (p. 91) his decision not to translate several examples passively (“fall” instead of “be toppled,” “disappear” instead of “be hidden”) effectively masks the possibility that we have a passive of the corresponding active transitive verb. But not all examples in Garrett’s list “(11)” fit his description of the category. If there are “transitive counterparts” for some of these verbs, they must be either from other stems or entirely different verb roots. To my knowledge there is no transitive counterpart to irmaliya- “get sick”, or lΩzziya- “do well, flourish,” and I would prefer to place them with the above-mentioned change-of-state verbs; (4) middle reflexives , i.e., formally middle with (usually active) transitive counterparts, but occurring with the reflexive clitic -z(a); (5) some verbs of bowing such as æink- (mid.), æaliya- and UÅKEN (but not aruwai- !). The verbs ki- (mid.) “to be plced, lie,” te- “to speak, say,” åak- “to know” and the verb “to be” eå-572 also take the clitic subject pronoun. Note that verbs expressing emotional states (fear, joy, anger, etc.) either are conceived as change-of-state verbs or merely belong to this syntactic category on other grounds.

31.8 18.9.1.3.4 What Garrett (pp. 95f.) called “intransitive psychological verbs” (i.e., verbs expressing emotions) generally fall into this class. But as he points out, some of these can have a transitive use: åΩ(i)- “to get angry” (usually w. -za) but also “be angry at,” aråaniya- “to be upset”, but also “to be upset with someone, envy someone,” kartimmiya- (mid.) “to get angry,” æu(wa)pp- “to become hostile,” duåke- “to become happy, rejoice” but also “to amuse, entertain,” æaææarå- “to laugh” or “to laugh at,” wiåke- “to weep, wail,” taåkupiåke- “to wail, lament,” naæ- “to become afraid” and “to fear (something),” åulliya- “to become contentious.” In their transitive uses these verbs take no clitic subject.

571So noted in Garrett 1996 95. But non-occurrence of the clitic in: ta eåanda KBo 17.74 + 21.25 + ABoT 8 i 18 (OS, StBoT 12, 19), nu kÏ a[danna PANI] DUMU.LUGAL / eåanda IBoT 1.29 obv. 24-25; maææan–ma–kan ABA ABI–YA µS[uppiluliuma LUGAL.G]AL UR.SAG åara iåparzaåta / [nu–]za–kan ANA GIÅÅÚ.A LUGAL-UTTI eåa[t …] KBo 6.28 obv. 16- 17 (Hatt. III); possibly [∂Kuma]rbiå–a–kan ¬iyawaniyawanza URUNipp[uri … ] / [… ] pait iåæaååarwanti–ya–za–an i[å…] / [… ] eåat KUB 33.120 i 42-44 (MH/NS), nu gimr[i …] / paiåkanta eåanda KUB 53.15 ii 9-10. 572An apparent exception is: åarkuå LÚ.MEÅ (var. LÚ-eå) Ëåta “he was an outstanding man” KBo 3.34 ii 11-12 (OH/NS), which lacks the subject clitic -aå. Not at exception is: kΩåa GUD.MA[Æ] (18) [daååu]å? Ëåta “Lo, there (once) was a [powerf]ul bull” KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41:17-18.

264 31. Sentence Particles 265

31.9 18.9.1.4 Intransitive verbs not taking the third person clitic subject pronoun fall into several categories: (1) Transitive verbs with omitted objects (thus appearing to be intransitives; Garrett’s “detransitives” [p. 99, list 28]) such as mema- “to speak,” æalzai- “to call,” palwai- “to cry (or clap)”, arkuwai- “to reply,” te- “to say,” mald- “to recite,” ed- “to eat,” eku- “to drink,” åipant- “to offer,” allapaææ- “to spit,” ariya- “to inquire by oracle,” unna-, penna- and nanna- “to drive,” and aåanduleåke- “to garrison.” Note: au(å)- “to see” and iåtamaåå- “to hear” used intransitively usually follow this rule, but when they mean “have the faculty of sight/hearing,” they take the clitic subject. (2) Impersonals such as mai “it prospers” (note that the same verb with an overt subject takes the subject clitic), åeåzi “it thrives,” Ωppai “it is finished,” and arpaåatta , and clauses with non-referential subjects such as æurkil “(It is) æurkil.” Cf. §18.9.1.3 (1).

31.10 18.9.1.4.1 A final category is Garrett’s list (27), of which several verbs are what he calls “active decausatives.” Some in his list I have assigned to §18.9.1.4, in particular the verba dicendi: arkuwai- “to plead,” and palwai- “to cry out.” Cf. Garrett’s own assignment of memai- to list (28). The verbs nuntarnu- “to hasten” and waænu- “to turn, change” might also be considered active decausatives. The verbs åuwaye- “to look,” gimmantariya- “to spend the winter,” and waåta- “to omit, be remiss, sin” pose a special problem. In view of the attested transitive active use of waåtanzi “(if) they omit (so much as a thread)” in KBo 16.47:8’ it is likely that waåta- also belongs with the active detransitives.

31.11 18.9.1.5 A special problem is also posed by the verb ar- (mid.) “to stand”. Like eå- (mid.) “to sit” it belongs with the stative verbs that take the subject clitic, but it fails to take the subject clitic in the Kikkuli hippological treatise (e.g., KUB 1.13+ iii 11, 21), a text which in many other respects of its grammar shows that it was not composed by a native speaker of Hittite.

31.12 18.8.3 (old 18.9.1.6) Occupants of the same slot perform approximately the same function: in slot 1 nu, åu, ta, -(y)a and -ma are all clause connectives; in slot 7 -kan, -åan, -(a)åta, -apa , and -an are all local particles,573 the last two occurring only in OH.

31.13 18.8.3.1 (old 18.9.1.7) Slot 2 contains -wa (when final, or followed by a consonant), -war- (when followed by a vowel), the particle which indicates quoted speech. This particle was sometimes omitted, especially when a verb of speech (mema- or te-) introduces the quote. See Pecora 1984. For more on -wa see Chapter 44.

31.14 18.8.3.2 (old 18.9.2) Forms in slots 3 and 5 contain respectively the plural and singular forms of the dative and accusative pronouns, and are mutually exclusive in the chain. The first and second person pronoun forms (-mu, -ta, -åmaå) can be either dative or accusative, while the third person forms -åe and -åi can only be dative: -mu “me (acc.), to/from me (dat.)”, -ta “you (acc.), to/from you (dat.)” (with the -du allomorph occurring before -za),

573 We prefer the traditional term “local particles” for those in slot 7. The alternative term, “sentence particles”, confuses them with those in slots 2-6, which also modify the entire sentence.

265 31. Sentence Particles 266

-naå “us (acc.), to/from us (dat.)”, -å(a)maå “you (pl. acc.), to/from you” (dat.); whereas: -åe/i “to/from him, her, it”, -å(a)maå “to/from them”. On slot 3 see Hoffner 1986.

31.15 18.8.4 (old 18.9.3) Starke’s observation (1977) that with nouns of the “person class” the dative case is not only the “to” but “from” case (which in the “object class” noun is expressed by the ablative), applies also to the “dative” clitic pronoun (-mu, -ta, -åi, etc.). And since in combination with postpositions such as peran–ma–at–mu “before me however it …” Hatt. I 27, åer–a–åi–åan “and over it/him” KBo 4.2 i 8, åer–wa–åi åarnikmi “I will make compensation for (lit. ‘above’ åer) him” Laws §95 the so-called “dative” may indicate spatial location, we must also consider it a “locative”.

31.16 18.8.5 (old 18.9.3.1) -åe/i + -aåta yields -åe-eå-ta, but -mu + -aåta and -apa yield -ma-aå-ta and -ma-pa respectively (cf. CHD sub -mu).

31.17 18.8.6 (old 18.9.4) Slot 4 contains the 3rd person nominative and accusative pronouns.

Case Singular Plural

nom.com. -aå -e (old), -at (NH)

acc.com. -an -uå (old), -aå (NH)

n.-a.neut. -at -e (old), -at (NH)

31.18 18.8.7 (old 18.9.5) Slot 6 contains the reflexive particle -z(a), which forms the subject of Chapter 30. In OH and MH in certain morphophonemic environments (when preceded by a vowel) this particle takes the form -z (zi-ik-wa-az, lu-uk-kat-ti-ma-az, ta-az, nu-uz, ne-ez, ma-a-né-ez, (and not final) ta-az-kán, an-da-ma-az-kán, a-ap- pa-ma-wa-az-kán) (cf. §30.2 ). Elsewhere it has the form -za. Under no circumstances (contra Sturtevant and Hahn 1933 105 and Kammenhuber in HW2) does it take the form -az (cf. Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 114 note 4). The a which precedes it always belongs to the preceding morpheme (-ma-az = -ma–z). NH speakers avoided the sequence nu + -at “they (com. or neut. nom.)/them (neut. acc.) + -ta “to/from you (sg.) because it produced na-at- ta, a homograph with the word na-at-ta “not”. Instead they wrote né-et-ta (nu + -e + -ta).

31.19 18.8.8 (old 18.9.6) Slot 7 contains the so-called “local particles” (German “Ortsbezugspartikeln”). They were first given this name by A. Götze (1933b), and J. Friedrich adopted the term in his grammar (Friedrich 1960 §§294-300). O. Carruba (1964 405-36) followed Götze’s ideas and extended the analysis to include the Old Hittite evidence for the particles -aåta and -apa. Folke Josephson(1972), took a different tack, arguing that their principal function was aspectual. There is some truth to both Goetze’s and Josephson’s positions (cf. Hoffner 1992). With certain verbs such as kuen- the particle -kan adds a perfective or telic aspect: without -kan “to strike”, with -kan “to kill”. Yet it strains the evidence to attribute such an aspect to each -kan. Goetze correctly observed that the particles of slot 7 most often occur in clauses where there is either a preverb or a local expression (noun in the locative or ablative, local adverb). More will be said about these in Chapters 45 and 46. In spite, therefore, of exceptional cases it is probably best to continue to use the term “local particles”, as in Luraghi 1997 52-53.

266 32. Reflexive Particle 267

CHAPTER 32 PARTICLES -za

32.1 30.1 A reflexive pronoun is one which refers back to the subject of the sentence, clause, or phrase in which it stands. English reflexive pronouns contain the element “-self”: “myself, himself, herself, yourself, ourselves.” In English the “-self” forms serve two purposes: (1) intensifying, and (2) reflexivity. An example of (1) would be the clause: “He said it himself,” where “himself” simply intensifies or reinforces the pronominal subject “he.” In Hittite one would use ukila “I myself,” zikila “you yourself,” apΩåila “he himself.”574 An example of (2) would be: “He hit himself,” where “himself” is the direct object of the verb “hit,” or “I bought myself a sandwich,” where “myself” is like a Hittite dative (“for myself”). In Hittite, if a particle is to mark the reflexive sense, either -z(a) or the enclitic dative pronoun (only in the plural) of the same person as the grammatical subject of the clause is used. Reflexivity is indicated without a particle by the middle forms of certain verbs (cf. §31.4.2 ).

32.2 30.1.1 In Hittite (as in Latin) the dative forms of the personal pronouns can serve as reflexives. In Hittite this procedure is applicable to the plural (cf. §23.3.6.2) of all three persons: (first person:) nu–nnaå DUMU.NITA.MEÅ DUMU.MUNUS.MEÅ iyawen “and we begat for ourselves sons (and) daughters” (Hatt. III 4); (second person:) nu–åmaå DINGIR.MEÅ-aå ZI-ni mekki naææanteå Ëåten “be ye very careful (lit. afraid) with respect to the mood of the gods” KUB 13.4 iii 56f.; (third person:) warpanzi–ma–wa–åmaå UL “but they do not wash themselves” KUB 16.16 i 28. The choice of the dative for this usage is particularly useful in the case of the third person, since warpanzi–ma–war–uå UL with acc. -uå in place of the dative -åmaå would mean “they do not wash them (i.e., a second group).”

32.3 30.2 The usual means of expressing the reflexive idea in Hittite is the enclitic particle -za (alternate form - z), whose position in the chain of enclitics is outlined in §18.8.2 , and which serves without inflection for all persons, numbers and genders. The form -z is confined to older Hittite (OH and MH), and occurs in positions preceded by a vowel: (word final) zi-ik-wa-az, lu-uk-kat-ti-ma-az, ta-az, nu-uz, ne-ez, ma-a-né-ez (and not final) ta- az-kán, an-da-ma-az-kán, a-ap-pa-ma-wa-az-kán (cf. Kühne 1988 and §18.8.7 ).

32.4 30.2.1 The precise nature of the “reflexive” function must be analyzed separately with each type of clause: verb “to be” both expressed and implied (cf. §30.2.2 and 30.2.3), intransitive (§§30.6-30.6.2.1), and transitive (§30.2.1.1 and 30.2.1.2) verbs.

32.5 30.2.1.1 When the verb is transitive , and the clause has no other accusative form, -za may indicate that the direct object of the verb is the same person as its subject: warpanzi–ma–wa–z UL “but they do not wash

574See §18.6 for more on the -il(a) suffix. In theory the suffix -il(a) could be added to the nominative of any personal pronoun. In fact *weåila, and *åumeåila are unattested.

267 32. Reflexive Particle 268 themselves (-z)” KUB 16.34 i 8-9; kinuna–åmaå–za LUGAL-uå labarnaå ulanun “Now (kinuna) I, the labarna , have united (ulanun) myself (-za) to you (-åmaå) KUB 29.1 i 33-34 (rit., OH/NS).

32.6 30.2.1.2 When the verb is transitive , and the clause contains a direct object (an accusative), -za may indicate that the indirect object of the verb is the same person as its subject (“to/for himself”) (cf. van den Hout 1992): nu–za DUMU.NITA.MEÅ DUMU.MUNUS.MEÅ iyanun “and I made (iyanun) for myself (-za) sons and daughters” KUB 21.38 i 58; nu–za PN … DAM-anni æarta “and he had PN for himself in wifeship” (Tel. Procl. i 31-32); NINDA-an–za wemiyanun … wΩtar–ma–z wemiyanun “I found for myself bread … I found for myself water” KUB 30.10 obv. 16-17 (OH/MS); n–at–za–kan pedi–pat ÌR-aæta “he made them (-at refers back to a neuter collective noun for people) subject to himself on the same spot” KUB 19.9 i 15; nu–za … NAM.RA INA É.LUGAL uwatenun “I brought civilian captives into the king’s house for myself” (KBo 3.4 ii 41, Decenniel annals of Murs. II); nu–za–kan URUÆattuåaå utne ∂UTU URUArinna laman daiåta “but in the land of Hattusa you have placed upon yourself the name ‘Sungoddess of Arinna’” KUB 21.27 i 4; (old §30.3:) nu–za kÏ ALAM–YA ÅA KÙ.GI iyanun “I made (for myself) this statue of myself” KBo 10.2 iii 21-22 (annals of Hatt. I, OH/NS); n–an–za ANA DAM-ÅU dai nu–za É-er U DUMU.MEÅ ienzi “and he takes her to himself as his wife, and they make for themselves a house and children” Hittite Laws §31 (OH); kuiå–za LÚæippari æappar iezzi “he who makes a business transaction for himself with a æipparaå -man” Hittite Laws §48; GAL-iå–za ∂UTU-uå EZEN›-an iet “The great Sungod made a party (lit. ‘festival’) for himself” KUB 17.10 i 19 (Telepinu myth, OH/MS); namma–z uit ABI ∂UTU-ÅI tuk µMadduwattan linkiyaå–åaå iet “then my father (lit. ‘the father of My Majesty’) made you, Madduwatta, a sworn ally (lit. ‘one of his oath’) for himself” KUB 14.1 obv. 13-14 (Madd., MH/MS); n–aåta DINGIR.MEÅ-aå–pat ZI-ni / iyatten nu NINDA-an ezzatteni watar–ma ekutteni É-er–a–za iyatteni “Act in the will of the gods, and you will eat bread, drink water, and make a house for yourselves” KUB 13.4 ii 69-71 (instructions for priests, pre-NH/NS).

32.7 30.2.1.3 Lexical use of -z(a). Some verbs exhibit significant differences in meaning, depending upon whether or not they are construed with -za (Hoffner 1973b:521):

Verb without -za with -za Bibliography au(å)- “to see (physically)”” “to see with insight, experience, Friedrich 1952 38 sub auå-, understand, see in a dream” Hoffner 1973b:523, Boley 1993 106ff.; cf. below §30.3. ep- “to seize, grasp” “to betake oneself to (w. -za + - kan)”575 eå- (act.) “to remain seated” (mid.) “to take a seat, sit down” Goetze 1933b 4-5, Neu 1968b 27f., Boley 1993 73ff.

æaå- “to open (something)” “to bear, beget (a child)”

575Friedrich and Kammenhuber 1988 51f., 63ff.

268 32. Reflexive Particle 269 iya- “to do, make” “to celebrate (festivals), Boley 1993 77ff. worship (gods)” kiå- “to occur, happen” “to become (something)” But cf. Neu, StBoT 5:97f., and Hoffner 1973b:522 n. 14, Boley 1993 49ff. mald- “to recite, speak” “to take a vow”; E. Laroche, La prière æittite [1964] 8-12; CHD mald- ninink- “to move, stir up (something)” “to muster (troops)” CHD sub ninink-576 peda- “to dispose of” “to carry off with/for oneself”

åak- “to be aware of, know” “to know, master (a skill), to recognize (authority)”

åakuwai- “to look (toward something, w. “to see (something, w. acc.)” Hoffner 1973b; cf. below dat.-loc.)” 30.2.5. da- “to take something for a “to take to/for oneself,” particular purpose, to employ;” taræ- “to have the upper hand, “to conquer (someone)” prevail, be able” tepnu- “to demote, curtail” “to belittle (verbally)” Hoffner 1977b

32.8 In some of these cases the seemingly different meaning in English may be more of a problem of converting the ideas from one language to another than true cases of lexical variation conditioned by the particle. For example, taræ- with and without -za, while requiring different English translations, is probably simply another case of what I have called a “transitivity toggle” (§30.4.2 and 30.4.4).

32.9 30.2.2 The particle -za in clauses with the verb “to be” expressed or understood. Friedrich (HE2 [1960] §243) called these “Nominalsätzen” (nominal sentences), under which name he also subsumed sentences which express the copula eå- (act.) “to be.” Friedrich’s analysis of the situation here was that the use of -za in such clauses is “irregular,” and that “the precise conditions haven’t yet been found.” An early attempt to discover the conditions was made in 1967 by Josephson (RHA fasc. 81:134-35), who concluded that it indicated “an inherent quality or for identification and also with indication of rank or status.” This very unsatisfactory interpretation was replaced by Hoffner’s (1969; cf. also 1973b:520f.) simple rule with a diachronic feature: (1) In Old Hittite no -za or enclitic reflexive dative was employed in equational sentences (sentences in which the verb eå- “to be” is expressed or implied). (2) In New Hittite either -za or a dative enclitic reflexive pronoun is required when the subject of the sentence is “I,” “we” or “you” (sg. or pl.) — i.e., a first or second person subject. (3) Middle Hittite is a transitional period for this rule: earlier texts follow the OH pattern, later ones the NH pattern. Note that this rule

576In mng. 1 (mobilizing or mustering troops) the verb can occur with or without -za. But in the other mngs. (2-8) -za doesn’t occur.

269 32. Reflexive Particle 270 applies only to sentences whose verb is “to be.” Other rules govern clauses using other verbs and -za. Boley 1993 underestimated the validity of this rule, and many of her alleged counter examples were explained by Hoffner 1996.

32.10 30.2.2.1 Since the period when -za is used as the distinguishing mark for first and second person subjects of the verb “to be” is New Hittite, we shall consider the New Hittite evidence first. And since most of our texts date from that period, it has the most examples.

32.11 First person singular subject : ammuk–ma–za parΩ æandanza kuit UN-aå eåun “but because I was a divinely-guided person” Hatt. i 46-47; ammuk–ma–za n„wa TUR-aå eåun “but I was still (only) a child” KUB 19.29 i 10; nu–za ∂UTU-ÅI apez linkiyaz … parkuiå eålit “then let me, the emperor, be pure from that oath” KUB 13.4 iv 53; ammuk–ma–za ƒPuduæepaå annalliå GÉME–KA “I, Puduæepa, am your long-standing maidservant” KUB 21.27 i 7; ammuk–za ƒPuduæepaå æarnawaå MUNUS-za KUB 21.27 i 17;

32.12 First person plural: anzaå–ma–wa–naå ÌR.MEÅ ∂UTU-ÅI–pat “but we are subjects of His Majesty too” KBo 4.3 iv 15 (Kup. treaty, ed. SV …); anzaå–ma–naå DUMU.LÚ.U⁄°.LU kuit “because we are human beings” KBo 11.1 rev. 15 (prayer of Muw. II), ed. RHA fasc. 81, 109, 119 with comments on pages 34-35.

32.13 30.2.2.2 Second person subject: æuiåwanza–wa–za Ëå “Be alive!” (a greeting) (KUB 33.106 iii 7); nu–za æaliyaå uddani mekki paææaååanuwanteå Ëåten “so be ye very vigilant concerning the matter of the night watch!” KUB 13.4 ii 80-81; MUNUS-anza–wa–za MUNUS-nili–ya<–wa>–z zik “you are a woman and of a womanly nature” (KUB 24.8 i 36);577 zik–za kuiå “who are you?” KBo 5.11 iv 23, cited by Josephson in RHA 81:134-35;

32.14 plural: anda–ma–za åumaå kuieå LÚ.MEÅkarimnaleå “but you who are temple servants” (KUB 13.4 ii 59), åummaå–åmaå kuieå LÚ.MEÅ SAG “you who are eunuchs” KUB 26.1 i 2; also ibid. iii 45; nu–za mΩn parkuwaeå “if you are pure” KUB 13.4 iv 53; takku–za papranteå–ma “but if you are defiled” KUB 13.4 iv 54; mΩn–wa–za åΩnteå “if you are angry” KUB 15.32 i 46.

32.15 30.2.2.3 The following NH compound sentence contains one first-person subject and one second-person: appan–wa–mu–za–kan Ëå nu–wa–du–za tuk appa Ëåmi “be behind me, and I will be behind you!” KUB 36.35+ i 12-13 (Elkuniråa myth)), cf. i 1.

32.16 30.2.2.4 Contrast the following examples of NH “to be” sentences with third-person subjects , in which neither -za nor a dative enclitic pronoun is required: n–aå–kan ÅÀ DINGIR.MEÅ ANA ∂IÅTAR URUÅamuæa naææanza eådu “so let him be reverent to IÅTAR of Åamuæa among the gods” (Hatt. iv 88-89); kuit–wa waåtul–tit “what is your sin?” KUB 14.8 i 45; kuiå–war–aå aåi DUMU-aå “who is he, this child?” Ullik. I A iv 14; kÏ–wa kuit “what is this?” KBo 6.34 i 30.

577Note that there are two clauses in this cited material: MUNUS-nili–ya–z contains a new set of sentence particles.

270 32. Reflexive Particle 271

32.17 30.2.3 In Old Hittite this use of the reflexive to distinguish first and second person subjects from third person ones in “to be” clauses was not yet operational . Observe the non-occurrence of the reflexive in OH “to be” sentences with first and second person subjects: First person: [(µÆappi)]å ANA LÚ.MEÅ URUZalpa taråikkizzi „k–wa a [(tti–mi ) natt]a Ωååuå “Æappi says to the men of Zalpa: ‘I am not dear to my father’” KBo 22.2 rev 4-5 (OS), ugga MUNUS annannaå Ëåmi “I am an a.-woman” VBoT 58 iv 3; „k BELGIÅTUKUL eåun “I was a Lord-of-the- Weapon” (Pal. Chron. B i 9).

32.18 The particle’s absence under these conditions in NH is extremely rare and perhaps intentionally archaizing: DUMU LÚ.U⁄°.LU-aå eåun “I was a mortal” KUB 6.45 iii 26 (Muw. II).

32.19 30.2.3.1 OH with unexpressed eå-: Second person singular: maråanza–wa zik “you are treacherous” (KBo 3.34 ii 20); zig–a–wa GIÅTUKUL “you are a TUKUL(-man)” KBo 22.1:21 (OS); plural: LÚ.MEÅ ILKI–wa åumeå “you (pl.) are men bound to render ILKU-tax” (Laws §55). Notice how in OH the independent pronoun (zik, åumeå) often occurs in final position (ex. 36, 38), when the verb eå- is left unexpressed.

32.20 30.2.3.2 OH with eå-: åumeå–a [DINGIR.MEÅ-aå u]ddani naææanteå Ëåten “Be respectful toward the word [of the gods]” KUB 1.16 iii 49 (OH/NS).

32.21 30.2.3.3 A similar use of dative pronouns referring back to the subject is used in nominal sentences in Hieroglyphic Luwian , where one finds in sentences with first person singular subjects (Latinogram EGO “I”) the regular use of the enclitic pronoun -mi: EGO-mi U-r-hi-li-na “I am Urhilina” (Restan and Apamea = Meriggi Manuele II nos. 5 and 6), cf. also Manuele II nos. 8.1, 10, 11, 13, 16, etc. On this subject see F. Josephson in Houwink ten Cate and Josephson 1967 135f. with anterior literature cited there.

32.22 30.2.4 When the verb iya- (Va1) “to make” is construed with a double object (“to make something into something else”),578 it sometimes takes -za and sometimes does not. In these cases the-za refers back to the subject as a dative of interest (cf.§30.2.1.2).

32.23 30.3 The verb au(å)- (cf. §30.2.1.3). Originally auå- “to look, see” associated with -za only when the object of the verb (the thing seen) was something which belonged to or was intimately related to the seer. Cf. Carruba 1969 49f. and Hoffner 1973b. zik–a–war–aåta GIÅluttanza aræa le autti mΩ(n)–war–aåta aræa–ma autti nu–wa–za DAM-KA DUMU.MEÅ-KA autti “you must not look (intrans.!) out of the window. If you look (intrans.) out, you will see (trans.) your own (-za) wife and your own children” KUB 17.6 (“Illuyanka C”) i 19ff. Carruba suggests that it means to see something which belongs to the subject, even if not physically. He then cites KUB 12.2 iv 25, KBo 6.34 i 35ff., and Ullik. tablet 1, passim: mΩn DN1 ANADN¤ memiåkiwan daiå versus nu–za … PANI ZI-ÅU memiåkiwan daiå (“to his own mind”) as further illustrations of the principle. Note also: µPÍÅ.TUR-aå–ma–za–kan waåtul kuit uåkizzi “Because Maåæuiluwa saw (lit. sees) his own sin” Kup. §5 d, 40

578On the double accusative constructions see van den Hout 1992.

271 32. Reflexive Particle 272 and nu–za–ta LÚUGULA LIM LÚDUGUD-å–a […] NINDA.ÉRIN.MEÅ-ÅU ZÍD.DA[.DURUfi] menaææanda auådu “let the Commander-of-1,000 and the Dignitary wait for (lit. look toward) their own bread rations and moistened flour” KBo 16.25 i 31-32. The particle -za with au(å)- sometimes serves as the reflexive object for a postposition or adverb in the clause: n–aåta kΩåma (7) ANÅE.KUR.RA.ÆI.A kar„ (8) parΩ neææun (9) n–an–za–kan menaææanda au “I have already dispatched horses. Expect (lit. look for) them ( as they come) toward you” HKM 2:6-9 (letter, MH/MS);

32.24 30.4 The particle -za often serves to distinguish a transitive from an intransitive use of a verb (“transitivity toggle”):

32.25 30.4.1 With åakuwai(a)- “to look, see” (Hoffner 1973b). The verb åakuwai(a)- “to look, see” like its synonym au(å)- also occurs sometimes with -za and sometimes without. But the factor determining the need for -za is not the same as with au(å)-, where it has to do with seeing something closely associated with the seer. Rather it is the same factor which operates with the verb taræ-: when the verb takes a direct object, the particle -za will regularly accompany it: [(nu–kan ∂UTU-uå nepiåaz) katta å]akuwait nu–za ∂Ullukummin åakuiåkizzi [(∂Ulluk)ummiå–a–za (nepiå)]an ∂UTU-un åakuiåkizzi “Istanu looked (without -za) down from the sky and saw (with -za) Ullukummi, and Ullukummi saw (with -za) heavenly Iåtanu”” KUB 33.95 + 33.93 iv 33-34 (Ullik., Tablet I A).

32.26 30.4.2 With taræ-: (1) trans. with -za “to overcome, subject,” (2) intrans. without -za “to have the upper hand, be superior.”

32.27 30.4.3 With naæ-: (1) trans. without -za “to fear something/someone,” (2) intrans. with or without -za or equivalent dative:. “to be afraid” nu–wa–za åer nΩæun “I was afraid on (that) account” KUB 13.35 ii 33; lË–wa–ta naæi “don’t be afraid” KUB 30.33 i 15, KUB 30.36 ii 8, (but sometimes without:) LUGAL-uå–wa lË naæti “O king, don’t be afraid” KBo 15.52 v 14, cf. 21, naæmi–wa “I am afraid” KUB 14.3 ii 26 (Taw., Hatt. III), nu nΩæun “and I became afraid” KUB 12.27 i 3 (Murå. II).

32.28 30.4.4 Note that in this transitive/intransitive opposition the particle -za doesn’t always mark the transitive use; it is merely a “transitivity toggle.” Each pair must be learned independently as a lexical item.

32.29 30.5 Beginning in Old Hittite, the particle -za can serve in a possessive construction to identify the possessor with the grammatical subject of the clause (“his own, her own, our own”, Hoffner 1973b 523f.): nu–za DUMU.MUNUS.MEÅ–ÅA ANA DUMU.NITA.MEÅ–ÅA paiå “(The queen) gave her own daughters to her own sons (in marriage)” StBoT 17 obv. 17 (OS); nu–za–kan DUMU.MEÅ-ÅU para åuwiezzi “(if a mother removes her garment from her son,) she thus disinherits her own son (pl. ‘sons’ is a scribal error’)” Hittite Laws §171 (OH/NS); New Hittite examples: namma–an–za–an ANA SAG.DU-ÅU åer anzaåå–a [ANA DUMU].MEÅ-ÅU åer linganut “he made him swear loyalty to himself (lit. to his own head), but us (he made swear loyalty) to his sons” KBo 4.4 iv 59-60; ammuk–wa–za É DINGIR-LIM-YA paææaåæi “I am guarding my own temple” KUB 13.4 iii 25-

272 32. Reflexive Particle 273

26 (pre-NH/NS), (when someone has paid compensation for homicide,) nu–za–(å)ta SAG.DU-ZU waåta “he has purchased his own life (lit. ‘head’)” KUB 13.9 ii 3-4, nu–za–kan 2 EN SISKUR watar INA SAG.DU.MEÅ–ÅUNU åarΩ laæuwanzi “and the two offerers pour the water on their own heads” KBo 2.3 iv 4-5. The construction can even omit the possessive: nu–za ÅEÅ-aå <ÅEÅ>-an kattan peåkit [LÚa]raå–ma–za LÚaran kattan peåkit “brother betrayed his own brother, friend betrayed his own friend” KBo 2.5 iv 16-17 (annals of Murs. II); nu–za–kan IGI.ÆI.A-wa kuwattan ANA KUR LÚ.KÚR andan nΩiåkinun nu–mu–kan IGI.ÆI.A-wa LÚ.KÚR EGIR-pa UL kuiåki nΩiå “toward whatever enemy land I directed my eyes, no enemy was able to turn my(!) eyes back”579. Apology of Æatt. i 67-69;580 nu–za ∂IÅTAR GAÅAN–YA parΩ æandandatar … tikkuååanut “Ishtar, my lady, revealed her own sovereign power” Apology of Æatt. iii 15-16; ta–z kiååeruå Ωrri “and he washes his own hands” KUB 20.96 iii 6. In all these cases the -za has primary reference to the subject’s being the possessor of something mentioned in the clause; it does not construe primarily with the finite verb. Cf. German “Sie waschen sich die Hände.”

32.30 30.6 Aside from the linking verb eå- “to be,” the following intransitive verbs occur in Boley’s list (1993 5) of verbs that construe with -z(a): kiå- “to become,” and eå- “to sit.”

32.31 30.6.1 The occurrence of -za with kiå- in post-OH correllates rather consistently with its use as a linking verb (i.e., with a second, “predicate” nominative).

32.32 30.6.1.1 When no second nominative occurs (and in these cases the subject is always third person), the meaning is “to happen, take place, occur” and there is usually no -za: n–at uizzi åummaå ANA LÚ.MEÅ KÚR URUIåmirika waåtul kiåari “And a ‘sin’ will occur for you men of Iåmirika” (i.e., you men will become guilty of an infraction of the treaty) KUB 26.41 (+) 23.68 + ABoT 58 rev. 6 (MH/NS), gaåza kiåat “A famine occurred” HKM 113:10 (MH/MS), EGIR-an–a–kan / INA ÅÀ KARAÅ æinkan kiåat “Afterwards a plague occurred (i.e., broke out) in the army” KBo 5.6 i 9-10 (DÅ frag. 28); i[(ni–wa–mu uttar karui)]liyaz peran / UL [(kuwapikki kiåa)]t “Such a thing never occurred before to me” KBo 5.6 iii 18-19 (DS frag. 28); nu maææan æameåæanza kiåat “But when spring came (lit. when spring occurred)” KBo 2.5 ii 1 (annals of Murå. II);

32.33 30.6.1.2 When a second nominative occurs (and in these cases the subject can be any of the three persons), the meaning is “to become, turn out to be”, and there is usually a -za or equivalent dative clitic pronoun agreeing in person with the subject: nu MU-ti meniaå armalaå maææan nu[–za uk]–a apΩå / kiåæat “Like one sick throughout the cycle of the year, I became that one” KUB 30.11 rev. 12-13 (OH/MS); nu–za „k apΩ[å k]iåæaæa[t] “I became that one” KUB 36.79a + 31.127 + 31.132+} iii 19 (prayer, OH/NS); nu–za ABU–YA kuwapi DINGIR-LIM-iå

579For the thought, compare dKumarbiyaå IGI.ÆI.A-wa UL namma manzazzi “he was no longer able to resist Kumarbi’s eyes” KUB 33.120+ i 20-21. 580 If the IGI.ÆI.A-wa in the second clause had belonged to the enemy, who is the grammatical subject of naiå , the particle - za would have appeared again in the second clause.

273 32. Reflexive Particle 274

DÙ-at “And when my father died (lit. became a god)” KBo 3.4 i 4 (annals of Murå. II); ammuk–ma–za ANA PANI ÅEÅ–YA EN KARAÅ kiåæaæat “But during the reign of my brother I became an army commander” Apology of Æatt. i 24; man–war–aå–mu LÚMUTI–YA kiåari “he would become my husband” KBo 5.6 iii 12-13 (DS frag. 28).

32.34 30.6.1.2.1 Exceptionally, in predicate nominative clauses with kiå- no reflexive particle occurs: (15) nu–kan ABU–YA kuin LÚ.KÚR URUGaågan INA ÅÀ KUR-TI (16) IKÅUD n–aå 12 ÅUTI kiåat “The hostile Kaåka which my father encountered in the land turned out to be twelve tribal groups” KBo 14.3 iii 15-16 (Deeds of Åupp., Frag. 14). It makes no sense to attempt to render this “It (i.e., the enemy), namely twelve tribal groups, occurred.”

32.35 30.6.2 -z(a) does not occur with eå- “to sit” in Old Hittite (i.e., OS). One distinguishes a “transformative ‘sit down, seat oneself’” and a “non-transformative ‘sit, remain seated’” meaning of the verb eå-. In OH (OS) often the active is “be sitting”, and the middle “seat oneself.” Beginning in MH, -za attaches to the transformative “seat oneself”, whether the form is active or middle. Cf. Boley 1993 73-76.

32.36 30.6.2.1 Beginning in MH, eå- also developed a transitive use “to occupy, settle in (a land, area).” In this usage it shows -z(a): [k]Ωåa–wa–tta KUR ÆUR.ÅAG ZippaålΩ AD[DIN] nu–wa–za ap„n–pat eåi “I have herewith given you the land of Mt. Zippaåla; so occupy (or: settle in) it” KUB 14.1 obv. 19 (Madd., MH/MS); cf. Boley 1993 73.

274 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 275

CHAPTER 33 PARTICLES -wa(r), -pat

Friedrich, J. 1967. Hethitisches Elementarbuch. Zweiter Teil. Lesestücke in Transkription mit Erläuterungen und Wörterverzeichnissen. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag. §289-292.

33.1 38.1 In formal documents direct quotes are marked by a particle -wa(r-) suffixed to the first word of the quoted utterance (HroznŸ 1917 98 n. 1, 144; Pecora 1984).

33.2 The longer form -war- is used when another enclitic particle beginning with a vowel is added. aku–war–aå KBo 3.1+ iv 20 (Tel.pr., OH/NS); IÅTU DINGIR-LIM–war–aå BA.ÚÅ Laws §75; nu–war–an–za–an peæutet KUB 12.60 i 18 (OH/NS); ki–mu kuit ÅA mMarruwa / LÚ URUæimmuwa æaliyatar æatraeå / para–war–an–kan neææun HBM 13:3-5 (MH/MS); nu–war–at–apa KBo 3.1+ ii 49 (Tel.pr., OH/NS)); uga–war–uå ibid. ii 15; [kuw]at–war–e akkanzi ibid. ii 29.

33.3 When followed by a consonant or in word final position, the form is –wa : nu–wa passim; attaå–taå–wa KUB 1.16 ii 65 (OH/NS); [Ì]R-iå–wa–ååan ibid. ii 71; [kΩ]åa–wa–z ibid. iii 67; kinun–wa–z ibid. iii 68; apΩå–wa–kan HKM 6:7 (MH/MS).

33.4 Rarely –wa– is erroneously written for –war– : peææi–wa–at–åi mΩn–wa–ååi UL pe [ææi] KUB 12.60 i 21 (myth, OH/NS); apΩå–wa–kan / iåtarna aræa uit / namma–ma–wa–aå kuwapi pait / nu–war–aå UL IDI HKM 6:7-10; SUM-ir–wa-at–åi kuwapi nu–wa kΩå / kΩå–a arantat KUB 13.4 ii 37-38 (inst. for priests, pre-NH/NS); nu–wa–mu 1-EN / DUMU-KA pai nu–war–aå ammuk LÚMUTI-YA / INA KUR URUMiri–ma–wa–aå LUGAL-uå DS frag. 28.A iv 10-12 (note, however, the evidence of other mistakes in this context); [t]etanuå–ma–wa–at KUB 33.41 ii 5; naåma–wa–at–za–kan KUB 14.8 obv. 2 PP 2); cf. also mΩn–wa–åta KUB 34.53 obv. 2, which is otherwise always –war–aåta . Note that this omission always occurs before an enclitic beginning with a.

33.5 This loss of r is correlated with a general phonological rule (see §1.163).

33.6 Quoted speech is frequently introduced by a verbum dicendi, such as mema-, te- or tar-, æalzai-, taåtaåiya- (“to whisper”), or punuåå- “to ask”: [nu–ååi kuwapi me]mian peran memai ∂UTU-ÅI–wa uizzi “[When] he says [to him]: ‘His Majesty is coming’” AMD 84 ii 5; te-: takku BEL GUD tezzi ammel–pat–wa–za GUD-un daææi / GUD–ÅU dai “If the owner of the ox says: ‘I will take my own ox,’ he shall take his ox” KBo 6.3 iii 71 (Laws §74); UMMA µDUMU. UD.20.KAM / ANA µUzzu / ÅEÅ.DÙG.GA-YA QIBI–MA / PANI µPulli–kan / ammel aååul / æalzai GUD–ya–wa–mu / kuin tet / nu–war–an–mu uppi “Thus says Mar-eårË: Speak to Uzzu, my dear brother: Give my greeting to Pulli: ‘Send me the ox you promised me!’” HKM 22:9-16; nu–tta uizzi pi[(ran kui)]åki t[(aåtaåiyaizzi )] / ∂UTU-ÅI–wa–du–za–kan HUL-lawanni [kiååa]n kiååan[(–a )] / zikkizzi“Someone will whisper in your presence: ‘His Majesty is planning this and that for evil against you’” KUB 21.1 + KUB 19.6 +

275 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 276

KBo 19.73 + KBo 19.73a iii 17-19 (Alakå.), ed. SV 2 (1930) 50-102; Otten, MIO 5 (1957) 26-30; punuåå- nu–tta mΩn DINGIR.MEÅ kiååan pu-nu-uå-åa-an-zi kÏ–wa kuit iËååir “If the gods ask you as follows: ‘Why were they doing this?’” KBo 17.105 ii 17-18 (incant., MH/MS); n–an pu-nu-uå-ki-wa-an da[iå k]uit–wa waåtul–tit “(The Sungod) began to ask him (i.e., Appu): ‘What is your trouble?’” KUB 24.8 i 44-45 (Appu, NH), ed. StBoT 14:6f.; mimma- “to refuse”: [(m)]Ωn DUMU.MEÅ URUHatti LÚ.MEÅ ILKI uer nu ABI LUGAL aruwa [nzi] / nu taråikanzi kuåan–naå–za natta kuiåki iez [(zi)] / nu–wa–naå–za mimmanzi LÚ.MEÅ ILKI–wa åumeå “When the sons of Hatti came, they bow to the father of the king and say: ‘No one pays us a wage; they refuse us, (saying:) “You are men owing ILKU”’” KBo 22.62 + KBo 6.2 iii 16-20 (Laws §55).

33.7 Occasionally quoted speech is introduced abruptly, without any verb of speech: nu–kan NAM.RA.MEÅ katta uer n–at–mu GÌR.MEÅ-aå kattan æaliyandat BELI-NI–wa–nnaå lË æarnikti “The civilian captives came down and prostrated themselves at my feet, (saying:) ‘Our lord, do not destroy us!’” KUB 14.15 iii 46ff.; other examples of verbs which do not denote speech acts followed by direct discourse: after arnu- KUB 36.90 obv. 7, auå- KBo 24.124 rev. 1, KBo 24.128 rev. 2, KUB 5.24+ ii 12, KUB 44.4+ rev. 9, iya- KBo 11.10 iii 16f., ep- KBo 5.3+ rev. 70-71, KUB 33.106+ ii 5, IBoT 1.36 i 56, eååa- KBo 14.21 ii 58, kappuwai- KUB 36.51 rev. 3, KUB 17.10 i 21, kiå- KUB 8.54:10, pai- KUB 16.16 rev. 8, piya- KUB 12.60 i 16, KBo 13.228 i 5-6, RHA 77:83f. B i 21, peda- KUB 13.4 iv 70, åakuwaya- KUB 24.8 iv 31, åuææai- KUB 12.26 ii 22, tarna - KUB 2.70 rev. 44, dai- KBo 3.60 ii 13ff., KUB 13.4 iv 27, teåæaniya- KUB 1.1+ iii 4-5, iv 9, uiya- KBo 3.40:10, KBo 4.14 iii 73, KUB 1.1 14-15, KUB 17.10 i 24, KUB 24.2 i 5, KUB 26.89:5, KUB 33.52 ii 4, waænu- KBo 9.106 ii 1, KUB 44.4+ rev. 25, :zuwai- KUB 44.4+ 10-11 (CHD sub palwai-).

33.8 Once a saying is quoted which justifies a legal decision: takku MUNUS-nan kuiåki pittinuzzi E[(GIR- anda=m )a=åm(aå åardiyaå paizzi)] / takku 3 LÚ.MEÅ naåma 2 LÚ.MEÅ ak[(kanzi åarnikzil NU GÁL)] / zik=wa UR.BAR.RA-aå [(kiåat)] “… There will be no compensation, (because:) ‘You have become a wolf’”KBo 6.2 ii 10- 12 (Laws §37,) dupl. KBo 6.3 ii 29-30.

33.9 In at least one case, this indicates that the words constitute a popular saying (on which see Beckman 1986): lalaå–wa (var. EME-aå–wa ) armizzi “The tongue is a bridge” KBo 11.72 iii 5 w. dupl. KBo 11.10 iii 17; incorrectly read as la-la-na-aå in HW 3. Erg. 22; on HW2 sub armizzi “bridge” see correction in Hoffner, BiOr 40 (1983) 412.

33.10 Occasionally also, especially when there is an introducing verb of speech, the particle –wa can be omitted. Friedrich 1960 §292, quoting himself and Sommer, claims that this is particularly true in the mythological texts, and cites a passage from OH/NS Illuyanka: nu åarΩ nepiåi atti–ååi æalzΩiå ammugga EGIR-pa anda Ëp lË–mu genzuwΩiåi “He called up to heaven to his father: ‘Take me together with (them)! Have no mercy on me!’” KBo 3.7 iii 27ff., cf. edition by Beckman 1982. But the particle is also omitted in Old Hittite (OS) rituals such as: ta kiååan memaææe tuwattu DINGIR.MEÅ-eå KBo 17.1 ii 9 (StBoT 8); and in letters, where quotes are sometimes imbedded within quotes: kiååan–ma–mu kuit æatraeå / ÉRIN.MEÅ GIÅzaltayaå–wa kuiå / URUKaåepura pair

276 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 277 namma–åi–åan / kaåti peran kiååan memiåkanzi / maææan LÚ.MEÅ URUGaåga uwanzi / nu–wa–kan para EGIR- anda paiwani / nu–war–at åara arnumeni “Concerning what you wrote to me as follows: ‘The troops of the (wooden) zaltaya who went to Kaåepura, they are speaking thus because of a famine: “When the men of the Kaåka come, we will go forth after (them), and we will bring them.”’” HBM 24:4-10; [URU-r]i–ma–kan anda kiååan memiyawen / [nu uizz]i dUTU-ÅI URUTaggaåtan walæzi æalkiå–a–kan / aræa waråzi HKM 47:17-19; in a formal prayer, where the first lines consist of a long series of divine names and epithets: nu kiååa[n m]emai dUTU ÅAME U dUTU URUTÚL-na GAÅAN–YA MUNUS.LUGAL / GAÅAN-YA MUNUS.LUGAL ÅA KUR URUÆatti KUB 6.45 + KUB 30.14 + 1111/z (ZA 64:242) i 10-11; in the instructions text: nu LÚ.MEÅ GIÅTUKUL LÚ.MEÅ ÅU.GI anda æalza[i] / [nu– ]åmaå kiååan memi “Summon the TUKUL-men and the elders and speak as follows to them” ABoT 53 + KBo 16.54:9-10 is followed by a lengthy quote without any use of –wa ; similarly [nu .. kiååa]n memaææi KUB 57.105+ ii 24 and n–an DUMU.MUNUS åuppiååari pai / nu wiyeåkizzi anda–ma–kan / kiååan memiåkizzi VBoT 24 iii 34-36 and n–aåta NA›paååiluå IÅTU KAÅ kiåtanumi / nu kiååan memaææi ibid. iv 1-2and åer–a–åan ZÍD.DA ZÍZ MUN–ya åuææai nu kiååan memai KBo 11.14 i 20 and nu kiååan memai KBo 15.19 i 20 in rituals. Examples are also given by Mascheroni 1980 57f., who claims that in texts from later periods –wa is much less likely to be omitted, and cites KBo XVI 61 obv.? 4, where the scribe has inserted the particle as an afterthought above the line.

33.11 The particle can be omitted, when the quoted speech consists of a single word: nu URUNiåili kiååan æ[alza]i / tapuåa “(The guard) calls out in Hittite: ‘To the side!’” IBoT 1.36 iii 64-65 (MEÅEDI instr., MH/MS), ed. Güterbock and van den Hout 1991; duddu æalziååaææi nu–mu DINGIR-LIM-YA iåtamaå “I call ‘Help!’ Hear me, O my god!” KUB 31.135 + KUB 30.11 (+) KUB 31.130 + 726/c (ZA71:122f) rev. 21 (OH/MS).

33.12 It is not uncommon in quoted speeches which stretch over several clauses to find -wa omitted in one or more of the consecutive clauses.

33.13 38.2 Quoted speech very rarely begins with a conjunction: [d]IM-å–a tezzi nu–war–an kuit æanda UL wemiya[tten] “And the Stormgod said: ‘And/So (nu) why didn’t you find him?’” VBoT 58 i 23, translit. Myth 21- 28; tr. Pecchioli Daddi and Polvani 1990 57-70; Hoffner 1990 26-28.

33.14 38.2.1 The above discussion, which is based on the current generally-held view, assumes that consistent use of the particle at the beginning of each clause is the norm, and omission is to be explained as an irregularity. This view has been questioned by Fortson 1994, who suggests that the opposite may have been the case: that no such particle was necessary in ordinary speech and writing, but that the particle was introduced in formal or official documents, where it was desired to avoid the naturally occurring ambiguities of direct quoting.

The Particle -pat

33.15 38.3 -pat is an enclitic particle of specification, limitation and identity. It is attested since Old Hittite. The particle -pát has been characterized as “eine identifizierende Partikel” (Sommer-Ehelolf, Pap. 88), “hervorhebende

277 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 278

Partikel” (Goetze 1928 169), “identifizierende und hervorhebende Partikel” (Æatt 128; Goetze 1930 85; Goetze 1933a 307; Friedrich, HW 165), and “the particle of identity” (Tunn. 48f.).

33.16 38.3.1 Normally it was written with the BE sign (HZL sign no. 13, p. 96f.), which in Bo©azköy texts has several syllabic values (on these see Güterbock 1934 225-232, Hart 1971 96-102, Hoffner 1973a 100-104 and Puhvel 1979 216-217, but cf. comments CHD sub padda- “to dig”). The problem of correct transcription of HZL sign no. 13 is particularly important for this particle, since the particle is almost always written with the same sign. A possible exception was once noted by Ehelolf (apud Friedrich, SV 2:170) in KBo 5.3 iii 31 (SV 2:124): n–aå URUÆattuåi UL æuiååuizzi a-ki-pa-a[t?-å]a-an “In Hatti he will not go on living; he will die there”. Ehelolf’s proposal to read a-ki-pa-a[t(-)…] was contested by Goetze 1938 48 n. 152 and Carruba (1964 425, who preferred - (a)pa), but defended by Hart (1971 98-102), who concluded cautiously that “of the two particles [-pát and -(a)pa] … the case for -pát is much stronger” (1971 102). The Goetze and Carruba theory cannot satisfactorily account for what by the evidence of the traces and the space must be -a[t-å]a-an immediately following. We consider the Ehelolf interpretation conclusive and the question of the -pát reading of the sign for this particle closed.

33.17 38.3.2 Over the years Hittitologists have preferred various readings for this cuneiform sign, as it was used to express the particle: -be/-pè HroznŸ 1917 37 n. 2, Sommer, OLZ 24 (1921):197-201, Sturtevant and Hahn 1933 77, 131; -pát Sommer/Ehelolf, Pap. (1924) 88 (sub -bat), Götze, Hatt (1925) 56, Ehelolf apud Friedrich, SV 2 (1930) 170, HroznŸ 1932 257-258, Goetze and Pedersen 1934 64 (“man würde allerdings bei dieser Etymologie eine Aussprache -pat erwarten”), Pedersen 1935 80-88, Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 221, Friedrich 1960 (1940, 2nd. ed. 1960) § 296, Friedrich, HW1 (1952ff.) 165 (following Pedersen); Hart 197196-102, and Hoffner 1973a 100-104; -pít Friedrich, SV 2 (1930) 170 and passim in SV 1 (1926) and 2 (1930), Goetze 1928 56f., 1930 85, 1933a 307, Güterbock, ZA 42 (1934) 225-232, Sturtevant, Gl2 (1936) 121 (“may be interpreted … as -pit or as - pat”), Goetze, Tunn. (1938) 48 w. n. 152, Laroche, Myth. passim.

33.18 38.3.4.1 Distribution — 1' textual, by genres: The order of frequency of occurrence according to genres is the following (from most frequent to least): (1) prayers, (2) divination, (3) instructions and treaties, (4) historical narrative, (5) rituals and festivals, (6) myths. This frequency statistic is not skewed by the much larger amount of text material in some of these categories, since the count is determined by the ratio of number of occurrences to the amount of text in each category. Especially common in prayers are zik–pat, tuk–pat, tuel–pat, etc.

33.19 38.3.4.2 2' grammatical, by morphology and syntax — a' since it is not a sentence particle, -pát does not occur within the chain of such sentence particles as -wa(r), -aå, -mu, -za and -kan (cf. Friedrich, HE 1 § 288; Hart 1971102; Hoffner 1973a 104). If a chain of sentence particles attaches itself to any word which also carries -pát, - pát will precede the entire chain — 1'' in OH: ammel–pat–wa–za (Laws §74); anda–pat –kan KUB 33.8 iii 10 (Tel. myth, OH/NS), dupl. IBoT 3.141 iv 13 (OH/NS) substitutes anda–at–åan; 2'' in MH and NH: parΩ–pat –za KUB 13.4 ii 39; 2-uå–pat –at ibid. ii 50, kuiå–pat –kan ibid. iii 4, kΩ–pat –wa KBo 14.12 (DS frag. 28.E‹) iv 24; kappuwanteå–pat –mu–kan KUB 19.37 iii 25, ed. Goetze 1933a 174; IÅTU É.GAL-LIM–pat–kan

278 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 279

KBo 4.8 ii 14; æ„mandaza–pat –mu–kan Æatt. I 58; zik–pat–ma–za (Targ. §8, line r l); anniåan–pat –an Bronze Tablet i 12; 3'' in lit. texts: ÅA dKumarpi–pat –war–a[t] Ullik. I A iv 17; DAM–KA–pat–wa–ta–kan aååiyattat KUB 33.121 ii 9 (Keååi).

33.20 b' When -pát is construed with a word and its modifiers (noun attributive adjective, noun genitive modifier, verb preverb, verb adverb, verb negative), it will usually attach itself to that modifier, which serves to particularize or define the construction to the highest degree (Hoffner 1973a 105). Hart 1971102 describes the distribution differently: –pát is regularly attached to the first word in nominal groups. Hart points out (Hart 1971103) that “a consequence of this fixed position … is that position cannot be used to decide whether –pát belongs functionally with the adjective etc. or to the noun.”

33.21 c' in verbal groups: 1'' When -pát is construed with a verb preverb, it attaches itself to the preverb rather than to the verb proper (Sommer 1921); -pát is suffixed to the preverb in the following instances: KBo 4.14 iii 41, KBo 16.98 ii 16, KBo 5.1 obv. i 14, KBo 3.63 i 7-8, KUB 17.21 iv 6, KUB 13.4 i 56, KUB 29.7 rev. 12, 18, KBo 6.4 iv 2, KBo 3.4 ii 28, KUB 20.1 iii 17, KUB 23.11 iii 14, KUB 14.7 iv 11, KBo 12.3 iii 12, 2694/c right col. 8, KUB 43.49, 14, KUB 44.61 i 8, KBo 16.98 ii 16, 1456/u right col. 12.

33.22 a' anda–pat : anda–pat –kan æarkzi KUB 33.8 iii 10; anda–pat åeåzi KBo 4.2 i 37, anda–pat […]anzi KBo 13.119 iii 9-10.

33.23 b' EGIR-pa–pat : EGIR-pa–pat parkunuzi Laws §44b, EGIR-pa–pat waænut KUB 6.44 (Kup. D) iii 51; EGIR-pa–pat pal [-…] KUB 57.9:2.

33.24 c' appan: EGIR-an–pat AŒBAT KBo 3.4 ii 28, ed. Goetze 1933a 50f.; EGIR-an–pat æarkanzi KUB 29.7 KBo 21.41 rev. 12, 18; EGIR-an–pat arwaåta KUB 17.21 iv 6; [namma]–aå–ta–kan EGIR-an–pat kittat nu –tta [pa]ræiåkit KUB 14.1 obv. 2 (MH/MS).

33.25 d' appanda–pat : EGIR-anda–pat IŒBAT (var. EGIR-an–pat eppu [n]) KUB 23.11 iii 14 w. dupl. ….

33.26 e' aræa–pat : EGIR-an aræa–pat naiå KUB 14.1 obv. 73, aræa–pat uiyanun Æatt. i 72, aræa–pat pait Æatt. ii 49, aræa–pat peååiyanun KBo 6.29 iii 30, aræa–pat peååiya KUB 14.7 iv 11, aræa–pat paåkuwanun KUB 43.50 obv. 5 (Goetze and Pedersen 1934), aræa–pat –kan kuermi KUB 5.1 iii 87.

33.27 f' katta(n)–pat : GAM-an–pat iya [ttat] KUB 19.10 i 12 (DS fragm. 13 E); ABU-YA–[ya–ååi ka]ttan–pat e[åta] KUB 19.11 iv 41 (DÅ frag. 13D).

33.28 g' para–pat : n–at–åi para–pat UL arnutteni KUB 13.4 i 56, parΩ–pat –za uååaniyaddu KUB 13.4 ii 39, nu parΩ–pat daææi KUB 5.1 iii 52, nu para–pat nanniåten KUB 31.101.21-22.

33.29 h' peran–pat : [(GIÅ)] zuppariyaå–åmaå peran–pat æarkanzi KBo 10.23 vi 28-29, GAL MUNUS.MEÅ[KAR.KID MUNUS.MEÅ KAR.KID–ya] peran–pat æuyanteå KUB 7.19 obv. 7-8.

279 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 280

33.30 i' åarΩ–pat : a[mmuk–man–kan] / [INA] ÆUR.SAG Teæåina åarΩ–pat pau [n] KUB 19.37 (AM178) iii 52-53 ,

33.31 j' åer–pat : [LUGAL-uå MUNUS.LUGAL-aå–a åara ] tienzi åer–pat aruwanzi ABoT 9 KBo 17.74 iii 19.

33.32 On the second of a pair of preverb-adverbs: EGIR-an anda–pat naiå KUB 14.1 obv. 73, cf. KBo 12.3 iii 12; appa parΩ–pat KBo 3.7 iv 22, (even when separated from verb by nominals:) nu Ωppa parΩ–pat INA URUTanipiya A.ÅÀ kueraå LUGAL-waz piyanza KBo 3.7 iv 22-23.

33.33 On adverbs (or “separated preverbs” [Hart 1971103f.]): n–aå Ωppa –ya–pat ap„n KASKAL-an uizzi IBoT 1.36 iii 25 (MEÅEDI, MH/MS), ed. Güterbock and van den Hout 1991 24f.

33.34 We know of seven possible exceptions to this rule, four of which Götze (Goetze 1933a 207 with note 1) noted, but did not explain. Of the exceptions, three may only be apparent exceptions. In KUB 6.45 i 30-31 åa-ra-a is not a preverb, but rather as a postposition governing the ablative KAxU-az (contra Goetze 1933a 209). The EGIR-pa e-åu-u-wa-ar of KBo 1.42 i 7-8 is not a finite verb form, but a verbal substantive and the predicate of an implied nominal sentence: “(The Akkadian word [tukultu or takaltu]) is (equivalent to Hittite) appa eåuwar ”. Thus in line 8 the second appa eåuwar as a unitary predicate noun carries the –pát (“likewise”) at the end of the unit. The situation is very similar in ABoT 7 v 2, where the neuter plural participle anda æulaliyanda modifiying GIÅGIDRU.ÆI.A DINGIR-LIM bears -pát at the very end of the unitary participle. This leaves four more unexplained: aræa æaåpir–pat, KUB 14.1 obv. 46 (MH/MS); n–at […] / aræa panzi–pat KUB 20.76 i 18-19 (fest.); n–aåta parranda æalzianzi–pat KUB 13.4 i 32 (instr., MH/NS); and UL paimi–pat–wa KUB 14.4 iii 26.

33.35 2'' When the verb negation construction is to be modified by -pát, the particle attaches itself to the negative word (Goetze 1933a 207; CREF natta f): KUB 1.1 ii 49-50, KUB 21.38 rev. 12-13, KBo 4.12 obv. 25- 26, KUB 23.103 ii 23, KUB 13.4 ii 5, 30, KBo 15.33 ii 20, KUB 13.35 ii 8, 2. Pestgebet, § 10, line 8, KUB 14.8 rev. 33-34, KUB 18.2 iii 5, KUB 16.41 iii 12.

33.36 In fact, the position after the negative seems to be preferred by the particle, even when there is also a preverb present. ∂UTU-ÅI–ma tuk / [µAl]akåandun aræa UL–pat peååiyami KUB 21.5 ii 6-7 (Alakå. treaty, Muw. II), see also KBo 19.73 i 81-82, KUB 21.5 ii 6-7; 1. Pestgebet, § 8, line 37, KUB 14.10 i 14-15, KUB 21.5 ii 6- 7, KUB 22.40 ii 35, KBo 15.33 ii 20.

33.37 Exceptional sequences (Hart 1971103f.): parΩ–pat UL arnutteni KUB 13.4 i 56; UL–pat parΩ udanzi KUB 22.40 ii 35 • Exceptions to the rule regarding the negations like the exceptions to Sommer’s rule regarding the preverbs are only apparent and can be explained by the same principle applied above. In KUB 1.16 ii 51 and 55 (Sommer and Falkenstein 1938) the form æa-an-da-a-an is the predicate of a nominal sentence. The -pát here governs that predicate rather than the negated verb le-e (le-e) … e-eå-du.

33.38 3'' on the infinitive w. finite auxiliary verb: zaææiyawanzi–pat Ëpzi KBo 14.3 (DS frag. 15F) iv 31.

280 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 281

33.39 d' with (pro)nominal groups — 1'' w. enclitics that are not a part of the initial chain of sentence particles, -pát (1) does not break the nexus between noun and possessive suffixes: É-er–ået–pat KBo 6.2 i 28; INA É–åi–pat eåtu KBo 3.28:12, 14; É-ri–åi–pat KBo 3.1 iv 26; tuekkanza–åiå–pat Laws §49; (2) is preceded by potential-optative particle –man: iyami–man–pat–wa kuitki KUB 23.92 rev. 12, KUB 23.103 rev. 13; (3) follows both -ya “and” and -ma “but”: LÚ.MEÅNU.GIÅ.SAR æumanti=ya=pat luzz [(i kar)]pianzi KBo 22.62 + 6.2 iii 21-22 (Laws §56, OS); n=aå appa=ya=pat apun KASKAL-an uizzi IBoT 1.36 iii 25 (MEÅEDI protocol); kezzi=ya=pat 2 NKR tianzi IBoT 1.29 rev. 52 (EZEN› æaååumaå); in one case -ma follows -pát: zik–pat–ma–za iåæaå [eå] “but you [be] lord” KBo 5.4 rev. 1 (Targ.).

33.40 2'' With a noun and its attributive adjective –pát is attached to the adjective: nu åallaå–pat æaååannaå eåæar KBo 3.1 ii 31-32 (Tel.pr., OH/NS); LUGAL-uå–åan æantezziyaå–pat DUMU.LUGAL DUMU-RU kikkittaru ibid. ii 36; [æante]zziuå–pat æappariuå Laws §146; kappu[wanteå–pá]t antuæåeå KUB 14.1 obv. 52 (MH/MS), [æan]tezzin–pat auriyaå URU-an KUB 14.1 obv. 47; KUB 40.2 obv. 25; KUB 19.37 iii 25; KBo 6.29 i 7; KBo 3.1 ii 31, 36; cf. also below on apa-, ka-. Exception: åalli æuååili–pat KUB 31.100 rev. 10 is conceived as a single speech unit.

33.41 3'' With a noun and its genitive modifier -pát iå attached to the genitive: nu kuit eåæanaå–pat iåæaå tezzi “whatever the aforementioned avenger of blood decides (lit. says)” KBo 3.1 iv 19-20, ammel–pat–wa–za GUD-un daææi (Laws §74); ammel–pat ÉRIN.MEÅ.ÆI.A KUB 14.1 rev. 41, apel–pat annaå –åaå katta “with his own mother” Laws §189, åumenzan–pat UZU.I` “your own flesh” (139 ii 20), åumenzan–pat ker–åemet “your own heart”(ibid. 21), tuel–pat NUMUN-anza Bronze Tablet ii 98, ÅA m.dLAMMA–pat NUMUN-anza “Only the seed of Kurunta” Bronze Tablet iii 10; URUÆattuåaå–pat KUR-ya “Only in the land of Æ.” KUB 17.21 i 3, KBo 4.10 obv. 13; KBo 10.16 iv 6; KBo 11.10 iii 23; KBo 15.22 KUB 41.3 i 17, 21; KUB 11.1 iv 19-20; KUB 16.16 rev. 14; KUB 23.77a rev. 16; Hatt. I 11; and in unpublished ÅA É.MEÅ-ÅU-NU-pát (VAT 7687 ii 16).

33.42 4'' When the demonstratives apa- (= Lat. is) and ka- (= Lat. hic) are construed as attributives with a noun, the particle -pát is attached to the demonstrative — a'' with apa-: apedani–pat UD-ti (KBo 10.20 i 39; ABoT 7 iii 1; KUB 29.7 obv. 58, rev. 1; KUB 30.31 iv 20, 27-28; 240/f vi 25); apedani–pat UN-åi (KBo 3.1 iv 26), apedani–pat meæuni (311.1 obv. 9), apedaå–pat UD.KAM. ÆI.A.-aå (KBo 3.l ii 5); namma GIÅAL GIÅMAR apË–pat (KUB 39.35 i 31); apeni–pat URU-ri (KUB 12.48 obv. 7); apuå–pat GAL.ÆI.A (Bo 2701 iii? 23); ape[dan]i–pat æupruåæ [i] (KBo 17.95 ii 1); apel–pat [. . . æ]upruåæiyaå (ibidem 3-4); apun–pat GUD (KUB 43.77 i 7); apuå–pat DINGIR.MEÅ (KUB 27.16 iv 24); apez–pat GIÅzupparit (KBo 15.48 ii 24 ); ape–pat uddar (ibid. 25-26).

33.43 b'' with ka-: k„å–pat DINGIR.MEÅ (IBoT 1.29 rev. 32, 37); DINGIR.MEÅ-mu-uå k„å–pat (KUB 10.5 vi 5); k„n–pat åËnan (Bo 3286 ii 17); kedani–pat INIM-ni, (KUB 15.21:9); k„å–pat waåkuå (KUB 18.20, 11); ki¢–pat S ÌR.ÆI.A (400/d iv 18-19 ); k„å–pat maråaåtarraå waåkuå (KUB 5.9 obv. 29).

281 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 282

33.44 c'' The above constructions are to be kept distinct from those in which apa- and ka- -pát are not construed with a noun (Friedrich 1960 § 293a): “apΩå–pat – ‘eben der, idem’”); apΩå–pat: KBo 6.2 i 19, 53, 59, ii 32; KBo 6.4 i 13; KBo 11.1 obv. 6; KBo 17.29 i 3; KUB 7.5 ii 23; KUB 14.1 i 19; KUB 24.4 rev. 13; KUB 27.22 i 14; KUB 21.19 ii 22; KUB 36.127 rev. 11; KUB 37 1 rev. 14; KUB 40.92 obv. 7; Bo 2898 obv. ii? 9; Bo 3626:8, 9.

33.45 kaå–pat, ki–pat, etc.: KBo 6.2 iii 43; KUB 5.7 obv. 8, 9, 11; KUB 6.37, 9,13; KUB 7.53 iv 7; KUB 18.2 ii 16; KUB 18.32,10; KUB 23.103 rev. 20; Al. T. 454 i 27.

33.46 For [a]paåila–pat see KBo 11.14 iv 21.

33.47 i' When a noun is governed by a postposition, -pát is attached to the postposition. [This seems to be exception to Hart’s sequence rule about “to the first…”]

33.48 With kattan–pat /GAM-an–pat (KUB 19.10 i 12; KUB 19.11 iv 41).

33.49 With pairs of nouns in distributive expressions it occurs on the second (i.e. last) noun: KASKAL-åi KASKAL-åi–pat

33.50 j' -pát is attached to the following adverbs — 1'' QATAMMA–pat(= Hitt. apeniååan–pat ) “in the very same manner” (German “ebenso”): KBo 5.2 iv 48; KBo 6.3 iv 17; KBo 10.37 iii 37; KBo 11.19 i 8; KUB 7.41 i 8; KUB 7.53 iii 57; KUB 15.42 ii 19; KUB 23.103 obv. 9, rev. 7; KUB 29.7 rev. 15, 16; KUB 30.31 i 22; IBoT I 29 obv. 31, rev. 16, 45.

33.51 2'' annaz–pat “once before too(?)”: KBo 6.25 iii 5-6 (here there is the possibility also that annaz ÅÀ-az is a case of partitive apposition, on which cf. Friedrich 1960 §213a, in which case annaz would be the ablative of anna- “mother”); Bo 2934 i 2 in broken context but with no mention of a woman in the context.

33.52 3'' appaya–pat “afterwards too(?)”: IBoT 1.36 iii 25, ed. Jakob-Rost 1966 193 (“auch zurück”), Güterbock and van den Hout 1991 24f. (“also on his return”). In view of the immediately preceding EGIR-pa-ma-aå ku-wa-pÅ –-iz-zi, perhaps a-ap-pa-ia-pát … –-iz-zi is describing the same action, in which case (despite the odd position of the preverb in the second clause) appaya–pat is not really an adverb at all, but a preverb.

33.53 4'' a-pád-da-pát : KUB 22.70 obv. 11.

33.54 5'' a-pád-da-an-pát : KUB 13.35 iv 41.

33.55 6'' apiya–pat “in that same place”: KBo 5.1 i 5; KBo 13.135, 6; KBo 15.2 i 5; KBo 15.34 ii 20; KUB 15.31 iii 57; KUB 23.72 rev. 50; KBo 2.2 i 13; KUB 36.2b ii 24; KUB 31.101, 14; KUB 12.48 obv. 7; Babyloniaca 4, 1911, 227, no. 5, obv. 13.

33.56 7'' anniåan–pat “already before” (German “schon früher”): Æatt. IV 7, Bronze Tablet ii 32, 33.

33.57 8'' araæza–pat : Bo 3192:5.

282 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 283

33.58 9'' æudak–pat “very quickly, promptly”: KUB 21.19 iii 11-12; Bo 4007:8.

33.59 10'' kΩ–pat “right here, precisely here” (German “eben hier”): KBo 3.3 i 31; KUB 34.24 iv 24.

33.60 11' kinun–pat : KUB 23.115:11; KUB 23.103 rev. 22; KUB 22.70 rev. 46; and as predicate in implied nominal sentence KBo 1.44 obv. 15 (vocab.); kinun–pat –wa Bo 4991:5; kinuna–pat KUB 1.16 iii 38.

33.61 12'' kiååan–pat: KBo 8.42 i 4; KBo 13.227 i 16; KBo 16.59 obv. 6; KBo 20.67 ii 45; KUB 39.9, 13; KUB 12.4 iv l0; Bo 2892 i l0-ll; Bo 6018 i l, 4; 611/b left col. 8.

33.62 13'' kuwapi–pat : “precisely when” KBo 21.20 i 8; “where else …?” KUB 33.106 ii 16, ed. JCS 6:23.

33.63 14'' mekki–pat marri: KUB 13.4 iii 54, cf. i 38, iii l7.

33.64 15'' namma–pat (CREF namma 2 b): KBo 10.37 iii 34; KBo 11.19 i 7, 10; KBo 21.14 obv. 7; KUB 7.8 iii 14; KUB 7.30 right col. 5, 12; KUB 11.32 iv 12; KUB 12.11 iv 25, 26; KUB 14.3 i 14, ii 56; KUB 14.20 i 14; KUB 15.42 iii 20; KUB 17.18 ii 9; KUB 25.1 i 22, v 48; KUB 25.48 iv 22; KUB 27.55 iii 6; KUB 32.87 iv 18; KUB 39.12, 11; IBoT I 29 rev.15; Bo 2447 ivll; Bo 2598 iii 39, iv 24, 27; Bo 2846 v? 8, 9, 10, 18; Bo 3079 iii ll; Bo 3162 obv. 3; Bo 4809 iii 1; Bo 4869 ii 3; Bo 5591 obv. 16; 56/a iii 24; KBo 19.144 iv 19.

33.65 16'' nuwa–pat “still (kept saying) as before” (CREF nuwa b 2'): apΩå–ma nuwa–pat mem[iåkit] naææeåkimi–wa KUB 14.3 ii 28 (Sommer, AU, 8), CREF naææ- a 1' a'.

33.66 17'' åer–pat : KBo 16.5:5; KUB 14.16 ii 10, ed. Goetze 1933a 42f.; ABoT 8 iii 19.

33.67 18'' åuwaru–pat : KUB 23.85 rev. 8; KUB 33.112 ii 22; Bo 975 right col. 16.

33.68 19'' aru–åuwaru–pat : KUB 33.106 iii 33, ed. HW 201, Güterbock, Oriens 10, 357f., Vieyra, RA 51:98, HWb 3. Erg.-Heft 30, Stefanini, Athen. 40:3ff., Carruba, StBoT 2:14.

33.69 20'' ukturi–pat “always, constantly, ever”: KBo 13.114 iv 14; KBo 17.105 ii 23; KUB 4.47 obv. 2; KUB 43.22 rev. 11; Bo 2393 Bo 5138 left edge 6; 509/d iii 9.

33.70 d. Translations — The following translations have been offered: (l) on nouns, with reference to someone or something just mentioned, German “eben, ebenfalls”, English “the aforementioned”, with restrictive function, German “nur”, English “only.”

33.71 (2) on verbs: indicating repetition or duplication, German “ebenfalls”, English “likewise”, indicating action which represents progression, German “auch noch, weiter”, English “also, even”, action contrary to expectation, German “trotzdem”, English “nevertheless.”

33.72 (3) on possessive pronouns, identifying the possessor with the subject of the clause, German “eigen”, English “own.”

283 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 284

33.73 (4) on the anaphoric pronoun apa- German “eben, der”, Latin “idem”, English “that very one.”

33.74 (5) on attributive adjectives, in the restrictive use, German “nur”, English “only” (HE I, § 293).

33.75 1' “the same, the aforementioned” (anaphoric, with reference to someone or something just mentioned, German “eben, ebenfalls”): a' Quite frequently the particle -pát calls attention to a previous mention of the object or the action (already Sommer, OLZ 24, 1921, 197-…). When the particle is attached to a noun or attributive adjective, it is best translated in English as “the same, the aforementioned”. When it is attached either to a verb or to the predicate noun or adjective, one may wish rather to translate it “likewise”. The fundamental significance of the particle, however, remains in these cases the same.

33.76 b' with nouns we may cite the following: 1 MUNUS-TUM fKattittaæi-mTatileni Å[UM-ÅU] 1 DUMU.MUNUS ÅEÅ-ÅU fKattittaæi–pat Å [UM-ÅU] “one woman, her name Kattittaæi of Tatileni. One daughter of her brother, her name Kattittaæi likewise” Otten, StBoT 1:20; “When a slave has stolen, and his lord/owner says: ‘I will make the compensation in his behalf’, he shall make the compensation.” takku mimmai–ma nu ÌR-an–pat å„wizzi “But if he (the owner) refuses, he forfeits the aforementioned slave” (Hittite Laws § 95); nu–kan mUææa- LÚ-iå aruni anda BA.UGfl DUMU.MEÅ-ÅUNU–ma–za aræa åarrandat nu –kan 1-aå ÅÀ A.AB.BA–pat (= aruni–pat anda, or aruni anda–pat? ) eåta 1-aå–ma–kan arunaz aræa uit “Uææaziti died in the midst of the sea (i.e. on an island). His sons parted from one another. One remained on the aforementioned island, while the other left the sea” KBo 3.4 ii 52-54, ed. Goetze 1933a 60f., HE I § 293a, Stefanini, Pud. 54f.

33.77 In these sample cases the function of the particle of taking note of a previous mention is especially clear, because the very same Hittite word(s) is/are repeated: ÌR and aruni anda.

33.78 Further clear instances, where the wording is identical, are: KUB 40.2 obv. 13-14; KBo 17.74 iii 23-24; KBo 10.20 i 4, 5, 10 with KUB 30.39 obv. 8; KBo 15.37 iii 27, 31, 36; KBo 15.69 i 9, 13, 20; KUB 27.1 i 20, 22; KBo 17.105 iii 33, 34; KBo 13.164 iv 10, 11; KUB 7.5 ii 7, 15, 16; KUB 31.84 iii 60, 64; KUB 23.77, 59, 60; KUB 23.1 ii 28a, 29; KUB 14.20:18, 22; KBo 4.4 iv 12, 16; KBo 3.4 iv 36, 37; Kup. § 13 C 7-C 8; KBo 3.34 ii 17, 19; ibid. 10, 11; etc.

33.79 In other passages the very same wording is not repeated with –pát, but the translation “the aforementioned” seems required: k„å–pat DINGIR.MEÅ IBoT 1.29 rev. 37, cf. also rev. 32. Requiring a translation “the same” are: pedi–pat KUB 19.9 i 15 and pËtan–pat IBoT 1.36 iii 14.

33.80 Often indistinguishable from the above-cited usages translated “the aforementioned” are passages from the lexical texts, in which the repeated Hittite entry is marked with -pát. I have preferred to treat these as predicates of nominal sentences and to translate them “(is to be translated) also/likewise …,” see KBo 1.42 ii 16, 18, 42, KBo 1.52 i 16, Sommer, OLZ 24:197-…; Güterbock, JCS 6:35.

284 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 285

33.81 b' also permitting or requiring the translation “the aforementioned” are the many passages, in which -pát is attached to the adjective æ„mant-: “each (or ‘all’) of the aforementioned” dUTU-az utne [ kuit k]uit–pat araiå n –uå æ„manduå–p[at æ]u[llanu]n KBo 3.22 (Anitta, OS) 11-12; KBo 19.128 iii ll; KUB 39 9 obv. l2; Hittite Laws §56; KUB 26.1 iii l3; KUB 19.5 obv. 10, 11; KBo 6.29 ii l7; Hatt. i 11, iv 72.

33.82 c' when the particle is attached to a number, one often finds that the same number has appeared a few lines prior. Thus the significance of the particle is still essentially the same as in the passages cited above, where we chose to translate “the aforementioned”. With the numerical idiom, however, the translation “aforementioned” is awkward in English. In many cases one can employ the words “the same … times”: nu akuwanna 3-ÅU pianzi nu 3-ÅU–pat apel ZI-ÅU akuwanzi KUB 30.15 …, KUB 39.19 obv. 19; nu–mu LÚ.MEÅ URUUlma MÈ-ya menaææanda 2-ÅU a-–-ir n –aå 2-ÅU–pat æulliyanun KBo 10.2 i 34-35; possibly in broken context of KBo 17.83 iii 5-7.

33.83 Other occurrences with numerical expressions must be differently translated: n–uå 2-ila–pat åakuwanzi “they will (punish in some manner) the both of them” KUB 13.9 iii 17-18, ed. Goetze 1933a 203 (“gefangen setzen, absetzen”), von Schuler, FsFriedrich 448, 451 (“bestrafen(?)”), Freydank, ArOr 38:264, 266 (“einsperen(?)”); takku tezzi 2–pat akkándu “if (the husband) says: ‘Let both of them die!’” KBo 6.26 iv 13 (Laws §198), ed. HG 86f.; kuiå–ma–an Ëpzi n–an munnaizzi n–an LUGAL-an aåka UL uwatezzi nu–åå –at581

2–aå–pat SAG.DU-aå UG6-tar 2-uå–pat –at akkandu “whoever seizes him, harbors him, and does not bring him to the king’s gate, it is a capital crime for the both of them, both of them shall die” KUB 13.4 ii 48-50; “The cliff Kurustama (is) very s[teep, . . .] furthermore on this side and that side it (is) [very high and rugged], and the road does not suffice on it” 1-edaz–pat [åarΩ pennumanzi ] “[to drive?/proceed? up, not] even single file!” KBo 14.20 ii 12-15; nu–za apΩå antuæåaå naååu LÚ-aå naåma MUNUS-za paprannaå SISKUR.SISKUR kiååan åipanti ÅA ÍD–at–za SISKUR.SISKUR æalziååanzi nu kÏ SISKUR.SISKUR 1-EN-pát “Then such a person, whether man or woman, performs the ritual of uncleanness as follows; some call it ‘the ritual of the river’, but this ritual is one and the same” KUB 7.53 i 8-10, ed. Tunn. 4f. (“and this is just one ritual”); “Whatever kind of defilement occurs” n–at 1-EN–pat aniur “it is one and the same ritual (which they perform, and the men of Lalupiya per[form] this ritual)”

KUB 7.29 i 2-4; fragmentary context in KUB 17.27 iii 10; nu NINDA. GUR4.RA.ÆI.A 3-uå–pat QATAMMA paråianzi “they break apart the same three loaves of bread in the same manner” KBo 21.85 i 47-48.

33.84 2' with distributives: Not all distributive expressions use –pát. For example: witti witti KUB 58.63 obv. 9, ed.? StBoT 15:22, MU(.KAM)-ti MU(.KAM)-ti KUB 21.1 iii 74 (Alakå.), KUB 23.72 rev. 18 (Mita, MH/MS), KUB 31.86 1203/u KUB 40.78 ii 31 (BEL MADG.), KUB 33.60 rev. 10; no exx. of *witti witti–pat yet attested. ITU(.KAM)-mi ITU(.KAM)-mi often without -pát: KUB 26.57 i 8, KUB 1.16 iii 57, KUB 13.3 ii

581The scribe of KUB13.4 omitted a -ma- in nu-uå<-ma>-åa-at. The -at is the subject, and -åmaå “for them” (dative). It is spelled correctly in copy B ii 40.

285 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 286

25, KUB 49.50:10; ITU-mi ITU-mi … ITU-mi ITU-mi–pat KUB 22.7 obv.? 2-3, suggests that the –pát was merely the d 1' usage (“just mentioned”). Cf. also KASKAL-åi KASKAL-åi–pat (CREF palåa- 5 e). Kammenhuber, Hipp.Heth. 269, 343 s.v. -pát, who notes this construction, offers no suggestion as to how the distributives accompanied by -pát differ in meaning from those without it. “However many times (maåiyanki) they hitch them (i.e., the horses) up” nu KASKAL-åi KASKAL-åi–pat INA 7 IKU.ÆI.A anda penneåkizzi “he drives them 7 IKUs on each of those aforementioned (-pát) occasions” KBo 3.5 ii 13-15 (Kikk., NH), ed. Hipp.heth. 88f.; cited by Güterbock, RHA XV/60:3-4; æantezzi palåi … INA 2 KASKAL–ma … INA 3 KASKAL–ma … INA 4 KASKAL–ma … watar –ma KASKAL-åi KASKAL-åi–pat IÅTU 1 UPNI akkuåkanzi KBo 3.5 i 51-54; cf. ibid i 62, ii 3, 40-46; UD-at UD-at KBo 5.11 iv 12, UD-at UD-at tureå [kanzi] KUB 2.12a:4, UD-at UD-at–ma–aå tepu penneåkizzi KUB 1.13 iv 7; UD-at UD-at memiåk[(izz)i] KUB 24.2 i 1 (pr., Murs. II) w. dupl. KUB 24.1 i 1-2; UD-at UD-at … zikkimi VBoT 24 iv 16; but with –pát: UD-at UD-at … UD-at UD-at–pat KUB 1.13 iii 5-7; cf. KUB 34.97:10 (w. preceding context broken away); dUTU-az utne [kuit k]uit–pat araiå n –uå æ„manduå–p[at æ]u[llanu]n KBo 3.22:11-12 (Anitta, OS).

33.85 3' “likewise, also” — a' Occasionally one meets a usage of -pát, where the particle marks a substantive as representing “another of the same kind”: nu ABU-ÅU kuel waåtai katta–ma DUMU-ÅU UL waådulaå–pat “Someone’s father sins, but his son is not also likewise a party to the sin” (Kup. § 7, C 15). Cf. also KBo 3.4 ii 78; KUB 23.103 obv. 25.

33.86 b' When a verbal phrase is repeated, and the speaker/writer wishes to call attention to the repetition, he may affix -pát to the second occurrence to the verb. And, although this is simply the verbal equivalent of the usage noted above (d 1') with substantives, one cannot translate into English smoothly as “the aforementioned”, but must use “likewise”, or “continues to …”, or “…s as before”. This is the usage discussed by Hart 135-… and Hoffner 1973a 111f.

33.87 In the following examples the action has been mentioned in the immediately preceding context. aræa æaåpir . . . aræa æaåpir–pat KUB 14.1 i 47-48; parΩ UL arnutteni . . . parΩ–pat UL arnutteni KUB 13.4 i 51, 56; tarneåkizzi . . . tarneåkiddu–pat KUB 13.4 iii 22-23; warapdu . . . waraptu–pat KUB 13.4 iii 72, 75-77; appa parkunuzi … appa–pat parkunuzi Hittite Laws, Parallel series § 34; laææi kattan [i]?yantat … kattan laææi iyantat–pat KBo 5.8 iv 7-8; eåir … eåir–pat KUB 19.37 iii 39-40; Ëpzi … Ëpzi–pat KUB 27.59 i 25, 28; pΩun . . . pΩun–pat KBo 16.8 i 7, 10; duwarneåkimi … duwarnaææi–pat Bo 1966:15, 18; ÅUM-ÅU æalzi[…] … namma–pat ÅUM-ÅU æalzi[…] KBo 21.14:6-7; walæten … walæanniåkitten–pat KUB 23.72 rev. 28; HA.LA- ÅUNU azzikkanzi … HA.LA.MEÅ-ÅU–ma azzikkanzi–pat KBo 3.5 i 60-62; EGIR-pa–ma–aå … uizzi … appa–ia–pat … uizzi IBoT I 36 iii 24-26; LÚSANGA … æani … LÚSANGA–ma … æaniåkizzi–pat KBo 15.37 iv 47-49, v 8-9; aruwaizzi … ta namma aruwaizzi n–aå–kan kuitman ilanaå åarΩ ari aruåkizzi–pat “He bows … he bows again; and all the while he is mounting the stairs he continues to bow repeatedly” KUB 20.46 iii 11-16.

286 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 287

33.88 Instances in which the action has not been specifically mentioned in the preceding context, but where the meaning “continues to …”, “goes on …ing” seems required are: n–at eåir–pat “They went on living there” KUB 19.37 iii 40 (……, / ), ed. Hart 1971136; nu GIÅERIN BEL SISKUR æarzi–pat “The sacrificer keeps holding the cedar” KUB 33.49a iii 27 , cf. KUB 10.15 iv 14, aåeååar –ma LÚUBAR¨TIM arantari–pat “But the assembly (and) foreigners remain standing” KUB 25.1 vi 42.

33.89 c' But one can also use the English word “also” to translate Hittite predicates marked with -pát, where the second action is no repetition of the first, but a new and additional action. While in the examples adduced above the particle could be translated by German “ebenfalls”, in those which follow one would have to employ German “auch noch”; nu–mu æuwappir nu–mu arpaåatta–pat “they maligned me, and in addition [auch noch] bad luck befell me” Hatt. I 35; “when I, Tudhaliya, the great king, arrived in the land of vHatti, the enemy troops f[led]” namma–an–zan EGIR-anda–pat IŒBAT “but I(!, text “he”) furthermore set out after him still again [auch noch]” KUB 23.11 ii 12-14; “And, when my father had become a god, my brother, Arnuwanda, seated himself on the throne of his father” EGIR-an–ma–aå irmaliyattat–pat “but afterwards he also [auch noch] became (deathly) ill” KBo 3.4 i 4-…, ed. HE I § 293c; “If from the palace they give to (some)one silver, gold, garments, bronze utensils as a gift for him, let it be named: ‘The king gave it to him’, and however much is its weight” n–at iyan–pat eådu “let that also [auch noch] be recorded [literally: ‘made’]” KUB 13.4 ii 39-42; apedani mekki ÅÀ-er DINGIR-LIM-za piyan–pat “to him by the god much courage (literally: ‘heart’) has been given in addition” KUB 1.16 ii 38; “If a tenant farmer (Hitt. arnuwalaå ) leaves the land, for him who remains in his place” nu–ååi NUMUN. HI.A aniya–pat “Sow seeds in addition (i.e., give the one who remains an extra share of seed grain?)” KUB 13.2 iii 38- 40; “That my son (is) noble; he breaks of the soil, plows, irrigates”, æalkin–a [aræa ]–pat NA›peruluwari “and even (auch noch) [re]moves stones from the (harvested and threshed) grain” VBoT 58 i 29-31 (myth, OH/NS); “When he is executed, he does not die alone”, MÁÅ-ÅU–ma–ååi tettiyan–pat “his family is also (auch noch) associated with him (in the death penalty)” KUB 13.4 i 33; “When it became spring, I reviewed the troops at the Red River”, namma tuzziyaå–miå æuittiyanun–pat “furthermore I also drew up my troops” KBo 2.5 ii 1-3; man INA URUÆayaåa paun–pat “I would have also proceeded into Hayaåa, (but the year was too short)” KBo 4.4 iii 22-23; namma apedani MU-ti INA KURArzawa iyanniyanun–pat “furthermore in that year I traveled also into the land of Arzawa” KBo 3.4 ii 8-9; namma URUKaåkaå uit–pat “furthermore the Kaska city also came” KBo 3.4 i 31.

33.90 4' “himself, herself, itself” (Latin ipse): When the particle is attached to proper names, it can occasionally be translated “himself, herself, itself”, German “selbst”; URUÆattuåi–pat “in Æattusa itself” KUB 1.16 ii 68-69; KBo 6.2 i 39 (Laws § l9b); 1015/u obv. 3; mPittaggatalli–pat “Pittaggatalli himself” KBo 5.8 iii l, 5, ed. Goetze 1933a 156f., cf. also line 31); nu–za unattallan–pat arnuzzi “He must bury the merchant himself” Laws §5 l. 13 (Laws, / ), ed. Hart 1971116f. (differently).

33.91 Sometimes also with personal pronouns: nu–mu kaåma åumeå–pat kuit æatrΩtten “concerning what you yourselves have just written to me” HKM 17:13-15 (MH/MS), ed. Alp, Fs Otten2 2 and HBM 142f.; apΩåila–pat

287 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 288

KUB 14.1 rev. 44, 48 (MH), KUB 21.37 i 38 (Hatt. III), KBo 11.14 iv 21 (MH/NS), cf. Hart 1971113f. for discussion.

33.92 5' “own”: With the possessive pronouns -pát corresponds to English “(his, her, its) own”, German “eigen” (HE I, § 293b, Hart 1971122f., Hoffner 1973a 115); ammel–pat–wa–za GUD-un daææi “I will take my own ox” KBo 6.3 iii 71 (Laws §74); ape[(l–pa)]t annaå –åaå katta “with his own mother” KBo 6.26 iii 26 (Laws § 189); SAG.DU-KA–pat “your own head” KBo 5.3 ii 19 (Æuqq.); tuel–pat Ékarimmi KUB 30.19 iv 5, ed. HTR 44-…; apel–pat mÏyaå KUB 30.36 ii 10, 12; SAG.DU-ÅU–pat KUB 12.34 KUB 15.39 i 21; ÅUM-ann–a tuel–pat ÅA DINGIR-LAM KBo 4.6 i 19-20; tuel–pat GUL-aååa KBo 3.21 ii 3-4; É-ÅU–pat KBo 6.3 iii 4 (Laws § 51); tuekkanza–åiå–pat KBo 6.2 ii 54 (Laws § 49); åumenzan–pat KBo 16.25 i 44; KBo 8.35 ii 20, 21; IÅTU NÍ.TE- IA–pat KUB 19.9 ii 8; apel–pat UZU.I` KBo 4.4 ii 2, 12 13, ed. Goetze 1933a 112-115.

33.93 6' “only” (restrictive use): Also exceedingly common are the passages, in which the particle imparts a reåtrictive or excluåive meaning. In most cases this thought is best translated into English by means of the word “only” — a' in a historical narrative: n–aåta URUÆattuåaå–pat URU-riaå 1-aå aåta “The city Hattuåa alone was left” KBo 10.2 i 26 (OH/NS), ed. Hart 1971115.

33.94 b' the restrictive use of -pát iå particularly frequent in legalistic texts (laws, instructions, treaties), in which the precise limits of obligation and liability must be drawn. The loyalty of the vassal king must be to the reigning Hittite emperor only and to the crown prince which he himself designates: KUB 26.1 i 16, 24; KUB 26.12 i 17-18; KUB 21.42 iv 19, 21; KBo 5.3 i 8, 15, 31, 32; KUB 21.106 iii 10-11; KUB 26.32 ii 6; etc.

33.95 Likewise in the treaties the Hittite emperor guarantees the throne and its succession to the vassal and his designated heir: KBo 4.10 rev. 24, 25, obv. 11, 13.

33.96 In the treaty between Zidanza and Pilliya of Kizzuwatna the allotment of cities between the two powers is made quite precise by means of -pát: n–e ÅA dUTU-ÅI– pát aåantu “let these (cities) belong exclusively to His Majesty” and n–e mPilliyaå–pat a [åantu] “let these b[elong] exclusively to Pilliya!” KUB 36.108 obv. 4-5 (H. Otten, JCS 5 (1951), 129-…; Güterbock, Journal of World History 2 (1954), 385 note 17; Goetze, JCS 11 (1957), 72-…; Gurney, CAH, fasc. 44 (1966), 5, 14-15)

33.97 The precise limits of Madduwatta’s feudal holding are expressed with the words: “I have given to you the mountain land of Zippasla” nu–wa–za apun–pat eåi “occupy only it!” KUB 14.1 obv. 19; Hattusili I instructs his adopted son, Mursili I, that in all serious legal matters nu EME-[aåå–a] EGIR-pa pangawi–pat [w]aæanza eådu “let the matter be turning back only to the pankuå!” KUB 1.16 iii 61-62; takku dÍD-ya… mimma INA É-åi–pat eåtu “if he refuses to take the river ordeal, he must remain in his house alone” (or: “in his own house”?) KBo 3.28:12 ( CTH 9.6)

33.98 The limits of liability are often defined with it: nu SAG.DU-az–pat åarnikdu “Let him pay with his (own) person only, (but let no one harm his house or his children)!” KBo 3.1 ii 55-56; “Formerly they used to pay

288 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 289 six shekels of silver; the injured person would take three shekels, and they would take three shekels for the palace; but now the king as waived the share of the palace, nu–za æuninkanza–pat 3 GIN.KÙ.BABBAR dai “and only the injured person takes three shekels of silver” Laws § 9; “If the slave of a Luuian someone steals from the land of Luuiya and transports him to the land of Hatti, and his own recognizes him,” nu–za ÌR-ÅU–pat dai åarnikzil NU.GÁL “he shall take only his slave, there will be no compensation” Laws §21; “If (a head of domestic livestock) strays into another man’s corral or fold, and its owner finds it”, n–an–za åakuwaååaran–pat d [ai] LÚNÍ.ZU–an UL Ëpzi “he may take what is rightfully his, but he may not have him arrested as a thief” Laws §66; other åakuwaåar (an)–pat passages, where an additional fine is levied are Hittite Laws §§ 70, 94, 95.

33.99 In the Telipinu Proclamation the restrictions as to which persons qualify for succession to the throne make good use of -pát: LUGAL-uå–åan æantezziyaå–pat DUMU.LUGAL DUMU-RU kikkittaru “let only a first-rank prince, a son, become the king!” KBo 3.1 ii 36.

33.100 In the protocol text KUB 31.100, which among other matters deals with the disposition of the impure wastes created by washing out the braziers, -pát restricts the location of such wastes to the “great æuååili-”: [n]–aåta [æaå]åuå katta åallΩi æuååili –pa[t arriåkandu ] “[Let them wash] the braziers only down in the great æuååili!” KUB 31.100 rev. 10; cf. Güterbock, Oriens 10:353 (differently), and N. van Brock, RHA 71:127; note that –pat is attached to æuååili rather than åallΩi, indicating that the scribe thought of åallΩi æuååili as a unit; CREF above sub c 2' d' 2''.

33.101 In Hittite Laws §§166-167 the particle specifies which of the two claimants for a disputed stretch of cultivated land may reap it: U A.ÅÀ-LAM karu–pat kuiå åuniet ta–z apΩå dΩi/waraåzi “and only he who sowed it first may take/reap it for himself.”

33.102 Similarly the particle specifies the proper heir of a deceased person’s estate: mΩn ÅA É.NA›–ma æinkanaå uaåtul kuiåki waåtai n–aå aki É-ÅU–ma–ååi ÅA É.NA›–pat. “If someone belonging to the ‘stone house’ commits a capital crime, and he is executed, his estate shall belong exclusively to the ‘stone house’” KUB 13.8:11-13.

33.103 c' Exceedingly common in the oracle inquiries is the use of -pát to eliminate all possible causes for divine wrath other than the one under consideration (Friedrich 1960 §293d): BE-an ki-i–pat KI.MIN nu MUÅEN ÆURRI SIGfl-ru, “if this and only this ‘ditto’ (i.e., ‘is the cause of the god’s wrath against us’), then let the MUSEN ÆURRI omen-taking be favorable!” Al. T. 454 i 16, ii 12, 24; cf. i 27, where in addition one reads namma–ma GUR-i UL kui[tki] “And there is noth[ing] else in addition”.

33.104 d' Very common on zik, tuk, tuel, åumeå, etc., addressing the deity or deities in prayer texts: KUB 31.127 i 3, 5, 6, 8, 14, etc.; KUB 30.10 obv. 7, 8; KUB 17.21 i 1, 6 (åumeå–pat), etc.

33.105 e' Other passages not to be grouped together as representing a single type but containing sentences, in which -pát exhibits its familiar restrictive use, are: KUB 32.115 iii 43 (– other vers. KBo 2.3 ii 53); KUB 7.5 iv 18; IBoT I 30, 2-3; KUB 24.1 i 16,18, 26, ii 2, 6, 9,12; KUB 17.21 i 1, 3, 4, 6; KBo 5.6 ii 9 (DS, frag. 28, A);

289 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 290

Kup. §10 (C 38); KBo 3.4 i 21, ed. Goetze 1933a 20f., and Gurney, The Hittites, 173-174); KUB 4.3 obv. 14; KUB 24.7 ii 10; KUB 7.53 + KUB 12.58 i 10, iv 44; 2. Pestgebet § 5, line 3; KBo 3.21 iii 8; Ullik., 1. tablet, A iv 6f.; KUB 33.121 ii 6 (ZA 49 [1950], 234f.); KUB 19.37 iii 25; KUB 14.1 obv. 51, 52; KUB 40.1 obv. 21-22; KUB 13.4 i 35, ii 69; KBo 10.2 i 26.

33.106 f' Occasionally -pát modifies an entire clause: ammel kΩå–pat 1-aå dammeåæaå kÏ–ya–an 1-an dammeåæanunun IÅTU É.GAL-LIM–pat–kan kuit katta uiyanun “This was my only punishment (for her); in this way only I punished her: just the fact that I expelled her from the palace” KBo 4.8 ii 12-14 (Murå. II pr.), ed. Hoffner, FsKramer2…, Hart 1971104; [U]L memaå mTawagalawaå–pat –kan kuwapi LUGAL.GAL [ANA] URUMellawanda tapuåa uit “He said ‘no’, just when Tawagalawa came to the side to Mellawanda” KUB 14.3 i 71- 72 (“Taw.”, Hatt. III), cf. Güterbock, Or NS 59 (1990) 161f., also citing anterior literature.

33.107 g' “only” with imperatives, prohibitiions, and optative — 1'' with imperatives: Particulary common, when the particle is attached to volitional verb forms (imperatives and present-future forms in volitional context), is the meaning conveyed by English “only”; [nu–kan ANA URUNe]rik åer aggallu–pat “Just/only let me die for [the city of Ne]rik” KUB 21.19 1193/u iii 35; Kühne-Otten, StBoT 16:41 n. 80; nu ÅEÅ–YA punuå–pat mΩn UL kiååan “My brother, just inquire if it is not so!” KUB 14.3 i 27 (“Taw.”, Hatt. III), ed. AU …; n–aå–åi–aå–kan EGIR- an–pat [. . .] parΩ ANA BURU⁄› æalkin pai “only he must give back to him the grain at the following harvest” Bo 2628 i 30-31; Otten-Souc√ek, StBoT 1 [1965], 30f.; n–at akkandu–pat KBo 16.25 i 14; cf. iii 9, 12; n–aå aku–pat KUB 13.7 i 20, 23; n-aå tarnieåkiddu–pat KUB 13.4 iii 23; paiddu–pat KUB 13.4 iii 24, 29.

33.108 2'' with prohibitions: When the particle governs an assertion which is negated, whether the particle itself is attached to the negatiive of prohibition (lË) one might translate “only let not …”, which has the force of strengthening the negative wish; kuåduwata lË æandan–pat KUB 1.16 ii 51; cf. line 55; lË–pat kuiåki memai KUB 1.16 ii 62; le–pat zaluganumi KUB 21.38 i 37; UL–pat iya [nun] KUB 21.38 ii 13; UL–pat karuååiyanun KBo 4.12 obv. 26; UL–pat waænunun KUB 21.17 ii 10; le–pat tamaiå åarratta KUB 13.4 ii 5; le–pat i1iatteni KUB 13.4 ii 70-71; le–pat dalai KUB 26.17 ii 7; UL–pat peææi KUB 13.35 ii 8; nu para–pat nanniåten n –at parΩ le kuwapikki iyatteni KUB 31.101: 21-23; le–pat tezzi ibid. 25; le–pat eåzi ibid. 33.

33.109 3'' w. -man optative: “The Assyrian king used to say” iyami–man–pat –wa kuitki “I surely would like to do something!” KUB 23.103 rev. 12f.; ed. Otten 1959-1960 42; suggested interpretation already by Güterbock 1943 154 on § 276.

33.110 7' on a positive statement contrasted with a negative statement of identical import — a' first the negative, then the positive: INA KUR URUÆatti UL æuiåuizzi aki–pa-a[t–å]an “(he who does such a deed) will not go on living in the land of Hatti: he will die there (–åan)” KBo 5.3++ iii 31 (Æuqq.), ed. SV 2:124f. with note “Zu S. 151” on p. 170; iåtappulli–åmit A.GA3R5-aå kuit–kan anda paizzi n–at–kan namma åarΩ UL uizzi anda–pat –kan æarkzi KUB 33.8 iii 8-10 (Tel. myth, OH/NS); [uk]–a–wa–kan ku[ru]raå memian kuez KUR-yaz aræa iåta [maå]mi [n–wa–ta–kan ANA ABI dUTU-ÅI ap„n ant ]uæåan apát KUR-e [UL åannaææi nu–]war–aå–åta

290 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 291

æatreåkimi–pat KUB 14.1 obv. 24-25 (Madd., MH/MS), ed. Madd. 6f.; UL–ma–mu GIÅTUKUL LÚKÚR kuwapikki åer waænut dIÅTAR–mu–za–kan GAÅAN–YA æ„mandaza–pat daåkit “At no time did she let the weapon of an enemy be waved (threateningly) over me. In all this IÅTAR my lady took me to herself” Hatt. i 41-43, ed. StBoT 24:6f.; mΩn–aå aki–ya kuwapi n–aå UL 1-aå aki MÁÅ-ÅU–ma–åi tettiyan–pat “And if ever he is put to death, he does not die alone, but his family (is) included also with him” KUB 13.4 i 33 (instr., pre-NH/NS), ed. Chrest. 148f., Süel, Direktif Metni 24f.

33.111 b' first the positive, then the negative: na–an–za åakuwaååaran–pat d [ai] LÚNÍ.ZU–an UL Ëpzi Hittite “(If the owner of an animal which has strayed to another man’s pen finds it there,) he shall take it as his rightful property, but he shall not seize him (i.e., the owner of the pen) as a thief” Laws §66; [nu–za dUTU–ÅI] tuk–pat mAlakåandun åaggaææi apu„–ma–za [UL åaggaæ ]æi “I, My Majesty recognize you alone, Alakåandu; I do not recognize him” CTH 76.B ii 9-10.

33.112 c' w. -pát in both clauses: nu–mu ÅEÅ–YA mNIR.GÁL EGIR-anda uit nu URUAnziliyan URUTapikkan–a wetet n–aå aræa–pat pait maninkuwan –aå–mu UL–pat uit “………” Æatt. ii 48-50.

33.113 8' “although …, nevertheless …” (contrary to expectation; Tenner HAT 101, Pedersen 1935 107; Hoffner 1973a 112f.); on the semantic development from “ebenfalls” to “trotzdem” in Tenner and Pedersen’s thinking see Hart 1971 107; [nu]–za man irmalanza–(å)a eåta dUTU-ÅI–ma–ta [(ANA)] AÅAR ABI-KA tittanunun–pat “although you were also ill, nevertheless I, My Majesty, installed you [in] the place of your father” KBo 5.9 i 16- 17 w. dupl. KBo 16.19: 2’-3’ (Dupp. § 7), ed. Friedrich 1926 10f.

33.114 9' “even” (contrary to expectation) — a' Modifying a single word within a clause: Similar in that a result contrary to expectation is portrayed are those sentences, which are of a different grammatical structure from the above, where -pát may be translated “even”: nu–za–kan irmalaå–pat ÅA DINGIR-LIM æandandatar åer uåkinun “Even as an ill person (although I was ill,) I kept seeing the divine power of the deity” Hatt. I 44-45, ed. Otten 1981 6f.; LÚ.MEÅæappinanteå–pat UL aåiwanteåkantari “do not even the rich become poor?” KBo 4.14 ii 52-53; nu–mu kappin–pat DUMU-an dIÅTAR URUÅam[uæ]a ANA ABU-IA wekta “even when I was but a small child, dIÅTAR of Samuæa requested me from my father” KBo 6.29 i 7-8; kuin–ma–za LÚ-an LÚGURUÅ-an–pat æarnikta “but another man, even in his prime, you have destroyed” KUB 24.7 ii 4; cf. von Brandenstein 1939 74-75: “und gar einen starken Mann”; cf. also ed. Güterbock 1983 158; nu–kan KASKAL-aå 1-edaz–pat [åarΩ pennumanzi ?] UL kiåat “and the road does not suffice[to drive/proceed up] even single file! (i.e., although one goes single file, the road still doesn’t suffice)” KBo 14.20 ii l2-15; cf. above; Houwink ten Cate 1966 182, prefers “and merely on one side there was a road [to the top …] was impossible”; [æan]tezzin–pat auriyaå URU-an walæuwani … weå–a EGIR-pa takåulaå–pat URU-an walæ[uwani] “We will attack even a first-rank border city … we [will] also attack even a city allied (with us?)” KUB 23.77a rev. 15-16; von Schuler, Kaskäer 124 (“sogar eine Stadt”); nu–å<åi> kappuwawar–pat UL [kiåari] “Even the counting of it [is] im[possible]” KUB 8.67:12-13; nu åallaå–pat æaåannaå eåæar pangariyattati “(Now) blood(shed) even of the ‘Great Family’ has become common” KBo 3.l ii 31, cf. Neu

291 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 292

1968b 135 (“die Bluttat gerade der grossen Familie”); nu–kan URUZippaånan GEfl-az–pat åarΩ pΩun “Even at night I went up to Zippaåna” KBo 10.2 ii 48-50 (OH/NS).

33.115 A remarkable pair of instances, in which the translation “even” fits well, characterizes the introduction to proverbs or sayings, when they occur imbedded in the royal prayers of the queen Puduæepa: ANA DUMU.NAM.LÚ.U⁄°.LU–pat –kan anda memian kiåan memiåkanzi “Even among mankind they are in the habit of speaking a word as follows” (i.e., this wise precept, if it is even found among mortals, must surely apply to gods” KUB 21.27 ii 15, contra Goetze, ANET 393; mΩn UN-aå–pat atti anni DUMU-an åallanuzi “If even a man (i.e., merely on the human level) raises a child for (its) father (and) mother (and the father and mother do not pay him the fee of the child-custodian, would he be happy?)” KUB 14.7 iv 11-14; cf. Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 73, Archi 1971 196 n. 37 • in both of these instances the queen cites a human precedent and by means of the particle - pát implies that, if this rule is valid on a merely human level, it should be much more so on the divine; nu INA URUZippaåna paun nu–kan URUZippaånan GE6-az–pat åara paun “I went to Z. and went up to (i.e., against) Z. even at night” KBo 10.2 ii 48-50.

33.116 b' modifying an entire clause — 1'' –pát on first word of clause: EN-YA–pat kuwapi URUAnkuwa iåtarkit “even when my lord became ill in Ankuwa, (at that time they had already defected)” KUB 19.23 rev. 12-13; “A LÚMEÅEDI [may not go forth through] the gate whenever he wishes” mΩn–an–za–kan åeæunanza–pat tamΩåzi “even when urine presses him, (… he must say to the LÚMEÅEDI who stands before him …)” IBoT 1.36 i 33-35, ed.Güterbock and van den Hout 1991 8f., Jakob-Rost 1966 177 (“wenn ihn gerade der Urin drückt”).

33.117 2'' -pát on the finite verb: uk–ma mTudæaliyaå LUGAL.GAL kuitman LUGAL-izziaææat–pat nawi “Before I, Tudh., Great King, even became king” Bronze Tablet ii 31 (Tudæ. IV); ap„n–ma–za MUNUS-an m.dLAMMA-aå ANA PANI ABI–IA datta–pat nawi “Kurunta during the reign of my father hadn’t yet even taken that woman” Bronze Tablet ii 87.

33.118 10' “very” [somewhat doubtful]: In two passages, in which -pát iå attached to an adjective, a translation “very” might fit: [ANA ABI-KA-ma-wa?] ÉRIN.MEÅ ANÅE.KUR.RA.MEÅ mekki–pat eåta “[your father ha]d very many troops and horses” KUB 19.29 iv 19-20, ed. Goetze 1933a 18-21; [better: “although your father had …, “ or “had just as many”]; “if there is a certain matter,” [na]åma–aå kuniåtaialliå–pat kuiåki [naå]ma-aå ÅA MUNUS-TI “and even (if) it is confidential(?) or it concerns a woman” KUB 26.1 iv 11-13.

33.119 In addition one could cite other passages, in which the translation “very” is possible, but perhaps not so plausible as in the above: kappin–pat DUMU-an “even (as) a small child” KBo 6.29 i 7; kappuwanteå–pat … antuæåeå “only a few men” KUB 19.37 iii 25; URU.DIDLI.ÆI.A-ÅUNU-ia karuiliuå–pat “their very old cities” KUB 40.2 obv. 25; æantezziyaå–pat DUMU.LUGAL “only the first (i.e., oldest) prince” KBo 3.1 ii 36.

33.120 The passages cited in the preceding pages have been classified not merely according to English words used to translate the particle, but also on the basis of inner Hittite criteria such as position in the clause. Every effort has

292 33. Particles: -wa and -pat 293 been made to avoid the trap of imposing an outside standard by one whose native language is not Hittite. Nevertheless, doubtless to the native speakers of Hittite usages which we have kept apart would have appeared indistinguishable. In many instances one simply cannot decide between competing interpretations. Hart 1971 116- 121 discusses many examples that are ambiguous.

33.121 It does not seem possible to unify all of the shades of meaning and trace them to a single origin. Some are only variations of others. In many of its uses -pát seek to impart precision: it specifies exactly. It was noted above that the distribution of the particle syntactically suggested such a function, in that it tends to be localized on that member of a complex phrase which most narrowly defines the whole. Hart 1971 102-105 offered a different explanation of the particle’s position, but his rules too admit of exceptions, and therefore cannot be considered compelling. One can easily see how from the particularizing function a restrictive force might arise: “It is this king to whom you must give your allegiance and only to this one!”

33.122 Meanings d 1'-5' clearly belong together. d 6' can be related also to 1'-5' in the specifying of “only this one, and not also that one.” Usages d 7, 8 and 9 share the notion of opposition or contrast. How this is to related to the particularizing (or even the intensifying) function of -pát iå not clear. d 10' is problematic, but also of doubtful existence.

293 34. Particles: -kan and -åan 294

CHAPTER 34 PARTICLES -kan, -san

34.1 39.1. The particles -an, -apa, -aåta, -åan and -kan belong to a single class of sentence particles which modify the action expressed by the main verb and its “adverbal” adjuncts. The nature of that modification is disputed: some thinking that it is primarily local relationships (Goetze 1933b, Carruba 1964, Friedrich 1960 §§287-288), and another (Josephson 1972) that it is verbal aspect. (Wagner 1985 37) terms this class of clitics “Richtungsweiser”.

34.2 39.1.1 The normal position of these particles is last in the chain of sentence enclitics, which chain is suffixed to the first accented word of the clause. Less commonly, these particles can be suffixed to some word in the interior of the clause (Neu 1993).582 When this happens, there may be also the same particle or another “local” particle in the normal position at the head of the clause. n– aåta parΩ / åuææi– ååan åarΩ DINGIR.LÚ.MEÅ-aå pËdai “He carries (it) out (–aåta with parΩ ) up onto (–åan with åarΩ ) the roof for the male deities” KBo 21.33+ iv 20f. (Neu 1993 138); nu–kan ma[ææan] NINDA.GUR›.RA ANA LÚ.MEÅMUÆALDIM æandΩizzi n–aåta / åaræanan æaååÏ–kan / anda lΩæuwΩi “When he prepares thick bread(s) for the cooks, he pours out (–aåta … laæuwai ) the åaræana -liquid into the brazier (–kan anda )” KUB 27.69 ii 3ff. As Neu correctly notes, the two local particles in the same clause refer to distinct local notions.

34.3 39.2. The first two of these particles (-an, -apa ) are found chiefly in documents composed during the Old Hittite period. With the disappearance of these two, and eventually of -aåta , their functions were assumed by -åan and -kan. This fact makes it impractical to use the majority of Hittite texts, which either originate or were recopied with modernizations during this late period, to determine reliably the original functions of even -åan and -kan, since many of their uses in the late period originally belonged to the now defunct -an, -apa, and -aåta.

34.4 39.2.1. These five particles occur in complementary distribution, so that the presence of any one in a given chain of sentence particles excludes the others (Hoffner 1973b; Kammenhuber 1979b).

34.5 39.2.2. Of the five, -kan is by far the most frequently occurring. It also has the least restrictive sphere of meaning, including in its own semantic range the nuances of several of the other four. For this reason, especially in NH coppies of OH or MH compositions, one can find almost identical sentences, one of which contains -kan and the other -åan, -aåta, -apa or -an. The same cannot be said for any of the other four particles, which differ markedly from each other.

582For the same occasional irregularity in Hieroglyphic Luwian see á-mi--ia-za-ta with local particle -tta in KARATEPE XXX and comments by Meriggi 1966-1975 II/1, page 93.

294 34. Particles: -kan and -åan 295

34.6 39.2.3. The first clues to the meaning of these particles were found in sentences containing verbs of movement (Goetze 1933b; Friedrich 1960 §295). This does not, however, indicate that the conditioning factor for the employment of the particles is always the main verb in its clause. One gains the impression from the organization of the evidence in Josephson that the verb is his chief criterion. But good evidence exists that often the more pertinent consideration is the presence or absence of a local expression (local adverb, postpositional phrase, or preverb) (Goetze 1933b 16-30).

34.7 39.2.4. In the sentences containing verbs of movement the presence or absence of the particle -kan in particular often indicates entirely different conceptions of that movement (Friedrich 1960 §295). The following table illustrates the differences in conception. Note that our chart includes only the primary preverbs, not andan, appan, appanda, kattan, kattanta, pariyan, or parranda.

Preverb Without -kan (Secondary) With -kan (Primary)

anda “back in(to)” “in(to)”

appa “back” “away”

aræa “home (to)” “off, away, forth”

katta “back down (to)” “downward”

parΩ “further on, forward” “forth from, out of”

åarΩ “back up (to)” “upward”

34.8 39.2.4.1. The distinction is that the preverb, when construed with -kan, denotes what Goetze called a “primary” movement, while without -kan it denotes a “secondary” one. Contrary to the opinion of some, the secondary movement is not exclusively a reflex of the primary. That is, the secondary movement does not necessarily entail a reversal of direction (“back”). parΩ , for example, when not construed with -kan indicates a second stage movement, which by implication continues in the same line as the first (“further on”).

34.9 39.2.4.2 Friedrich’s examples of the preceding cases follow: (1) anda: nekuz meæur–ma DINGIR-LUM anda udanzi “at night they bring the god back inside” KBo 5.1 ii 8; nu–war–aå– kan kΩåma åumaå anda uit “and now he has come in (to) you” Kup. §6, C 6;not among Friedrich’s examples, but useful is: iåtappulli–åmit A.GARfi-aå kuit– kan anda / paizzi n–at–kan namma åara UL uizzi / anda–pat–kan æarkzi dTelepinu[waå–a ] / idaluå karpiå kartimmiaz åawar / waåtul idaluå EME-aå idaluå patalæaå / anda paiddu n–at–kan namma åara le / uizzi anda–at–kan æarkdu “Their lids are of lead. Whatever goes in (to them), doesn’t come up again: it perishes inside. So let Telepinu’s evil anger, wrath, fury and sin, evil tongue, evil conduct (lit. evil foot) go in (them) and not come up (out) again: let it perish inside” KUB 33.8 iii 8-14 (Tel.Myth, OH), translit. Myth [44]; (2) appa : maææan–ma URUNerikkaza appa uizzi “but as soon as he comes back from Nerik” KUB 5.1 i 59; n–an–kan appa INA KUR-ÅU peæutezzi “and he leads him away to his land”; (3) aræa : takku åuppala–ået kuelqa åieuniaæta t–at parkunuzi n–at aræa pennai “If someone’s cattle are stricken by a god, and (the owner) purifies them, and drives them back home ” (Laws §163, OH/NS); å–an–åta / aræa peæuter å–an eååikir (var. eååiåkir) å–aå BA.UGfl “Then

295 34. Particles: -kan and -åan 296 they led him off and tortured (lit. ‘worked”) him till he died” KBo 3.34 ii 6-7 (anecdotes, OH/NS); man–uå–kan mHuzziyaå kuenta nu uttar iåduwati / n–uå mTelepinuå aræa paræta “(King) Huzziya would have killed them, but the word leaked out, and Telepinu expelled them (lit. drove them away )” KBo 3.1 ii 11-12 (Tel.pr., OH/NS); ektaå–ma–du–åan iræaz UL naæåariyawanza / aræa UL uizzi “Even the fearless cannot escape (lit. come forth ) from the circle of your net” KBo 3.21 ii 17-18 (hymn to Adad); (4) katta : nu nekuz meæuni æ„dak GAM pΩitten “and in the evening go right back down” KUB 13.4 ii 75; versus: nu–kan ÉRIN.MEÅ URU-az katta udaå “and he brought troops down out of the city” KBo 2.5 iii 30; (5) parΩ : lukkatta–ma parΩ pΩn “on the next day I traveled further ” KBo 4.4 iii 52; versus: LÚ GIÅGIDRU–ma–kan parΩ aåki pΩizzi “the marshall however goes out the door” KBo 4.9 v 34; (6) åarΩ : n–aå INA É DINGIR-LIM åeåuwanzi æ„dak åarΩ uiddu “and he must immediately come up again into the temple in order to sleep” KUB 13.4 iii 2; versus: nu–kan URUAåtata URU-ri åarΩ pΩun “and I went up to the city of Aåtata” KBo 4.4 ii 61.

34.10 39.2.4.4. Some apparent exceptions: anda takku ARAD-aå æuwai n–aå ANA KUR kururi an [da] paizzi (B kururi KUR-e paizzi) “If a slave runs away and goes into an enemy land” KBo 6.2 i 52-53 (Laws §23, OS).

34.11 39.2.5. In sentences containing a verb of movement (pai- “to go”, uwa- “to come”, penna-, iya- mid., uwate-, etc.) -kan is generally absent, when (Goetze 1933b:19, 25): (1) any of the preverbs appan, kattan or awan is present [note: there are a number of examples of -kan and andan pai- , contrary to expectation]; or (2) if the verb of movement has no associated preverb whatever: n–an BELUM kuiåki uwateddu “let any lord bring him here” (Targ. §3, line 12).

34.12 39.2.6. Similar to the function of -kan with verbs of movement, which are given a certain finality (no second stage, whether reflex or continuation), is the verb kuen-. It is neither a verb of movement nor is it found in combination with preverbs. But the same opposition: single and final action, complete in itself (with -kan) vs. action which may be repreated (without -kan) is found in it. When kuen- occurs without -kan, it means “to strike, hit”; with -kan it means “to strike dead, kill”. Analogous is the situation with (aræa ) æarnink- “to destroy”, which takes -kan only when the verb’s subject is a deity, whose “destroying” can be seen as more “final” or “utter” (Hoffner 1992).

34.13 39.2.6.1 Since many studies of the particles -kan, -aåta, -apa , etc. focus on the lexical, in that they list all verbs which take a particular particle, it is important to note that the semantic aspect conveyed by -kan (for instance) is shared by all verbs in a lengthy sequence: (KBo 4.2 iv 28ff and duplicates): IÅTU GIÅ BANÅUR–ma–za–kan kuezza azzikkinun IÅTU GAL–ya–kan kuezza akkuåkinun åaåti–ya–za–kan kuedani åeåkeåkinun IÅTU URUDUDU⁄‚xA–ya–za–kan kuezza arreåkinun “the table from which I customarily ate, the cup from which I customarily drank, the bed in which I customarily slept, the wash bowl from which I customarily washed myself” (cf. Goetze and Pedersen 1934 10f., lines 16ff.). This suggests that the aspect shared by all these clauses is independent of each particular verb’s meaning. Note that the same is not true of the particle -za in the above-cited sequence: it is omitted in the akkuåkinun clause.

296 34. Particles: -kan and -åan 297

34.14 39.2.7 The particle is also found in certain other verbal constructions intended to convey local restrictions (Goetze 1933b:30 note 2): pedi ninink- “to muster on the spot”, pedi daliya- “to leave on the spot”, ÅÀ-ta tarna- “to take to heart”, kiååari dai- “to put in the hand”, KASKAL-åi dai- “to put on the road”.

34.15 39.1.8. An interesting contrast is between åanæ- with and without local particle (cf. Hoffner 1991). Without -kan or -aåta åanæ- denotes “to search for (someone or something)”, while when the verb has one of the local particles it means “to search (an area or place)”. This usage certainly reinforces the other evidence for a local dimension to the presence or absence of this class of particle.

34.16 39.1.9. Goetze (1933:30) noted another small class of verbs which regularly employs -kan or -(a)åta, verbs of crossing over: åarra- and zai-. In this case, in fact, there is an opposition between åarra- without local particle, which usually means “to divide, separate”, and with local particle, which means “to cross over, transgress”. This distribution shows that the earlier assumption (compare the translation “verletzen” in Friedrich 1952 183) that with oaths and commands it meant “to break, violate” (< “to divide”) was incorrect: the semantic development was from “to go across, traverse” to “to transgress”. The command or oath is also a kind of boundary or limit in an extended sense. In Friedrich 1952 it was not even noted that the usage with oaths, like that physical traversing, was associated with -kan.

34.17 39.2.1. Another semantic class of verbs regularly employing -kan is that whose common element is hostility: åullai- “to argue, strive”, idalawa (i)- “to be evil, hostile”, æuwapp- “to be ill-disposed toward”, zammurai- “to afflict, oppress”.

34.18 39.2.1.5. Josephson 1972 357 noted that gulå- “to write, inscribe”, takes -kan when having the sense of “to determine”. According to him, verbs which alternate in using -aåta and -kan frequently “stress the achievement of the term of the action” (Josephson 1972 358).

34.19 39.2.2.1. Not fully clarified is the circumstance that -kan fails to occur where expected, when the clause begins with takku “if” (Friedrich 1960 §298,2): takku LÚDAM.GÀR URUÆatti kuiåki kuenzi “if someone kills a Hittite merchant” Laws §5, takku–uå LÚ-iå wemiyazi t–uå kuenz i “if the man (i.e., husband) finds them (his wife and her lover in the act of adultery) and he kills them, (he will not be accused of murder)” Laws §197. In both cases the verb kuen- in the meaning “kill” occurs, which normally requires -kan. Both examples which Friedrich cites from the laws which use -kan kuen-, namely §§90 and 199, are found in New Hittite copies. In the latter there is even alternation: kuenzi–uå LUGAL-uå … n–an–kan kunanzi KBo 6.26 iv 17, 21 (OH/NS).

–ÅAN

34.20 39.3.1. The particle -åan like -kan expressed a relationship largely spatial and so closely related to that conveyed by -kan that it occasionally substituted for -kan in sentences of the type outlined above for -kan. Particularly difficult is the distinction in a compound sentence like: nu–ååan parΩ–ya / [le] naitti EGIR- pa–ya –kan le mauåta “Don’t send forward; don’t fall back” KUB 1.16 iii 51-52 (OH/NS). Yet these two particles

297 34. Particles: -kan and -åan 298 are by no means synonymous. Since -apa and -aåta (particularly -apa) were used principally in Old and Middle Hittite and -apa became rare in New Hittite, their functions tended to be assumed by -kan and/or -åan. -apa in particular, whose function was to convey the notion of movement to or into a point central rather than peripheral to the field of perception, was replaced by -åan. Some functions of -aåta, on the other hand, seem to have been assumed by -kan.

34.21 39.3.2. In Old Hittite texts the writing -za-an can be interpreted either as (1) -za and -an (local particle), or (2) -za and -åan. In New Hittite texts, since the local particle -an no longer existed, the same sequence either had to be (2), or — in the case of n–an–za–an , which one can compare with n–at–åi–at — the second –an is a meaningless repetition of the first (“him”), cf. HW 2 I 41b sub -a-2.

34.22 39.3.3. In Old Hittite texts, where the clitic possessive pronoun “his” on singular common gender nouns has the vocalization -åan, one must be careful not to confuse this with the local particle, especially in cases where the possessive pronoun occurs on the first word of a clause.

34.23 39.3.4. -åan is particularly common in clauses containing the adverb åer “above, over” or verbs of putting, placing or standing, which can occasionally also be construed with -kan. -åan probably gives to these verbs the particular nuance “stand over”, “place upon”, etc. kΩåma mMuråiliå DUMU–Y[A nu–]za ap„[n åekten] / [nu– ]åan ap„n aåeåten “Muråili is hereby my son. Recognize him (as such), and seat him (on the throne)!” KUB 1.16 ii 37-38 (OH/NS); attaå–taå–wa / [ GIÅÅÚ.A–åi DUMU.NITA NU GÁL Ì]R-iå–wa–åan eåari “There is no son for the throne of your father; a (mere) subject (lit. slave) will sit down upon it!” KUB 1.16 ii 70-71. DUMU- la<å>–maå–åan [tuel] / kuit kardi n–za apΩt Ëååi “My son, do whatever is upon/in (-åan) [your] heart!” KUB 1.16 iii 62-63 (OH/NS). nu–mu–åan kÏ yugan iåæaiåt [en] “you have bound this yoke upon me” KUB 31.4 obv. + KBo 3.41, line 7 (OH/NS). Carruba has suggested an etymological connection between -åan and åer and åarΩ .

34.24 39.3.5. Basic as this shade of meaning may have been to -åan, it is by no means the entire range of possible meanings. -åan was already used in Old Hittite to express other relationships. First among these was movement directed toward an object : (The Great Seagod quarreled with the other gods,) n–a (n)–åan nepiåaå dUTU-un katta pËæutet “and he brought him, (namely) the Sungod of Heaven, down (to his home in the sea, and hid him)” KUB 12.60 i 3-4 (myth, OH/NS); dUTU-uå–ma–åan åarΩ nepiåi iyanniå “but the Sungod went up to heaven” KUB 24.8 ii 11-12 (Appu story, pre-NH/NS), cf. also KUB 33.120++ i 37 (Theogony); nu–ååan dWiåuriyandan katta ÍD-i pedaææi “and I take (the goddess) W. down to the river” KBo 15.25 obv. 5-6 (ritual); nu–ååan mKeååiå parΩ ANA DAM-ÅU–pat IÅME “now K. listened only (–pat ) to his wife” KUB 33.121 ii 6, cf. line 8. mΩn AWAT LUGAL–ma UL paææaånutteni / [ziladuw]a–åan UL æuiåteni nu æarkteni “If you do not keep the word of the king, you will not survive (lit. live) into (-åan) the future (ziladuwa), you will perish” KUB 1.16 iii 36-37 (OH/NS); Ωppa–ma–ååan URU-ZU åannapiliå n„man paizzi kaåti kaninti “he did (lit. does) not wish to go back to his city empty-handed, in hunger and in thirst” KUB 33.121 ii 15-16 (Keååi story); nu–nnaå–åan anda mieå nu–nnaå–åan anda tallieå “be gentle toward us, be pleasant toward us” VBoT 24 iii 38-39; nu–åmaå–åan

298 34. Particles: -kan and -åan 299 kΩåa DINAM kuit arnummeni n–at iåtamaåten “Hear the case which we are bringing to/before (–åan ) you” KUB 4.1 ii 5-6. With –åan, ANA followed by a place designation, and the medio-passive for of nai-, the meaning is “to turn toward”. Whether one uses the translation “toward” or “against” depends upon the qualifying adverb of manner: aååuli “in a favorable manner” or LÚ.KÚR-li “in a hostile manner”: nu–ååan ANA KUR URUæatti aååuli anda namma naiåæut “turn again toward the land of Hatti in favor” KUB 9.31 ii 59-60; cf. KUB 15.32 i 54-55; nu–zan ANA KUR URUÆatti LÚ.KÚR-li IGI.ÆI.A dai “(whoever) sets his eyes against the land of Hatti in enmity” KBo 6.34 i 17-18, 36-37, ii 12-13.

34.25 39.3.6. With ANA or anda and verbs of speech, -åan focusses upon the person addressed: dUD.SIGfi–ya–åan anda tezzi “he speaks to the god Favorable Day” 120/p iii 11-12 cited in Otten, HTR 114f.; namma–ååan uddΩr parΩ apeniååan memai “Next he speaks words in the same way to her” KBo 2.9 iv 15-16.

34.26 39.3.7. In some cases the implication of -åan is more than direction (“toward”), and practically amounts to movement which reaches the goal and enters into it (“into”). Old Hittite references: anda–ååan parna nawi paizzi “(If they capture a free man at the beginning of his act of breaking into a house,) that is, he has not yet gone inside” Laws §93; nu–zan (if this is –z–åan !) dIM-aå UZUÅÀ åakuwa–ået–a appa daå “and so the Stormgod took back into himself his heart and eyes” KBo 3.7 iii 18-19 (Illuyanka myth, OH/NS). Post-OH references: nu–ååan namma ANA KUR.KUR.MEÅ LÚ.KÚR UL paun “(but) into the enemy lands I did not go” KBo 14.20 + KUB 34.33 + KUB 34.34, i 2-3 (Muråili II annals); namma–ååan BÀD.MEÅ-ni anda le kuiåki paddai “let no one dig into the city wall” KUB 31.91 ii 22 (BEL MADGALTI instr., MH/NS).

34.27 39.3.8. Related to the idea of “into” or “inside” is that of things which rightfully pertain to or belong to an object or person. The passage concerning the Stormgod’s eyes and heart cited above (KBo 3.l7 iii 18-19) certainly shares this notion. Others are: ÅA AMAR–mu–åan 4 GÌR.MEÅ-ÅU k„n–ma–wa–za ÅA 2 GÌR.MEÅ-ÅU kuwat æaåun “my calf should have four feet (lit. my calf’s four feet should be in/on it); why then have a born this one which has only two feet?” KUB 24.7 iii 22-24 (tale of the Cow and the Fisherman).

34.28 39.3.9. A sexual idiom, related to Hebrew bôº ºel … “to go in unto (a woman)”, is: ANA UDU.U⁄°–ma–ååan UDU.ÅIR-aå kuedani nawi paizzi “a ewe to which a ram has not yet gone (sexually)” KUB 9.32 ii 21-22.

34.29 39.3.10. It is a short step from “toward” to “against”. Old Hittite references: iåæaå–åmaå–åan taåtaåeåkiwan dair “they began to whisper/conspire against their lords” KBo 3.1 i 22 (Tel. pr., OH/NS); ANA É- ÅU–ma–åi–ååan U ANA DUMU.MEÅ-ÅU idalu le takkiååanzi “but let them not plan evil against his house or his sons” ibid. ii 55-56; uk–wa–zan åanun “I became angry at (them)” KUB 33.10 ii 6; mΩn–åan dTelipinuå–a kuedanikki nakkeåzi “whenever Telipinu becomes difficult against anyone” VBoT 58 iv 8-9. Later references: nu–mu–ååan INA URUPalæuiåa appan LÚ.KÚR URUPeåæuruå zaææiya tiyat “in the neighborhood of Palæuiåa, the enemy from Peåæuru advanced against me for battle” KBo 3.4 ii 2-3, AM 42f.; mΩn–aå åulliet / nu–åan EGIR-

299 34. Particles: -kan and -åan 300 pa URU-ri idalu takkiåkiwan daiå “When he became discontented he began to plot evil against (his new) city” KBo 32.14 ii 19-20 (Song of Release, MH/MS).

34.30 39.3.11. -åan also occurs in clauses containing verbs of contending, contesting, quarreling and striving. Middle Hittite example: nu–wa–ååan æanneånanni æannuwanzi natta tarratta “in suits you do not tire of judging” KUB 13.9+ i 7-8 (instr. of Tudh. II, MH/NS).

34.31 39.3.12. (King Æattuåili I said to a rebellious daughter:) lË–ma–mu–åan paåkuitta “Don’t reject/ignore me!” KUB 1.16 iii 65-66.

34.32 39.3.13 Josephson 1972 360 observes that -åan with “transformative verbs” can denote “a process leading up to an ultimate completion”.

300 35. Particles: -aåta and -apa 301

CHAPTER 35 PARTICLES -asta, -apa

35.1 40.0.1 It is important to observe the functions of these two particles in OH, since -apa ceases to be occur in new compositions of the NH period, and occurs only rarely in MH, and -aåta, while it continues sporadically in the later periods, seems to have lost its distinctive meaning and has come to be a rather pale (stylistic) variant of - kan.583

35.2 40.0.2 Carruba 1969 19 has proposed that four of the five sentence particles derive from adverbs: –kan derives from kattan by way of *kattn, –åan from *åaran (?) via *åa(r)an, -aåta from (i)åtarna via *åta(rn), and - (a)pa from Ωppa via *app(a).

35.3 40.0.3 In an earlier study in which a large number of text examples were studied and analyzed Carruba 1964 suggested that -apa is associated with centripetal movement, and -aåta with centrifugal.

35.4 40.0.4 -apa shows the following writings: The rarest writing is -aba in LÚNAR-åi-ya-åa-ba (for LÚNAR- åiyaå–aba ) KBo 17.43 i 9 (OH/MS?). The writing -ap is found in åu-åa-ap (for *å–uå–ap ) KBo 3.60 iii 3 (OH/NS), compare åa-na-ap (*å–an–ap ) ibid. ii 3, 5, 18, iii 9. Following certain vowels the a elides, giving -pa (CREF §35.36 (*40.2.0): åe-pa KUB 36.27:2 (OH) and åe-e-pa KUB 43.36 (OH) (for *å–e–pa ), na-aå-åi-pa KUB 33.21 iii 19, cf. KUB 33.31:2; and as late as the Appu myth KUB 24.8 i 43 (OH?/NS); nu-uå-åi-pa KUB 24.8 i 15, 16 (Appu); na-at-åi-pa KUB 24.9 + JCS 24 37 iii 8, na-an-åi-pa KUB 35.148+ iii 14. The most usual writing is -apa . na-pa (for *n(u)–apa )584 KBo 3.67 ii 5 and KBo 3.1 ii 20 (both Tel.pr., and passim in that text), KUB 43.60 i 11, na-ta-pa (for *n–at–apa ) KUB 43.36 (rev.) 5; an-da-ma-pa (for *anda–m (u)–apa [CREF §35.37 (*40.2.1] or *anda–ma–apa ) KBo 3.7 i 13 (Illuyanka, OH/NS), ed. Beckman 1982, cf. also Carruba 1964 420 and in CHD sub -mu b 4'; åa-an-za-pa KBo 12.18 i 6; nu-za-pa KBo 19.92:7; nu-åa-pa (for *n–uå–apa “and them + -apa”) KUB 1.16 ii 24 (Political Testament of Hatt. I, OH/NS), nu-wa-ra-ta-pa (for *nu–war–at–apa ) KBo 3.1 ii 49; the alleged nu-un-na-p[a?] of KBo 12.63 ii 5 claimed by HW2 sub -a-2 is worthless, among other reasons because the context is broken and the -p[a?] is highly uncertain; one expects something like nu-un-na-å[a-…] (< nu–nnaå– ).

35.5 40.0.5 So far as the terminus ad quem is concerned, –apa continues to be written in New Hittite copies of Old Hittite texts down to the end of the empire. But in fresh compositions it falls out of use after Old Hittite. Kammenhuber (HW2 sub -apa) claims that in “junghethitisch”, which for her includes our MH, it is “relatively rare”. In the famous passage from Åuppiluliuma I’s treaty with Æukkana of Æayaåa one should read n–aå URUÆattuåi

583On its alternation with -kan see already Güterbock 1964.

584The unique nu-pa KUB 35.148 iii 29 is probably to be emended to na!-pa.

301 35. Particles: -aåta and -apa 302

UL æuiåwizzi a-ki-pa-a[t] “in Hatti he will not continue to live: he will die” KBo 5.3+ iii 31 (Hukk.), following Ehelolf apud Friedrich 1930 and Hart 1971, and understand -pa-a[t] as a rare resolved spelling of the particle -pat, not -(a)pa.

35.6 40.1.0 Examples of -(a)pa: (The numbers like 360A without KUB or KBo preceding them refer to CTH numbers.)

35.7 with anå- “to wipe (something) onto, besmear, daub”: LÚåeræalaå Ωrt [a] / [å]eræan æarzi n–apa p„riuå anåkizzi KBo 19.163 i 22-23.

35.8 with appai- “to finish”: n–apa aåeååar pankuå–a Ωppai “the seated group and the entire congregation finish (worshipping)” KUB 53.14 ii 1; n–apa DUMU.LUGAL appai “and the prince finishes” ibid. 2; t–apa appai KBo 21.93 ii 8.

35.9 with arai- “to arise”: [ar]aiå–apa mApp[u]å n–aå–za parna–åa / [iy]anniå “Appu arose and went to his house” KUB24.8 + KUB36.60 i 24-26 (pre-NH/NS), ed. StBoT 14; araiå–apa mAppuå GIÅNÁ-az / nu–za æarkin SILA4-an dΩå / n–aå dUTU-i kattan iyanni[å] “Appu arose from his bed, took a white lamb, and went to the Sungod” ibid. 38-40; eåzi–pat / natta–aå–a [pa a ]rai “(s)he keeps sitting; (s)he does not get up” KBo 19.163 ii 33-34; n–apa / NIN.DINGIR ara [i …] KBo 21.90 obv. 11-12; [mΩ]n lukkatta–ma n–apa NIN.DINGIR-aå arai KBo 21.95 i 17.

35.10 with arnu- “to bring”: n–apa arnuwanzi n–za NIN.DINGIR-aå AÅAR […] KBo 21.95 i 15.

35.11 with anda epp- “to include”: ammukka–za–apa anda Ëp / lË–mu genzuwaiåi “Include me (with your enemies); don’t spare me” KBo 3.7 iii 29-33 (Illuyanka, OH/NS).

35.12 with ed- “to eat” (CREF m karap-): å–an–ap azzikanzi “and they eat him” KBo 3.60 ii 3 (“cannibal text”, OH/NS), å–an–ap atanzi ibid. 5; å–an–ap ezta ibid. 18;

35.13 with -za æandai- “to fit (something) to (something else), mate, match, combine”: nu kuin KASKAL-an æarzi / uran KASKAL-an æarzi marnuwalan KASKAL-an æarzi / å–an–za–apa KASKAL-åi LÚ.KASKAL-laå æandait “And what road does (the human soul) travel (lit., hold)? It travels the great road; it travels the invisible(?) road. The traveler has fitted it to his road” KUB 43.60 i 28-30.

35.14 with (anda) æar (k)- “to hold close”: [nu–ååe] uddar–met [åak]iåkimi SIGfi-an[za–mu arri / taggan ]iyata–mu–za–apa and [a æark] nu–mu tagga [niyata] / :taknaz paæåi “I am making my words known to her: Wash [me] well, [hold] me tightly to (yourself), and keep me at your breast from the earth” KUB 1.16 iii 71- 72 (Polit. Test., OH/NS).

35.15 with æaåå- “to open”: [m]Ωn lukkatta–ma t–ap [(a æaååanzi KUÅ NÍG.BÀR-a)]n / [(uååia)nz]i “When the morrow comes, they open up and pull back the curtains (in the temple)” ABoT 9 + KBo 17.74 + KBo 21.25 i 31-

302 35. Particles: -aåta and -apa 303

32 (StBoT 12); n–apa [..] / EGIR-pa æaåkiåi KBo 11.14 iii 25-27; mΩn–apa Éæalentuwa / æaååanzi KUÅ NÍG.BÀR–aåta / uååiyanzi KUB 25.16 i 1-3.

35.16 with iya- “to make (w. double obj.)” nu–war–at–<å>ta karåandu / n–at!–apa GIÅBANÅUR.MEÅ iyandu “Let them cut (a tree) down and make it into tables” CTH 310.5 iv 17-18 (Sargon story, OH/NS).

35.17 with anda iyannai- “to set out for, go to” (CREF pai-): n–aå–åi–pa anda iyann [iå] / n–an punuåkiwan da[iå] “he went to him and began to question him” KUB 24.8 + 36.60 i 43-45 (Appu story).

35.18 with anda innaraææ- : labarnaå LUGAL-uå inarawanza nu–ååe– (a)pa / utniyanza æ„manza anda inaraææi “The Labarna, the king, is vigorous; and the entire land is vigorous(?) for/with him” KUB 36.110:11-12 (benedictions for the Labarna).

35.19 with karap- “to devour”: æeweå / [k]Ïåa BURU⁄›.ÆI.A SIGfi-anta daganzipaå / [æu]idΩr parΩi n–apa æalkin karapanzi “Rains will occur,585 crops will thrive, wildlife of the earth will appear, and they586 will devour the grain” KUB 8.1 iii 8-10.

35.20 with anda lag- : nu–z–apa utniyanza æ„manza / iåkiå–åmet anda URU Hattuåa lagan æard [u] “The entire land should hold its back bent down towards Æattuåa” KUB 36.110:9-10 (benedictions for the Labarna).

35.21 with anda muganza eå- : [n–aåta anda ] / galaktar kitta nu–ååi [..] / galangaza eå paræuen [aå kitta ] / n–aå–åi–pa anda muganza [eådu] KUB 33.21 iii 16-19 (CTH 326).

35.22 with pai- “to go” (CREF iyannai-): nu tuliyan æalziåten mΩn–apa uttar–ået paizzi / n– SAG.DU-naz åarnikdu “Convene the assembly. If his plan (lit., word) goes to its conclusion, then let him pay with his head” KBo 3.1 ii 51-52 (Telipinu proclamation, OH/NS).

35.23 with åanæ- “to seek for, avenge (blood/death/murder)” [Note: This construction also exists with -aåta and without sentence particle.]: mZidantaå–a LUGAL-wet n–apa DINGIR.MEÅ mPiåeniyaå iåæar åanæir “Zidanta became king, and the gods sought (i.e., avenged) the blood/murder of Piåeni” KBo 3.1 i 66-68 (Telipinu procl.); mAmmunaå–a LUGAL-wet n–apa DINGIR.MEÅ-iå attaå–åaå mZidantaå / eåæar–ået åanæir KBo 3.1 i 69-71.

35.24 with dai- “to place”: kÏ–wa eå<æa>naå uttar / tuppiaz au kar„–wa Ëåæar URUÆattuåi makkeåta / nu–war–at–apa DINGIR.MEÅ-iå åallai æaååannai dΩir “Behold this tale of bloodshed from the tablet! Formerly bloodshed in Hatti was rife, and the gods laid it on the royal family (lit. Great Family)” KBo 3.1 ii 47-49 (Telipinu procl.); dUTU-uå n„wa arta uddanaå–apa EN-aå HUL-lun ME-i KBo 11.14 iii 5 (rit. of Æantitaååu).

585Although æeweå is common gender plural, its verb kÏåa(ri) is singular here.

586Although æuitΩr is formally neuter singular, semantically it is a collective, indicating many animals; hence, the shift to the plural verb here.

303 35. Particles: -aåta and -apa 304

35.25 with tarupp- “to gather, bring together, unite”: n[(–apa ) DU(MU.MEÅ–ÅU) ÅEÅ.M(Å–ÅU)] / [(LÚ.MEÅgaenaå–åeå–a LÚ.MEÅæaå)]åannaå (var. +–åaå) U [(ÉRIN.MEÅ–ÅU)] / [(taruppanteå eåe )]r “And his sons, his brothers, his in-laws, his family and his troops were united” KBo 3.1 i 1-3 (Telipinu procl.).

35.26 with anda tiya- “to come together, convene”: dIM-aåtaå–a DINGIR.MEÅ-naå æuma[ndu]å / mugait anda–m–apa tiyatten “The Stormgod convoked all the gods: ‘Come (lit. step) together to me!’” KBo 3.7 i 12-14 (Illuyanka myth, OH/NS).

35.27 with anda turiya- “to hitch together”: kinuna–ma–apa DINGIR–YA innarawar / U dLAMMA anda turiya KUB 30.10 rev. 19-20 (Kantuzili prayer).

35.28 with uda- “to bring”: NIM.LÀL teriyaå UD-aå / miuwa<å> UD-aå KASKAL-an pandu n–apa iyatar–mit / udandu “Let the bee(s) go a journey of three days (or) four days, and let them bring (to me) my prosperity” KUB 43.60 i 10-12.

35.29 with uwa- “to come” or EGIR-pa uwa- “to return”: mΩn–aå–apa laææaz–ma EGIR-pa uizzi “Whenever he returns from an expedition” KBo 3.1+ i 17-18; [nu Å]A fZi alwanzatar–ået idΩlu uddΩr–ået QATAMMA / [æar]kdu n–at–apa EGIR-pa lË uizzi “Let the sorcery (and) evil word of the woman Zi likewise get lost, and let it not return” KBo 15.10 + 20.42 ii 15-16; mΩn–apa LUGAL-uå URU Lawazzantiya uwanun KBo 3.1+ ii 20-21; [kuwapi]t–åe– (a)pa uitta ÆUR.SAG-i–ma–wa–at–åan / [NI]M.LÀL–at udau å–an pedi–åi dau / [takå]anni–ma–wa–åa NIM.LÀL–at dau / [n– ]at pedi–åi dau KUB 43.60 i 5-8; mΩn–apa LUGAL-uå uizzi / ta–kkan Éæalintuwaå / anda paizzi / ta–z KIN.ÆI.A-ta dai KUB 11.20 ii 10-13 (fest. fragm.).

35.30 with waqqar-”to be lacking”: nu–ååi–pa UL kuitki waqqari / nu–ååi–pa 1-an uttar waqqari DUMU.NITA–åi DUMU.MUNUS-iå / NU.GÁL “Nothing was lacking to him; only one thing was lacking to him: he had neither son nor daughter” KUB24.8 + KUB36.60 i 15-17 (StBoT 14).

35.31 with zinna- “to destroy, wipe out”: [kΩåa–wa LUGAL-i åer akkeåkanzi] / n–uå–apa uizzi zin [nai n– eåæar HI.A …] / iååuwan dai [UL naæzi] “[Lo, they are dying for the sake of the king;] she will wipe them out; she will begin to shed [blood …, and not fear]” KUB 1.16 ii 23-25.

35.32 Non-verbal clauses: LUGAL-i–ma–apa le kuitki “Let there be nothing (evil) to the king” KBo 3.1+ iv 21, ed. THeth 11:52f.; æuiåwatar–m (u)–apa anda æingani æaminkan æingan–a–m (u)–apa anda æuiåwanni–a æaminkan “Life for me is bound up with death, and death for me is bound up with life” KUB 30.10 obv. 20 (Kantuzili prayer).

35.33 Assembling such a corpus of examples is, of course, only a first step. Although many of the above examples are not in Old Hittite copies (i.e., they are MS or NS copies), the use of -apa in new compositions after Old Hittite is unattested. So we may assume in all of the above cases that the archetype of the text was created in OH.

304 35. Particles: -aåta and -apa 305

35.34 Finding a common semantic denominator among all the passages is not easy, nor do I feel that I can propose one. It is certainly true, as Carruba has already noted, that convergence is a notion shared by many, e.g., anda epp-, æandai-, tarupp-, anda tiya-, anda turiya-. The frequency of the particle’s association with anda is also striking: anda iyannai-, anda innaraææ-, anda lag-, anda mugai-, anda tiya-, anda turiya- . It occurs with both verbs for eating: ed- and karap-. It is also very common with arai- “to arise” and æaåå- “to open”.

35.35 -AÅTA

35.36 40.2.0 Like -apa (CREF §35.4 (*40.0.4) -pa), the particle -aåta elides its a-vowel after an e- or i -vowel, thus: ta-aå-åi-iå-ta KUB 31.1 + KBo 3.16 ii 14 (transl. of Naram-sin, OH/NS), nu-uå-åi-iå-ta KUB 17.10 iv 2 (Tel.myth, OH/NS); … tuzziaz / EGIR-pa GIÅTIR IŒBAT peran aræa–ma–åi–åta ÍD-aå aråzi KUB 23.11 iii 16-7; nu ANA LUGAL KUR URU HATTI kururiyaædu le–åta ÌR-aætari Bronze Tablet iii 30-31 (treaty of Tudæ. IV); nu- uå-åe-eå-ta KUB 33.5 iii 11-15 (OH/MS).

35.37 40.2.1 But (also as with -apa CREF KBo 3.7 i 13 in §35.4 (*40.0.4) an immediately preceding u-vowel elides, leaving an a vocalization: nu-um-ma-aå-ta KUB 31.130 rev. 7 (OH/MS) and nu-ma-aå-ta KUB 36.75 iii 12 (OH/MS) and KBo 14.74:3 (for *nu–m(u)–aåta ). Cf. Friedrich 1960 , Friedrich and Kammenhuber 1975-1984 sub -aåta, and CHD -mu b 4’.

35.38 40.2.2 If -apa has a notion of combination or convergence, -aåta seems to have the opposite idea: separation, divergence, often with aræa or parΩ .

35.39 nepiåza–åta dIM-unni aååuå eåta “From heaven he (the king) was dear to the Stormgod” KBo 3.22:2 (Anitta, OS); n–aåta URU Hattuåaå–pat URU-riaå 1-aå Ωåta “Out of (all other cities) the city of Hattusa alone remained” KBo 10.2 i 26 (annals of Hattusili I); å–an–åta / aræa peæuter å–an eååikir (var. eååiåkir) å–aå BA.ÚÅ “They led him off and worked him over, and he died” KBo 3.34 ii 6-7; å–an–åta atti–mi / paknuir “They alienated(?) him from (dat. of person) my father” KBo 3.34 ii 9-11 (“Palace chronicle”, OH/NS).

35.40 40.2.3 But at times it occurs in contexts like -apa: n–aåta ÅÀ KUR.KUR.MEÅ / anda dUTU-uå tiyat “In the midst of the lands the Sungod stood” KBo 10.2 ii 52-53 (either OH/NS or NH); [nu– (åmaå) DUG ...]andaå / MUN-an åuææair å–an–aåta eukta “They poured salt into the […], and he drank it” KBo 3.34 i 7-8 (“Palace chronicle”, OH/NS); or like –åan : nu azzikkiddu akkuåkidd[u mΩn–aå aååuå ] / n–aåta åarΩ uiåkittaru “Let him continue to eat and drink. [So long as he is on good behavior,] let him continue to come up (to the palace)” KUB 1.16 ii 33-34 (Political Testament of Hatt. I).

35.41 40.2.4 With verbs of movement it seems to be associated with the idea of transition or crossing: [le–ma] åarkaliyatumari le kuiåki [k]urur n–aåta uttar / [le k]uiåki åarratta “Don’t elevate yourselves (over your brothers)! Let there be no hostility! And let no one transgress the word (of the king)!” KUB 1.16 ii 49-50; n–aåta nepiåaå KÁ-uå zik–pat [aååanuw]anza dUTU-uå åarraåkitta KUB 36.75 + Bo 4696 i 7-8 (OH/MS); “(The Kaskeans) come and take the gifts, then they swear (oaths), but when they arrive back (home),” n–aåta lingauå åarranzi

305 35. Particles: -aåta and -apa 306

“They transgress the oaths” KUB 17.21 iv 15-19 (prayer of Arn. and Asm., MH/MS); n–aåta kuiå kuå NIÅ DINGIR-LIM åarriezzi “Whoever transgresses these oaths” KBo 6.34 ii 46-49 (Soldiers’ oath, MH/NS), ed. StBoT 22:10f.; lingainn–aåta UL kuååanka åarraææat “I never transgressed an oath” KUB 30.10 obv. 12-14 (prayer of Kantuzzili, OH/MS); mΩn–aåta k„å–a lingauå åar-ra-ad-du-ma “If you transgress these oaths” KBo 8.35 ii 16-18 (treaty w. Kaska, MH/MS); n–aåta uttar [le k]uiåki åarratta “Let no one transgress the words” KUB 1.16 ii 49-50 (edict, Hatt. I, NS), ed. HAB 8f.; laææiyawaå–za / [uttar ] UL imma åekteni åer–aåta kuitki åarran “Do you actually not know [the matter] of campaigning: that something concerning (it) has been transgressed?” KBo 16.25 i 33-34 (instr., MH/MS), ed. Rizzi Mellini, FsMeriggi2 522f.:45; n–aåta / ÍD-an zaitten “You crossed the river” KUB 31.101:6-7, but cf. with -kan in ibid. 10-11.

306 36. Clause Connectives: -a and nu 307

CHAPTER 36 CONJUNCTIONS -A AND NU

36.1 41.0 Clause linkage is marked either by clause connectives or by simple juxtaposition (what is traditionally called asyndeton). There are seven clause connectives in Hittite: -a, -(y)a, -ma, n(u), å(u), t(a) and clause initial namma. Two of these (-(y)a and -ma), however, can serve other purposes in the sentence: contrasting single words in one clause to one in a corresponding position in an adjacent clause (-ma), and linking members of a series of words (“X, Y, and Z”) in a single clause (-(y)a). These two are therefore not sentence connectives in all their occurrences.

Clause Connectives in Old Hittite

36.2 41.1 In the oldest known Hittite texts all five of these connectives are employed, although two — -a and -ma — which are in complementary distribution, the former following consonants and the latter following vowels, seem to serve the same semantic function. For a general discussion of clause connectives in Old Hittite see Luraghi 1990, chapter 2.

36.3 41.1.1 In Old Hittite åu (å- before vowels) and ta (t- befoe vowels) also are in complementary distribution, the former with preterites and the latter with present-futures.

36.4 41.1.2 After the Old Hittite period åu (å- before a vocalic enclitic) ceases to be used. ta (t- after a vocal enclitic) continues in post-OH in a very limited distribution and decidedly archaizing. In non-traditional texts (letters, administrative documents, etc.) of the New Hittite period only -(y)a, -ma and nu are in active, non- archaizing use.

-a/-ya as word connector

36.5 41.2 The particle -a/-ya takes the form -a after syllabically written Hittite words ending in a consonant, which consonant is then geminated, but -ya after syllabically written words ending in a vowel: a-pa-a-aå-åa (apΩåå–a ) “(s)he too”, a-pé-e-ya (apË–ya) “those too”. In Old Hittite the disjunction constrastive particle would be written a-pa-a-åa *apΩå–a ) “she however” and a-pé-e-ma “those however” In Old Hittite the gemination or lack of such before -a, which distinguished the conjunctive-additive from the disjunctive-topicalizing particle, was often obscured with logograms by the practice of writing only one syllabic Hittite sign after the logogram..If LUGAL and MUNUS.LUGAL were nominative, the pair might be written LUGAL(-uå) MUNUS.LUGAL-åa (standing for *æaååuå æaååuåaraåå–a ) “the king and queen”.587 But in post-Old Hittite the same combination would be written LUGAL(-uå) MUNUS.LUGAL–ya.

587On apparent exceptions such as me-ma-al-ya KBo 15.34 iii 8 see Melchert 1984b notes 49 and 94.

307 36. Clause Connectives: -a and nu 308

36.6 41.2.1 -a/-ya is the only connective which joins individual words. Some examples are: nu–tta DINGIR.MEÅ dÉ.A-aåå–a / æattannaå LUGAL-uå / aååuli paæåantaru “May the gods and Ea, the (divine) king of wisdom, keep you in good health” HKM 3:18-20; kiååan–ma–mu kuit / æatraeå kΩåa–wa / LÚ.MEÅåapaåallieå / URU AÅPUR nu–wa Malazzian / URUTaggaåtann–a / åauåiyar “I have just sent scouts, and they have scouted the cities Malazzia and Taggaåta” HKM 6:17-22 (MH/MS).

Conjunctive-Additive -a/-ya as clause connector

36.7 41.2.2 When -a/-ya connects clauses, it is attached to the first accented word in its clause: Ωååu–ya 3–ÅU åarnikzi “and he shall replace the goods threefold” KBo 6.4 i 5 (laws parallel series §III, NH), (he shall give six shekels of silver to the injured man,) LÚA.ZU–ya kuååan apΩå–pat pΩi “and he shall give the fee to the physician” KBo 6.2 i 19 (Laws §10, OS), (If a man defiles a vessel, previously they gave 6 shekels of silver, he who defiles (used to) give three shekels of silver,) [LUGAL]-ann–a parna 3 GÍN KUBABBAR daåker “and they used to take three shekels of silver for the house of [the king]” KBo 6.2 i 58a (Laws §25, OS).

Disjunctive-Topicalizing -a as Clause Connector

36.8 41.3 Disjunctive-topicalizing -a only joins clauses and is limited to OH: kar„ 12 SAG.DU peåker kinun–a 6 SAG.DU pΩi “Previously they gave twelve persons (lit. ‘heads’), but now he shall give six persons” KBo 6.3 i 49 (Laws §19b, OH/NS), LÚ-naå kuååan ITU.1.KAM 12 GÍN KUBABBAR pai MUNUÅ-å–a–ma kuåan (B i 65 [ku]ååan) ITU.1.KAM 6 GÍN K[UBABBAR] pai “he shall give 12 shekels of silver as the wage of a man for one month, but 6 shekels of silver as the wage of a woman for one month” KBo 6.2 i 55 (Laws §24, OS) | in this passage adversative -a and -ma appear redundant.

nu as Clause Connector

36.9 41.4 nu connects a subordinate clause to and independent clause: mΩn (A i 5 naåma) INA KUR URUÆatti (13) nu–za (A i 6 nu-uz-za) unattallan–pat arnuzzi “If (var. or if) it is in the land of Æatti, he shall ‘bring’ (the dead body of) the merchant himself” KBo 6.3 i 12-13 (Laws §5, OH/NS), dupl. KBo 6.2 i 6 (OS).

36.10 41.4.1 In OH and MH texts conditional clauses (“if” clauses) are often connected to following main clauses without particle (i.e., asyndeton). [(tak)]ku LÚDAM.GÀR URUÆatti (dupl. KBo 6.2 i 3 om. URUÆatti) kuiåki kuenzi 1 ME MA.N[(A)] KÙ.BABBAR pΩi “If someone kills a Hittite merchant, he shall give 100 minas of silver” KBo 6.3 i 10 (Laws §5, OH/NS); takku åumeå natta åakteni / kΩni LÚ ÅU.GI-eåå–a NU GÁL nu–åmaå memai AW¸T ABI–YA “If you do not know (my father’s instructions), is there not here even an old man that he may tell you my father’s word?” KBo 22.1:5-6 (OH/OS); takku LÚ.U⁄·.LU-an ELLAM kuiåki daåuwaææˆnaåma ZU·–ÅU lΩki karú 1 MA.NA KÙ.BABBAR piåker “If someone blinds a free person or knocks out his teeth, they used to pay 40 shekels of silver” KBo 6.2 i 9-10 (Laws §7, OH/OS). But there are cases where a conjunctive particle occurs: takku LÚ.U⁄·.LU-aå ELLAM-aå Q¸SSU naåmaGÌR –ÅU kuiåki tuwa[rnizzi] nu–ååe 20 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR pΩi “If

308 36. Clause Connectives: -a and nu 309 someone breaks a free person’s arm or leg, he shall give to him 20 shekels of silver” KBo 6.2 i 20-21 (Laws §11, OH/OS).

36.11 41.4.2 In post-OH (including most OH/MS and OH/NS manuscripts) a connective particle is the norm: takku UL–ma A.ÅÀA.GÀR dammel pedan duwan 3 DANNA duwan–a 3 DANNA nu–kan kuiå kuiå URU-aå anda SI≈SÁ-ri nu ap„å–pat dai takku URU-aå NU GÁL n–aå–kan åamenzi “But if it is not cultivated land, but uncultivated (steppe), (they shall measure) 3 DANNAs in this direction and 3 DANNAs in that, and whatever town is determined within (that measured area), he shall take them. If, however, there is no town (in that area), he will forfeit (his claim)” KBo 6.4 i 11-13 (Laws §6 parallel text §IVb, NH); ÅA ANÅE.KUR.RA.ÆI.A–mu (5) kuit uttar æatrΩeå (6) n–aåta kΩåma (7) ANÅE.KUR.RA.ÆI.A kar„ (8) parΩ neææun “Concerning what message you sent me about chariotry: I have already dispatched chariotry” HKM 2:4-8 (letter, MH/MS); ÅA LÚ.KÚR–mu kuit uttar (4) æatrΩeå n–at AÅME “I have heard the message about the enemy which you sent to me” HKM 3:3-4; nu mΩn (7) mai åeåzi nu EZEN› purulliyaå (8) iyanzi “And when prosperity and abundance come, they celebrate the festival of purulli ” KBo 3.7 i 6-8 (serpent story, OH/NS); UMMA µHupaåiya ANA ∂Inar / mΩ(n)–wa katti–ti åeåm[i nu]–wa uwami / kardiaå–taå iyami “Æupaåiya said to ∂Inar: ‘If I may sleep with you, I will proceed to do what you wish” KBo 3.7 i 24-26 (serpent story, OH/NS))

36.12 41.5 nu connects independent clauses. In the following exx. the actions are definitely sequential. [takku LÚ-a]n naåma MUNUS-an ELLAM walæzi kuiå[k]i n–aå aki “[If] someone strikes a free man or woman, so that s/he dies” KBo 6.3 i 6 (Laws §3, OH/NS) In English we would translate n–aå aki as a result clause “so that he dies”. But it is quite possible that mere temporal sequence is all that the syntax requires here. kinun–a LUGAL-uå ÅA É.GAL-LIM peååiet nu–za æuninkanza–pat 3 GÍN KUBABBAR dai “But now the king has waived the share of the palace, and only the injured party shall take 3 shekels” KBo 6.3 i 23-24 (Laws §9, OH/NS). Again, in English we might well use a result clause (“so that only …”); zik–ma–wa–za DUMU-aå nu–wa UL kuitki åakti “You are a mere child, and know nothing at all” KUB 19.29 iv 16 (annals of Murå. II); 100 gipeååar A.ÅÀ karåiezzi n–an–za dai “he shall cut off 100 gipeååar of field and take it for himself” KBo 6.3 i 15 (Laws §6, OH/NS); nu–kan kΩåma (9) ANÅE.KUR.RA.ÆI.A (10) parΩ neææun (11) nu–za PANI LÚ.KÚR (12) mekki paææaååanuanza (13) Ëå “I have just dispatched chariotry, so be much on the alert toward the enemy” HKM 1:8-13 (letter, MH/MS); kΩåa–wa / ki–ya ki–ya uttar iyami / nu–wa–mu–ååan ziqqa æarpæut “I am about to do such- and-such, so you join me!” KBo 3.7 i 21-23 (myth of the Great Serpent, OH/NS).

36.13 41.6 nu connects two subordinate clauses. Here too the actions are sequential: [mΩn] Ωååu–ma UL pË æarzi n–an–kan åullannaza (7) [ku]iåki kuenzi “But if he (scil. the merchant) does not have goods in his possession, and (the offender) kills him in a quarrel” KBo 6.4 i 6-7 (laws, NH); ÅA µPiæinakki–mu kui[t] uttar (4) æatrΩeå µPiæinakkiå–za maææan (5) URULiåipran Ëåki[tt]ari (6) nu–wa–za karu 30 É-TUM aåeåan [æ]arzi “Concerning the message about Pihinakki: how Pihinakki is settling the city Liåipra, and (how) he has already settled (there) 30 households” HKM 10:3-6 (letter, MH/MS); ∂UTU-ÅI–ma maææan iyaææat nu maææan ANA URUÅallapa [aræu]n “When I, My Majesty, marched, and when I [reac]hed Åallapa” KUB 14.15 ii 7 (Murå. II annals).

309 37. Clause Connectives: ta, åu and -ma 310

CHAPTER 37 CLAUSE CONNECTIVES TA, ÅU AND -MA

37.1 Luraghi 1990 in her Chapter 2 notes that in Old Hittite ta is very common as is apparently used in free variation with nu. “By contrast, åu is the most infrequent connective, and … it never occurs alone, but is always accompanied by (mostly pronominal) clitics.”

37.2 ta Introducing second clause of the protasis in the laws: takku LULU-an kuiåki æunikzi t–an iåtarnikzi nu apun åaktaizzi KBo 6.3 i 25-28 (Laws §10); takku LÚ-aå GUD–ÅU ÍD-an zinuåkizzi (C zenuåkizzi) tamaiå–a–an å[(uwaizzi)] / nu GUD-aå KUN-an (BC KUN GUD) epzi ta ÍD-an zai U BEL (C EN) G[(UD ÍD-aå pedai )] KBo 6.2 ii 30-32 (Laws §43) w. dupl. KBo 6.3 ii 52-53.

37.3 Introducing apodosis following a complex protasis: takku DUMU.MUNUS LÚ-ni taranza tamaiå–a–an pittenuzzi kuååan (var. kuiå–an) / pittenuzzi–ma nu æantezziyaå LÚ-aå kuit kuit [piddaizzi] / ta–ååe åarnikzi KBo 6.3 ii 5-7 (LAW §28a); takku LUGAL-å–a (Bii41 maan LUGAL-uå) NAM.RA.ÆI.A-an pai nu–ååe A.ÅÀ.ÆI.A- an pianzi t–aå GIÅTUKUL-li kiåa KBo 6.2+19.1 ii 22; Bii41-42 (LAW40); takku URU-ri A.ÅÀ.ÆI.A-an (var. B ii 59 A.ÅÀ[.ÆI.A å]aææan–a ; C 24 åaææanaå A.ÅÀ.ÆI.A) iwaru kuiåki æarzi takku–åe A.ÅÀ[.ÆI.A-aå mekkiå] / piyanza luzzi karpiezzi takku–ååe A.ÅÀ.ÆI.A-å–a te [puå piyanza] / luzzi natta karpiezzi (B [UL k]arpiezzi) IÅTU É ABI–ÅU–ma k[(ar)pianzi] / takku iwaruaå iåæΩå A.ÅÀkulei Ωrki naåm[a–åe ] / LÚ.MEÅ URU-LIM A.ÅÀ.ÆI.A- an pianzi ta luzzi karpizzi LAW §46 (A ii 38-42);

37.4 Introducing the first or only clause in the apodosis after an “if” clause (so far only in post-OH copies): takku–wa–åan ki æazzizi ta–wa DINGIR-LUM / takku–wa–åan natta–ma æa [zzizi] / ta–wa antuwaææeå ta–wa […] / zaææuweni CTH 17.1.KBo 3.60 ii 14-17

37.5 Introducing the second clause of a multi-clause apodosis: takku A.ÅÀ.ÆI.A NÍG.BA LUGAL kuiåki æarzi åaææan luzzi nat[ta karpiezzi] / LUGAL-uå GIÅBANÅUR-az NINDA-an dai ta–ååe pai “If someone holds fields as a gift from the king, he shall not [render] åaææan (or) luzzi: the king shall take food from his table and give it to him” KBo 6.2 ii 43-44 (LAW §47a, OS)

37.6 Connecting clauses in chronologically sequential series of actions: 16a.8-9 uwami kidanda (v kedanna ) pattanit ekan utiåkimi ta zaææiåkimi / [(ta–za )] utne æarnikmi kidanda natit–a t–an karda–åma åal [(ikti)]

37.7 Introducing a result clause: 9.6 KBo 3.28:20-1 kinuna LUGAL-uå idalu mekki uææun ta LUGAL-wa<å> uddar–a–met / le åarrattuma ; In the following example, the NH scribe has substituted nu in the second result clause: CTH 16a.13-14 ÆUR.SAG-an tarmaemi t–aåta edi natta neari [(arun)]an tarmami nu appa natta laæui ;

åu

324.1A(KUB17.10) i 34 nu=za=kan anda kariyet å=aå eåati

310 37. Clause Connectives: ta, åu and -ma 311

336.1Bii6-7 ∂ZABABA.[(as IÅME)] / s=an nahta

With an imperative : 457.6i5-8 [kuwapi]t=se=pa uitta ÆUR.SAG-i=ma=wa=at=san / [NI]M.LAL3=at udau s=an pedi=si dau

370.KBo25.151+26.136ob8 ∂UTU-us samenta s=an ∂Tawinas ID2-as irhi dalis

With a present 591.3A(KUB1.17}iii32-9 GAL MEÅEDI peran / huwai t=as hassi / tapusza tiyazi / t=kan walhiyas / 'DG KAB.KA.DU3-an / anda udanzi / s =an ANA GIÅ.d.INANNA.H.A / tapusza tianzi

627.KUB59.23iv1-7 [L]GL-us E2 halentu[waz] / uizzi 2 LU2.MEÅ E2.GA[L] / 1 LU2 MEÅEDI LGL-i pir[a]n h„yantes / HUB.BI=kan 1-ÅU nËa // LGL-us INA E2 ∂UTU paizzi (6) [s]= as KA2-as ÅAPAL / [n]episi esa //

1(OS).44-5 URU Hattusas=a[…] / takkista s=an tΩlahhun

1(KBo3.22(OS):45-48 maan=as / appezziyan=a kistanziattat s=an ∂Halmas[uiz] / ∂ si¢us=mis parΩ pais s=an ispandi / nakkit dΩhhun

URU URU 1(KBo3.22(OS):52-4 Salatiwara mËni=mmet nËh[hun] / Salatiwaras=a mËnahhanda g t„[… uËt] / [URU- URU ri]az ÉRIN.MEÅ=ÅU huittiyati s=an NËs[(a pËhut)enun]

1(KBo3.22(OS):69-72 [(ap„s=a an)da wahnut] / URU-riy[an h(ulalessar=set 1400 ÉRIN.MEÅ)] / n= 40 Z[IMDI (AKR.ÆI.A K)BR GÅKN] / apas=a [(huittitti s=as iyannis)]

URU 1(KBo3.22(OS):73-75 maan … [c.Purushanda (lahha pΩun)] / n= LU2 Purusha[(nda katti=mi henkua)s=sas … ] / s=mu 1 g ÅU2.A AN.BAR 1 PA.GAM AN.BAR [(hengur udas)]

3.1A(KBo22.2}(OS)o2-3 tuppus sakanda sunnas / n= DUMU.MEÅ=ÅU andan zikËt s=us ID2-a tarnas

3.1A(KBo22.2}(OS)o4-5 DINGIR.DIDLI-s=a DUMU.MEÅ-us A.AB.BA-az / sarΩ dΩir s=us sallanuskir

3.1A(KBo22.2}(OS)o6-7 maan MU.ÆI.A istarna pΩir nu MU[NUS.LG]L namma 30 MUNUS.DUMU hΩsta / s=us apasila sallanuskat

Not generally used in OS to introduce an apodosis, but very common to show a continuation in subsequent clauses. Common also in “final” clauses.

3.1A (KBo22.2}(OS)o14 kuin=wa sanhiskiweni UMMA=NI s=an wemiyawen

URU 3.1B (KBo3.38, OH/NS) obv. 18-19 [L]U2.MEÅ Zalpa IÅM¨=MA s=an=a[…]pinaz katta tarnir / ap„ss=a URU Hattusi taksu[l …]

URU 3.1A (KBo22.2}(OS) rev 4-5 [(m.Happi)]s ANA LU2.MEÅ Zalpa tarsikkizzi (var. tarsk[izz]i) „k=wa URU URU a[(tti=mi)] / [natt]a (var. UL) Ωssus s=wa Hattusa (var. Hattusi ) hengani pΩun

311 37. Clause Connectives: ta, åu and -ma 312

URU 3.1A (KBo22.2}(OS) rev 7 LGL-s=a IÅME s=as yannis (var. iyannis) Harahsus Ωrsa

312 38. Clauses 313

CHAPTER 38 CLAUSES

38.1 Clause Boundaries. Since Hittite scribes did not provide punctuation marks, one of the most difficult tasks of those learning the Hittite language is determining the boundaries of clauses. It is important to observe the boundaries which divide one clause from another, and not to inject words from a neighboring clause into the translation. This rarely helps and often distorts. The following general rules should help.

38.2 The conjunctions nu (written n- when followed by certain enclitic particles beginning with vowels, cf. §1.73), ta (t-), and åu (å-), when they are present, always stand at the beginning of a clause.

38.3 Enclitic sentence particles such as -kan, -aåta, -åan, -mu (“to me”), -ta (“to you”), the quotative -wa(r-), and the reflexive particle -z(a) are regularly588 suffixed to the first Hittite word in a clause. If the clause begins with a phrase based upon Akkadian or Sumerian words (ANA LUGAL), these particles will be attached to the final word in that short phrase (e.g., ANA LUGAL KUR URUÆATTI–wa–kan). 38.4 The finite verb normally stands at the end of its clause. In some cases it stands instead at the very beginning for emphasis, but it almost never occurs in the middle of a clause.

38.5 A combination of rules 1 and 3 would place the clause boundary in the sequence of words: LUGAL-uå åarΩ pait (verb) * nu–za DINGIR-LIM-in iyat (verb) after the finite verb pait and before the clause connector nu, where we have placed the * mark.. The two clauses are translated: “The king went up, and he worshipped the deity.”

38.6 Nominal and “To Be” Sentences

38.7 4.8 Aspects of Hittite nominal and “to be” sentences are discussed in §8.3, and in chapters 23 and 30. The following are a few rules that summarize their use:

38.8 4.8.1 Unless the tense is past it is not required that the verb “to be” (eå-) appear in such sentences.

38.9 4.8.2 The adverb kaåma may be employed (always initial), if it is intended to convey the notion that the equation of subject and predicate has just taken effect.

38.10 4.8.3 If the subject is either first or second person (“I”, “we”, “you”), the particle -za must be employed in Middle and New Hittite. It is not required in Old Hittite. -za is attached as an enclitic to the end of the first word of the clause.

38.11 4.8.4 It is normal for the subject to precede the predicate, whether that predicate be a noun, adjective or adverb(-phrase).

588 For exceptions see Neu 1993, and §39.1.1.

313 38. Clauses 314

38.12 4.8.5 The subject may follow the predicate under the following conditions: the subject is an independent pronoun and the clause contains a negative (natta DUMU–YA apΩå, but natta–aå DUMU–YA is also permitted), the following noun subject resumes an enclitic pronoun appended to the first word of the clause (daååuå–war–aå æalluwaiå “strong was it, (namely) the strife”).

38.13 4.8.6 In a nominal sentence which is causal (“because his mother is a snake”), the adverb kuit “because” occurs as the second word of the clause (e.g., annaå–åiå kuit elluyankaå ). If the subject in such a case is a third person pronoun, it is customary to use the enclitic pronoun (-aå) rather than the independent one (apΩå): elluyankaå–aå kuit “becasue she is a snake”, not *apΩå kuit elluyankaå. The clause which follows as the apodosis to the causal clause must begin with the conjunction n(u), and if the subject of that apodosis is a third person pronoun “he, she, it”), it must be the enclitic form n–aå “and (s)he”, n–at “and it”.

38.14 DEPENDENT CLAUSES

38.15 43.0 Hittite dependent clauses are not formally marked, either not by a special verbal mood, such as the subjunctive (cf. §9.1.4 ), or by inverted word order. The only overt characteristic of a dependent clause is its inability to stand alone. Sentences were composed either or one or more coordinate independent clauses, or by the combination of a dependent clause and an independent one.

38.16 43.0.1 In the terminology of traditional grammar one can identify the following types of dependent clauses in Hittite: (1) temporal (“when”, “while” or “until”), (2) causal (“because”), (3) concessive (“although”), (4) conditional (“if”), (5) relative (“who” or “which”), (6) indirect statements or questions (“that”, “how” or “whether”).

38.17 43.0.2 The manner of constructing such sequences varies over time in the Hittite textual record. The details have not yet been worked out for many of these syntactic structures. Preliminary study indicates that in the case of conditional sentences the manner of connecting dependent “if” clause (protasis) with result clause (apodosis) was significantly altered between Old and New Hittite. But even in OH the method seems to have varied. In studying the Hittite laws, Friedrich 1959 noted that the protasis was introduced by takku “if”, and the apodosis followed without introductory conjunctive particle. That is, the main clause was joined asyndetically to the preceding dependent clause. In the Old Hittite rituals, however, a slightly different pattern is found: the conditional clause introduced by mΩn or takku, and the apodosis by nu (so Otten and Souc√ek 1969 91-92). In NH compositions (not copies of OH or MH texts made by NH scribes), on the other hand, mΩn “if” invariably introduced the protasis, and the apodosis was always introduced by nu “then”.

38.18 43.0.3 Each of the six types of dependent clause mentioned above in §38.14 (*43.0.1) contained a characteristic categorizing word. In traditional grammatical terms we would call them “subordinating conjunctions”, although in Hittite they function quite differently from the clause connectives nu, ta, åu, -ma and -ya. The following table shows which categorizing word is appropriate to each of the dependent clause types.

314 38. Clauses 315

Clause Type OLD HITTITE New Hittite

1. temporal “when, until” mΩn, kuitman maææan, kuwapi, kuitman

2. causal “because” kuit kuit

3. concessive “although” mΩn mΩn

4. conditional “if” takku, (rarely mΩn) mΩn

5. relative “who”, “which” kui- kui-

6. indirect statement “that” kuit, maææan, mΩn

38.19 A seventh type frequently found in other languages, namely final or result clause, is not a dependent clause in Hittite, but rather a coordinate independent one. Compare the following example adduced by Friedrich: n–aå UL tarnaææun n–an–kan UL kuennir “I did not allow them; and they did not kill him” > “I did not allow that they should kill him”. Or this example from the laws: [takku LÚ-a]n naåma MUNUS-an ELLAM walæzi kuiå[k]i n–aå aki “[If] someone strikes a free [man] or woman, so that he dies” KBo 6.3 i 6 (Laws §3).

38.20 43.1 Temporal clauses in Old Hittite (OH) are frequently marked by mΩn “when,” which in OH was only beginning to gain the secondary meaning “if” that it acquired in NH (cf. §13.2 (*20.1.1) and §21.5 and kuitman “while, until”. Post clause initial kuwapi “when” first appears post-OH. But since in OH mΩn had uses other than “when” — for example, postpositional “like”, “just as”, interrogative “how?”, and indirect question “whether” (CHD mΩn mngs. 1-4), the temporal use “when” was marked by a consistent fronted position in the clause. Many examples can be found in the CHD mΩn article sub mng. 5. Here only a few as examples: mΩn DUMU.MEÅ URU Æatti LÚ.MEÅ ILKI uËr “when Hittites who were subject to ILKU-tax came (to petition the king)” KBo 6.2 iii URU 16 (Laws §55, OS); mΩn Tama[rmara ] arir “when they arrived at Tamarmara” KBo 22.2 obv. 8 (Zalpa text, OS); mΩn–aå åalleåta–ma “but when he grew up” KBo 3.7 iii 6. Notice in the last example how adversative -ma is regularly delayed to the second word of the clause (see CHD -ma f).

38.21 43.1.1 Other temporal clauses meaning “while” or “until” are marked by kuitman (cf. §§ 17.3.1 , §21.5). “Until” clauses follow the main clause asyndetically: nu É-ri–ååi anniåkizzi kuitman–aå lazziatta “and he shall work on his estate until (the injured man) recovers” Hittite Laws §10; t–an–za tuæåannai kuitman apËl GIÅGEÅTIN SIGfi-atta “he shall harvest it (i.e., a good vine) until his own (damaged) vine recovers” Laws §113. “While” clauses usually precede the main clause and are not asyndetic: nu kuitman ABU–YA INA KUR URUMittanni Ëåta “and while my father was in the land of Mittanni” KBo 3.4 ii 47 (annals of Murå. II); kuitman–wa–mu ∂UTU-ÅI / kÏ ÅA LÚ.MEÅ URUKaåka takåulaå / uttar æatrΩåi ammugga–wa / memian INA KUR URUIåæupita / æuåkimi “While you, Your Majesty, send me this word about making peace with the Kaåka people, I am awaiting word in the country of Iåæupitta” HKM 10:24-28 (Masat letter, MH). Several kuitman “until” clauses in a row are asyndetic,

315 38. Clauses 316 when they are synonymous, merely expressing the same idea in different terms: “This official will remain where he is” kuitman–aå uizzi kuitman–aå apiya EGIR-pa uizzi “until (the person whose safety is guaranteed) comes (to me) and returns there” Taw. ii 71ff. “Before” is expressed by kuitman … nawi (cf. §36.3.1 ).

38.22 43.1.2 The regular “when” word in NH is clause-initial maææan (also written GIM-an). maææan–ma / URU.DIDLI.ÆI.A wetummanzi zinnit n–aå URUAlmina / andan pait “But when he finished fortifying (lit. building) the cities, he went to Almina” KBo 5.6 i 5-7 (Deeds of Suppiluliuma I), maææan–ma æameåæanza kiåat “But when it became spring” KUB 14.15 i 23; with several “when” clauses in a row: ∂UTU-ÅI–ma maææan iyaææat nu maææan ANA URUÅallapa [aræu]n “When I had marched, and when I reached Åallapa” KUB 14.15 ii 7 (annals of Muråili II).

38.23 43.1.3 Instead of a single temporal adverb a form of the relative kui- modifying a noun of time (hour, day, year, night, time) may occur: kΩåa–kan ki tuppi / kuedani UD-ti parΩ / neææun n–aåta ÉRI[N].MEÅ KUR UGU / apedani UD-ti / aræa æuittiyanun / nu–mu–åan ziqqa / KARAÅ–pat æ„dΩk / arnut “On what day I have dispatched this tablet, on that day I have drawn forth troops of the Upper Land, and you must promptly bring troops to me” HKM 71:24-31; n–aåta ANA LÚ.MEÅ URUPaææuwa kuedani UD-ti kururaå memian anda iåtamaåteni nu apedani [UD-ti] / Ωrten KUB 23.72 + rev. 27-28; nu–ååi kattan EGIR-pa kuedani meæuni / Ωræun BÀD-eååar ÅA GIÅ-ŒI 40 gipeååar / katta uit “at what time I arrived back (there), a fortification (made) of wood (measuring) 40 gipeååar came down” KBo 6.29 ii 31-33; Ëpzi–ma kuedani meæuni nu namma aræa / UL tarnai “at what(ever) time (an angry deity) seizes, he doesn’t ever let go” KUB 13.4 ii 23-24; nu ∂SˆN-aå kueda[ni] / GEfl-ti åakiyazi nu apedani GEfl-ti / UL kuitki ienzi “On what night the Moon gives a sign, on that night they do nothing (i.e., all normal activities are suspended)” KUB 17.28 iii 21-23.

38.24 43.2 Causal clauses regularly precede the main clause and contain the word kuit “because” in post-initial (sometimes, but not usually, the Wackernagel) position (HE §323):

38.25 In “second” (Wackernagel) position: nu–wa æantezziå kuit / auriå “Because (URUZiggaåta) is the first border watch point” HKM 74:6-7 (MH/MS); nu–mu ∂IÅTAR GAÅAN–YA kuit / kaniååan æarta ÅEÅ–YA–ya–mu µNIR.GÁL / Ωååu æarta “Because IÅTAR, my lady, had honored me, and my brother Muwatalli held me in favor” KUB 1.1+ i 28-30 (Apology of Hatt. III); nu–za dUpelluriå kuit GEfl-yaå KI-aå / KI.BAD-aå nu–za aåi nu[t]tariyan DINGIR-LIM-in UL åakti KBo 26.65 iii 38-39 (Song of Ullikummi, NS); “Is it because you are remote from the Dark Earth, O Upelluri, that you do not know that upstart deity?”

38.26 Later than the “second” position: æalkiå–ma–<åm>aå apiya aniyanza / kuit nu EGIR-an tiyatten / n–an anda epten n–an–kan ÉSAG-æi / anda iåæ„itten “because grain has been sown for you there, get behind (the matter): gather it in and store it in the storage pits!” HKM 18 left edge 2-5 (MH/MS); [z]ig–a–za mÆuilliå (37) [M]A[Æ]AR dUTU-ÅI kuit Ëåta “But because you, Æulli, were with His Majesty” HKM 55:36-37 (MH/MS); ammuk UL kuitki kuit / dammiåæΩn æarmi UL–ma–kan / dΩn kuedaniki kuitki æarmi / QATAMMA–ma–mu kuwat dammiåæiåkanzi “Because I have damaged nothing, and have taken nothing from anyone, why are they injuring me

316 38. Clauses 317 in the same way?” HKM 68:4-7 (MH/MS); KUR URUNerigga–ma–z / LÚ.MEÅ URUGaåga kuit dΩn æarkanzi “But because the Kaåka-men have taken for themselves the land of Nerik” KUB 17.21 iv 6-7 (MH/MS);

38.27 One notes that, even when causal kuit appears to stand in the Wackernagel position, it either immediately precedes the predicate or divides a compoun predicate (æantezziå kuit auriå).589

38.28 Either the causal clause or its result clause or both may be asyndetic , in NH usually both are introduced by nu: nu–mu ∂IÅTAR GAÅAN–YA kuit / kaniååan æarta ÅEÅ–YA–ya–mu µNIR.GÁL / aååu æarta nu–mu–kan GIM-an UN.MEÅ-annaza / ÅA ∂IÅTAR GAÅAN–YA kaniååuwar ÅAÅEÅ– YA–ya / [aå]åulan awer nu–mu ¬aråaniyer “Because IÅTAR, my lady, had recognized me, and my brother Muwatalli held me in favor, when (mean- spirited) men saw the recognition of IÅTAR and the favor of my brother, (nu) they envied me” KUB 1.1 i 28-32 (Apology of Æatt. III); n–aå katta aåanna kuit SI≈SÁ-at / n–an katta aåaåæun “And because she (i.e., the Tawananna) was indicated by oracle to be removed (from her office) (lit. made to sit lower), I removed her” KBo 4.8 ii 6-7 (prayer, Murå. II). When the causal clause follows the main clause, it is introduced asyndetically: ANA PANI ÅÀ–[KA]–wa–z / duåkiåkitta LÚ-natar–mit–wa kuit paåta “Are your rejoicing because you have swallowed my ‘manhood’?” KUB 33.120 i 28-29 (myth, NH).

38.29 43.3 Concessive clauses (“although”, “even if”) can be introduced with mΩn …-(y)a or man mΩn … -(y)a “even if”: µUræi-∂U-upaå–ma–mu mΩn ÆUL-luåå–a Ëåta ammuk–ma UL karuååiyanun “But although Uræi- Teååup was hostile toward me, yet I was not silent” KBo 4.12 i 24-26; [nu]–za mΩn irmalanzaåå–a Ëåta ∂ UTU- ÅI–ma–ta / [ANA] AÅAR ABI–KA tittanunun–pat “Although you were sickly, nevertheless (-pat) I, My Majesty, installed you in the place of your father” KBo 5.9 i 16-18. But even without the -a, simple mΩn can introduce such a clause: man–za UL manga waådulaå / Ëåta [m]an–ta–kan É ABI–KA KUR–KA–ya UL aræa dair / man–at damedani kuedanikki pier “Even though you were in no way a party to the crime, couldn’t they have taken away from you the house of your father and your land, and given it to someone else?” KBo 5.13 i 19-21; cf. man–mu [mΩn KASKAL.MEÅ pera]n arpuwanteåå–a eåir “Even [if the roads before] me had been impassable” KUB 19.37 iii 51-53 (AM 178ff.).

38.30 43.4 Conditional clauses are clauses that express a hypothetical situation. In current English they usually begin with the word “if” and contain present or future tense verbal constructions. In one type (the so-called “contrary to fact condition”) a past tense verb is used, and an inverted word order (“had I only known that …”) can be employed instead of the more common “if I had only known that …”

589 Unless one is to translate nu–wa æantezziå kuit auriå (with predicate adjective preceding the noun subject) as “because the fortress/watch-point is the first,” it appears to violate the rule whereby a clitic subject is needed in “to be” sentences, unless the subject is non-referential (see § 18.9.1.3.1 and §19.9.1.4). Thus URUZippaåla should have been referred to in this clause by clitic -aå.

317 38. Clauses 318

38.31 43.4.1 In Hittite two types of conditional clause are distinguished: (1) the simple condition, which expresses either a possible eventuality in the future, (2) the same kind of future and possible event, but flavored with a higher degree of unlikelihood by the use of Hittite man, (3) a possible event in the past unknown to the speaker, and (4) the contrary to fact or unreal condition, which expresses an eventuality in the past once seen as possible, but which the speaker now knows did not transpire.

38.32 43.4.2 Conditional clauses of types (1) and (2) contain present-future (cf. §32.3 ), those of type (3) and (4) past tense verbs (cf. §32.5.4 ). Types (1) and (2) are introduced by either takku (in Old Hittite) or mΩn (in post-Old Hittite), both meaning “if” (cf. §43.0.2 on the diachronics). Types (3) and (4) are currently unattested in Old Hittite and always show mΩn as the “if” word. Type (4) contrary to fact conditional clauses contain past tense (preterite) verbs, and are introduced by the potential particle man (usually written ma-an or ma-no) and mΩn “if”. Often these two words are blended as ma-am-ma-a-an (from *man+mΩn).

38.33 43.4.3 The following are examples of the simple future condition — type (1) — in Old Hittite: takku LÚ.U⁄·.LU-aå LÚ-aå naåma MUNUS-aå takÏya URU-ri aki kuel–aå aræi aki 1 ME GIÅgipeååar A.ÅÀ kar(a)ååiyezzi n–an–za dΩi “If a person, man or woman, is killed in another(?) city, (the victim’s heir) shall deduct three acres from the land of the person on whose property the person was killed and shall take it for himself” KBo 6.2 i 7-8 (Laws §6, OS); note that the apodoses clauses contain present-future tense verbs (kar(a)ååiyezzi and dΩi) and are introduced asyndetically and by nu;

38.34 43.4.4 Other examples from OH texts copied by NH scribes (OH/NS) (cf. §32.3): takku–wa–åan kÏ æazzizi ta–wa DINGIR-LUM / takku–wa–åan natta–ma æa [zzizi] / ta–wa antuwaææeå “If he achieves this, he is a deity; but if he doesn’t achieve it, he is a mortal” KBo 3.60 ii 14-17 (OH/NS); takku DUMU.LUGAL / æantezziå NU.GÁL nu kuiå tΩn pedaå DUMU-RU nu LUGAL-uå apΩå / kiåaru “If there shall not be a first-rank prince, then let a prince of second rank become king” KBo 3.1 ii 36-38 (OH/NS);. takku DUMU.LUGAL–ma waåtai nu SAG.DU-az–pat åarnikdu “If a prince ‘sins’ (i.e., attempts homicide), let him pay only with his own person (not with those of his extended family)” KBo 3.1 ii 55-56 (OH/NS).

38.35 43.4.5 Hypothetical, but possible future conditions — type (2) conditions — are expressed the same way as type (1), but with man to express greater uncertainty in both the protasis and apodosis: man–kan ∂UTU-ÅI BELI–YA BELU / kuinki parΩ naitti / manKUR -i LÚ.KÚR UL dammiåæaizzi “If you, Your Majesty, were to send a lord (to lead an army), the enemy would not oppress the land” HKM 46:15-17. By his use of the irrealis man particle the speaker is not excluding the possibility of the king’s sending an army: instead he appears to be making a greater concession to the king’s freedom to choose: “If you were to send …, this would be helpful, but you may have good reasons for not doing so.”

38.36 43.4.2 Unfulfilled or hypothetical conditions (contrary to fact) — type (4) — are marked with man in both protasis and apodosis and sometimes mΩn also in the protasis. mΩmman (= mΩn man) dandukiånaå–a DUMU-aå ukturi æuiåwanza eåta / man–a–åta mΩn / antuwaææaå idaluwa inan arta man–at–åi natta kattawatar

318 38. Clauses 319

“If a mortal were to live forever, evil ills would remain (lit. stand)! Wouldn’t that be a punushment for him?” KUB30.10 obv. 21-23.

38.37 43.4.3 Sometimes the “if” word is unexpressed but understood: INA ITU.12.KAM DUMU-aå miyari apΩå DUMU-aå LÚÅU.GI-eåzi “(if) a child is born in the twelfth month, that child will live to an advanced age” KUB 8.35 i 9 (menology), waådul kuËlqa autti … nu–za pankun EGIR-pa punuåki “(if) you see a crime, always consult the pankuå” KUB 1.16 iii 59-60 (Political Testament of Hatt. I); NINDA-an–za wemiyanun n–an–za AƈTI–YA natta kuwapikki edun wΩtar–ma–z / wemiyanun n–at AƈTI–YA UL kuwapikki ekun “(if ever) I found bread, I did not eat it secretly; (if ever) I found water, I did not drink it secretly” KUB 30.10 obv. 16-17.

38.38 43.4.4 Often, in sequences of “if” clauses, instead of takku or mΩn, the word naåma “or (if)” introduces the conditional clause: naåma LÚ.KÚR GUL-aæzi nu pe æarzi / zik–ma peran åarΩ UL wa [(rriåå )]atti / nu LÚ.KÚR UL zaææiyaåi “or (if) the enemy attacks, and holds (the acquired position), but you don’t come to assist in advance, and you don’t fight the enemy” KUB 21.1 + KUB 19.6 + iii 50-52 (Alaks.). On occasions, however, the more complete naåma mΩn is employed: naåma mΩn KUR-TUM kuitki zaææiyaza LUGAL KUR URUÆatti anda æatkiånuzzi “of if the King of Hatti besieges some land in battle” Dupp. §16 lines 23-24; naåma mΩn ANA ARAD- DI kuedanikki / waåtul waåtul–ma–za–kan ANA PANI EN–ÅU tarnai “or if a slave sins, he shall confess his sin before his master” CTH 378.PP2.A rev. 25-26; naåma mΩn BELU kuinki kez / KUR-az laææiyawanzi uiyami KUB 21.1 + KUB 19.6 + iii 7-8; naåma mΩn DINGIR-LIM-ni kuedani EZEN› GA eåzi “or if for some deity there is a

Festival of Milk” KUB 13.4 iv 41.

38.39 43.5 The most common type of dependent clause in Hittite is the relative clause (CREF Chapter 13).

38.40 20.5.2 The structure of the Hittite relative sentence differs from that of the English one (Friedrich 1960 pp. 167f.). In English the relative clause is inserted in the main clause immediately following the noun or pronoun which it modifies, with the relative pronoun occupying the initial position in the inserted relative clause. (The preceding sentence is a good example of the English pattern.) Thus in English it is of critical importance that the relative pronoun immediately follow its governing word. This principle is important in languages which (like English) have at best only vestiges of the case endings to nouns, pronouns and adjectives. But in Hittite, where the case endings are operative, it is unnecessary for the relative clause to be inserted immediately after the head noun or pronoun. The structure of the Hittite relative sentence is conveyed by the following literal translation into English:

38.41 “What (acc.) woman the king loves, her (acc.) they sent to the land of X.

38.42 To what (loc. or all.) land the king traveled, in it (loc.) he remained and fought.

38.43 What (nom.) king loves the gods, he (nom.) will succeed.

38.44 For what (loc.) tablets I sent you, them (acc.) bring back to me.”

319 38. Clauses 320

38.45 20.5.2.1 In all the preceding examples the bolded “what” represents some form of the relative pronoun/adjective kui-, and there is a resumptive pronoun in the main clause (also bolded): “her”, “in it”, “he”. In Hittite it is usual to represent the resumptive by either an independent demonstrative pronoun (some form of apa- “that one, he”), by an enclitic third person clitic pronoun (some form of -aå, -an, -at, -e, or -uå, cf. §19.3), or by nothing . In the English relative sentence “The horse which he rode was large and strong”, the main clause is “the horse was large and strong”, and the inserted relative clause is “which he rode”. But in its Hittite equivalent “What horse he rode, it was large and strong” the main clause “it was large and strong” contains a resumptive, and the relative clause “what horse he rode” contains the head noun “horse”. In English the head noun “horse” belongs to the main clause, but in Hittite to the relative clause.

38.46 20.5.2.2 In the Hittite relative sentence, “what” (a form of the relative pronoun kui-) and “horse” agree in number (singular, plural), gender (common or neuter), but not in case. Example: kuedani åankunni watar piyan nu ap„n æalzeææun “to what priest (kuedani åankunni) water (was) given, him (ap„n) I summoned”. Note that the resumptive pronoun apa- always refers to the item designated by the inflected form of kui- in the relative clause. It therefore agrees with the noun accompanying kui- or referred to by kui- in number and gender, but not in case.

38.47 20.5.3 According to Warren Held (1957) [see also the supplementary remarks in Kalaç 1965], when the relative pronoun precedes its head noun (as in the example at the end of the preceding paragraph), the construction is undetermined (indefinite), i.e., “to what(ever) priest”. In such cases the relative can be clause initial. When the relative pronoun follows the head noun (åankunni kuedani …), the construction is definite/determined, and the relative is in the Wackernagel position. CITE ALSO GARRETT, DIE SPRACHE 36 (1994) 29-69

38.48 20.5.3.1 When the head noun is modified by the attributive adj. æ„mant- “all, every” and a relative pronoun (kui-), the word order is sometimes HEAD + REL + æ„mant-: nu NUMUN.ÆI.A kue æ„man åanæuta “all the seeds which were roasted” KBo 4.2 i 62 (rit.). Similar is a case with kuit “because”: nu=kan KUR-e kuit æ„man åarΩ pΩ[n] / Ëåta “Because the whole land had gone up” KBo 4.4 iv 7-8 (AM 134). But see above in 20.5.1.2.

38.49 20.5.4 Very rarely, forms of relative kui- stand for unexpressed clauses of the type “who (is/are there)”: UMMA ∂UTU-ÅI-MA ANAµ Kuikuiåanduwa kuedaå QIBI-MA “thus says His Majesty: say to Kuikuiåandu (and) who(ever are also there)!” (unpublished Ortaköy letter cited in Süel 1992 491; the lines which follow contain 2nd pl. imperative verb forms) Note: It is also possible that kuedaå stands for kuedaååa “to everyone” here.

38.50 20.6 The constructions with kuiåki are formed as follows. When kuiåki is used substantivally, it tends to take a position quite close to the finite verb (i.e., toward the end of the clause): n–aåta uttar lË kuiåki åarratta “let no one transgress the command” KUB 1.16 ii 49-50; naååu DINGIR-LIM-ni kuiåki peran waåti “or if someone (kuiåki) sins before a deity (DINGIR-LIM-ni peran)” KUB 1.16 iii 60 (OH/NS) (note how kuiåki interrupts DINGIR-LIM-ni peran); æaååanna (n)–åan–za–kan le kuinki kuenti “of his clan do not kill anyone” Tel. proclamation ii 45 (OH/NS); nu–ååi LÚ.KÚR-aå zaææiya menaææanda namma UL kuiåki mazzaåta “no enemy (LÚ.KÚR-aå … UL kuiåki ) dared any longer (to go) against him in battle” Deeds of Åupp., fragm. 28, A i 7-8

320 38. Clauses 321

(NH); nu mΩn kiååan kuiåki memai “And if someone speaks thus” Hatt. iii 74 (NH); åaææani–aå luzzi lË kuiåki Ëpzi “Let no one (lË kuiåki) seize them for land tax (or) for corvée” Hatt. iv 85.

38.51 20.6.1 When kuiåki is used as an attributive adjective, and the modified noun has no other modifying adjective, kuiåki immediately follows the noun: LUGAL-uå–an idΩlu kuitki iyanun “Did I, the king, do him any harm?” KUB 1.16 ii 16 (OH/NS); kuåduwata(r) kuitki … æarnamma kuitki “any slander … any rebellion” KUB 1.16 ii 35 (OH/NS); mΩn DUMU.LUGAL kuiåki waåtai “If any prince sins” Tel. procl. ii 59 (OH/NS).

38.52 20.6.2 But when the modified noun is also modified by another adjective, kuiåki goes to the end: namma–ma–za damain EN-an kuiå–aå kuiå antuæåaå ANA ∂UTU-ÅI awan aræa lË kuinki åakti “You shall not recognize any other lord (damain EN-an … kuinki) behind the back of His Majesty, no matter what kind of man he be” KBo 5.3+ i 14-15 (Æuqq.); nu–wa damedani–ya utnË UL kuedanikki æatranun “I have written/sent to no other land” Deeds of Åupp., fragm. 28, A iv? 8-9(?). In some cases the form of kuiåki even follows the finite verb at the end of the clause: [takku LÚ-a]n naåma MUNUS-an ELLAM walæzi kuiå[k]i n–aå aki “If anyone strikes a free man or woman, so that s/he dies” Hittite Laws §3 (KBo 6.3 i 6-7); [n]aåma–åmaå EGIR-ziaz iåtamaåzi kuiåki kuitki INA É.GAL-LIM–ma–at UL memai “or if anyone of you subsequently hears anything, but doesn’t tell it to the palace” KUB 21.42 + 26.12 + i 33-34; mΩn–a ANA NUMUN µ∂LAMMA nakkiåzi kuitki Bronze Tablet ii 75-77 (Tudh. IV); mΩn tuk–ma µKupanta-∂]LAMMA-an waggariyazzi kuiåki “if anyone revolts against you, Kupanta- LAMMA” KUB 19.54 iv 8 (Murs. II treaty w. Kupanta-LAMMA).

38.53 43.6 Indirect statements or indirect questions generally follow the main clause. Indirect statements usually contain kuit “that”: ammËl kΩå–pat 1-aå dammeåæaå kÏ–an 1-an dammeåæanunun IÅTU É.GAL- LIM–pat–kan kuit katta uiyanun “This was my only punishment (of the Tawannanna): I punished her with one thing: only that (kuit) I sent her down from the palace” KBo 4.8 ii 12ff.; often after verbs of perception (seeing, hearing, knowing): maææan–ma LÚ.MEÅ URUAååur awer URU.DIDLI.ÆI.A BÀD–kan kuit zaææiyaz katta daåkiwan teææun “When the Assyrians saw that I had begun to capture fortified cities in battle” KBo 4.4 iv 28-29; nu µAitakkamaå kuiå LUGAL URUKinza Ëåta nu–ååi µNÍG.BA.dU-aå [kuiå / æant]ezziå DUMU-laå Ëåta nu maææan auåta / [anda]–kan kuit æatkeånuwanteå nu–åmaå æalkiuå namma / [tepaw]eåzi nu–za µNiqma-∂U-aå µAitakkaman ABU–ÅU kuenta “When Niqmadda, the oldest son of Aitakkama, king of Kadesh, saw that they were besieged, and that their grain supplies were low, Niqmaddu killed Aitakkama, his father” AMD 112 ii 3-6.

38.54 With the verb “to know that …” one can also use a construction like this: kinun–wa–z n„wa MUNUS.MEÅÅU.GI[-uå] / [punuåkiz]zi UL åaggaææi “I don’t know if she is still consulting Old Women” KUB 1.16 iii 68-69.

38.55 43.6.1 Also with a preceding maææan “how?” clause instead of a following kuit clause: maææan–a uk µTudæaliyaå LUGAL.GAL LUGAL-ezziaæat / nu antuæåan wiyanun nu–kan AWAT NA›æekur SAG.UÅ / maææan ÅA ∂U kuntarra andan gulåanza n–an auåta “And when I, Tudæaliya the Great King became king, I sent a man,

321 38. Clauses 322 and he saw how the matter of the æekur sanctuary was inscribed inside the kuntarra shrine of the Stormgod” Bronze Tablet i 99-101.

38.56 43.6.2 Instead of a kuit or maææan clause verbs of perception or speaking can take an adjective, noun or participle as a second direct object: ammuk–war–an akkantan IQBI “he told me it was dead” KUB 13.35 iii 17; maææan–ma KUR.KUR.MEÅ LÚ.KÚR µArnuandan ÅEÅ-YA irman iåtamaååir “But when the enemy lands heard that my brother Arnuanda was ill” KBo 3.4 i 6-7 (annals of Murå. II).

38.57 43.6.3 Indirect questions usually contain mΩn “if, whether”: nu BELU LÚ.MEÅ KUR-TI–pat punuå mΩn ammuk åaææan luzzi iååaææun “O lord, just ask the men of the land if I ever had to perform åaææan and luzzi obligations!” HKM 52:34-39 (Masat letter) nu m[Uræiteå]upaå kuit apiya / n–an punuå mΩn kiå(å)an mΩn UL kiååan “Since Uræi-Teååub is there, just ask him if it is so or not so” KUB 21.38 obv. 11-12 (letter, NH).

38.58 43.6.3.1 For correlating mΩn … mΩn “whether … or” questions CREF §30.24 (*37.3.2).

38.59 Clause Connectives in New Hittite

38.60 In New Hittite the sentence connectives are nu, –ma, – (y)a and clause initial namma “then, next”. The following are the accepted patterns for parataxis and subordination. The principal types of subordinate clauses are temporal (introduced by maææan or containing kuwapi), conditional or concessive (introduced by mΩn), causal (containing kuit), and relative (containing a form of kui-).

38.61 Temporal clauses introduced by maææan. The most common pattern is temporal clause followed by a nu- introduced main clause. maææan–ma ABI ABI–YA apez EGIR-[pa u]it / n–aå INA KUR URUÆayaåa pait DS frag. 13 D iv 40-42; [nu–kan] maææan ABU–YA ÅÀ KUR-TI araå / [nu–ka]n 'L KÚR URUGaågaå kuiå INA ÅÀ KUR URUÆatti / uwanza eåta nu KUR-e mekki idalawaæta DS frag. 14:F iii 12-16.

38.62 The preposed subordinate clause can itself be linked to its preceding context by the connective nu: nu ABU–YA maææan / nannai nu–kan edani pangawi LÚ.KÚR 1-anki–pat / anda æandaizzi DS frag. 15 F iv 28-31; or by the more disjunctive –ma: namma–aå EGIR-pa gimmandariyawanzi / URUÆattuåi uit maææan–ma–za–kan EZEN› MU.KAM-TI / karpta n–aå INA KUR URUIåtaæara pait “Then he came back home to Hattuåa to spend the winter; but when he had finished the annual festival, we went to Iåtaæara” KBo 5.6 (DS frag. 28 A) i 40-42.

38.63 A temporal clause can be followed by a causal clause (here connected by –ma) and then its main clause: nu–za maææan URU-an taræ [ta ABU–YA–m]a–kan DINGIR.MEÅ-aå kuit / naææa[nza eåta (nu)] åarazzi gurti / ÅA ∂[Kubaba (U ÅA)] ∂LAMMA / ma[...] UL kuinki tarnaå “When (i.e., after) my father had conquered the city (of Carchemish), because he feared the gods, he allowed no one [to spoil(?)] the upper citadel [or the temples(?)] of [Kubaba] and the Patron Deity” KBo 5.6 (DS 28.A) iii 31-35; The reason for the adversative –ma here may perhaps be made clear by a slightly different translation: “(Although) my father had conquered the city, yet (–ma) because he feared the gods, he allowed no one …”

322 38. Clauses 323

38.64 The same pattern can be seen with kuwapi: nu–kan uni LÚ.KÚR URUGaågan / ÉRIN.MEÅ ÅUTI kuin kuwapi damaåkit / n–an–kan kuwaåkit DS frag. 14:F iii 17-19; nu ABU–YAkuwapi µÆattuåazitin / INA KUR URUMizri IÅPUR n–an kiååan / kuit watarnaæta DS frag. 28.A iii 45-47; apeniååuwantan–ma memian kuwapi [(iåtamaåti )] / nu –za–kan memiyani (var. memiyanni) åer le k[(aruååiyaåi )] KUB 21.1 + KUB 19.6 + KBo 19.73 + KBo 19.73a ii 82-83 (Alakå. treaty); with several types of subordinate clause followed by main clause: nu ammel kuwapi AWATEMÅ DINGIR.MEÅ iåtamaååanzi / nu –mu–kan kuiå idaluå memiaå ZI-ni anda / n–an–mu DINGIR.MEÅ EGIR-pa SIGfi-aææanzi åarlanzi KUB 6.45 + KUB 30.14 + 1111/z (ZA 64:242) iii 45-47; ammuk–a kuwapi GIG-az TI-nut n–an–kan ammukka / anda kaneåta KBo 4.12 obv. 10-12; ABU-YAkuwapi µÆattuåiliå ANA µUræiteåupaå / DUMU µMuwattali menaææanda kururiaæta / n–an LUGAL-eznani aræa tittanut / ANA µ∂LAMMA–ma–kan waåtul UL kuitki Ωåta Bronze Tablet i 6-9; nu TUPPU RIKILTI kuwapi ier / ap„n– ma–za MUNUS-an µ∂LAMMA-aå ANA PANI ABIYA datta–pat naui “When they made the treaty tablet, Kurunta had not yet taken (in marriage) that woman in the presence of my father” Bronze Tablet ii 86-87.

38.65 Conditional clauses with mΩn: mΩn –wa LÚ URUAååur uizzi nu –war–an zaæ [æi]yatten “If the Assyrian comes, fight him” AMD 26 i 16.

38.66 When the potential-irrealis man is employed together with conditional clauses, there is a tendency to omit the clause connective (nu or –ma): nu–åmaå LÚauriyaluå kuit arantat mΩn–kan man ANA µPittaggatalli–pat warpa teææun man–mu LÚauriyaluå (var. LÚauriyatalluå ) kuit / ÅA µPitaggatalli awer man–mu UL duæuåiyait “And because sentries were in place, if I had tried to surround Pittaggatalli, because the sentries of Pittaggatalli would have seen me, he would not have waited” AMD 156 iii 14-18.

38.67 Causal clauses with kuit. nu–mu ∂IÅTAR GAÅAN–YA kuit / kaniååan æarta ÅEÅ–YA–ya–mu µNIR.GÁL / aååu æarta nu –mu–kan GIM-an UN.MEÅ-annaza / ÅA ∂IÅTAR GAÅAN–YA kaniååuwar ÅA ÅEÅ–YA–ya / [aå]åulan awer nu –mu :aråaniyer “And because IÅTAR, my lady, had recognized me, and my brother Muwatalli held me in favor, when people saw the recognition by IÅTAR and the favor of my brother, they envied me” Æatt. i 28-32.

38.68 Relative clauses with kui-. GUD puæugarin–ma kuedani UD-ti unuer nu –za ∂UTU-ÅI / apedani UD-ti warpta “On the day they decorated the substitute ox, on that day His Majesty bathed” Muråili’s Speech Loss obv. 18-20.

38.69 kuitman clauses which follow their main clauses are not normally introduced by nu: nu–kan MU.20.KAM anda pedaå kuitman–at EGIR-pa / Ëpta “Twenty years passed until he took it back” KUB 19.9 + KUB 21.1 i 9-10.

323 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 324

CHAPTER 39 SUMERIAN AND AKKADIAN

39.1 45.1 Much in Hittite language and literature is elucidated by Assyriology. It is impossible to fuly prepare students without some Assyriological background using only a few handouts or an outside reading assignment. Ancient Mesopotamian civilization (law, religion, economy, etc.) can be studied in any number of popular handbooks. One of the best is Oppenheim 1964. Those aspects of Akkadian grammar and writing system which affect the reading of Hittite texts can be found in Friedrich 1960, pages 170-182 (grammar) and Rüster and Neu 1989 (writing system). The best preparation is a formal course in Akkadian. For self-study the English translation of Ungnad 1992 is recommended.

39.2 45.2 Two grammars of Bo©azköy Akkadian, that is, the Akkadian unilingual texts written by scribes in the Hittite capital, exist. The older is Labat 1932. The more recent is Durham 1976. The latter was a Ph.D. dissertation at Harvard University, and is not available commercially. It is not the purpose of this chapter to treat the material examined by these authors. Rather what follows is a brief synopsis of Akkadian grammar as it appears in logograms found in Hittite contexts. It may seem strange to treat the grammar of what are essentially logograms scattered in sentences controlled by Hittite grammar. But it has been found useful over the decades of Hittitological study to have an orientation in Akkadian grammar in order to improve our understanding of the Hittite scribes’ use of these logograms.

ORTHOGRAPHY

39.3 45.3 Hittite scribes did not use separate cuneiform signs to indicate voiced and voiceless stops (CREF above in chap. 1). Therefore, they tended to be indifferent to using the correct signs for voiced and voiceless stops in Akkadian words. Akk. bËlti-ni “our lady) was written BE-EL-DI-NI, using the DI sign for what in Akk. is a voiceless stop. Akk. labka “moist” (masc. acc. sg.) was written LA-AB-GA, using the GA sign for voiceless KA, which required more strokes to form. In transliteration it is possible to use the TI› value to write BE-EL-TI› and KÀ to write LA-AB-KÀ. The transliterator in this way aids readers in identifying the intended Akkadian word, but such writings may tend to mislead readers into thinking that the scribe has sought to represent the voiceless phoneme, when in fact he has not. In bound transcription, on the other hand, we consider it proper to render Akkadograms in a way that they can be correctly identified in an Akkadian word list or dictionary. We willingly sacrifice the accuracy of reflecting what the Hittite scribe wrote for the sake of clarity of meaning. Thus Hittite TE-ÅI “spring” comes from the Akk. pl. dÏåÏ and will be written in bound transcription as DˆÅˆ. In restricted contexts rare values of signs were used: in writing Akk. bËli-ni “our lord”, Hittite scribes did not write BE-LI-NI, but BE-LÍ-NI, using the NI sign with its unusual value LÍ.

324 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 325

SUPERSCRIPTING

39.4 45.4 Superscripting in transcribing Hittite texts is employed mostly with determinatives. Sumerian words such as GIÅ “wood, tree”, URU “city”, KUR “country”, URUDU “copper”, NA› “stone”, TÚG “cloth, garment”, NINDA “bread”, LÚ “man”, MUNUS “woman”, ÆUR.SAG “mountain”, ÍD “river”, DUG “vessel, container”, etc., are often prefixed to words in order to identify their semantic class, category or material. A few determinatives are not prefixed, but rather suffixed to their nouns: MUÅEN “bird” and rarely KI “place” (cf. URUKI in MAÅKIM URUKI and EN URUKI).

39.5 45.5 The most common post-positioned determinatives are the plural markers MEÅ, ÆI.A, etc. But these are only determinatives, when they are suffixed to non-Sumerian words (i.e., Akkadograms or Hittite words). On Sumerian words they are inegral parts of the word and should not be superscripted. The argument is sometimes made that Hittite scribes saw no difference in this regard between Sumerograms and Akkadograms. But the point is, that we transcribe the logograms in the manner in which it is proper for that language itself, not as it might be deemed appropriate for a Hittite scribe. Hittite scribes did not transliterate, and they wrote nothing but after-thought text inserts as superscripts! The above method of superscripting is that followed by the CHD, as originally proposed by its co-editor, Harry Hoffner. Thus one should write URU.DIDLI.ÆI.A, not URUDIDLI.ÆI.A , but ÅIPTUMÆI.A “incantations”, ÆERITUMÆI.A “ditches”, NAMMANTUMÆI.A “measuring vessels”. The Sumerian plural marker ÆI.A (superscripted) was occasionally employed on Hittite words (kururiÆI.A , lapanalli ÆI.A -uå, æalkiÆI.A -uå), but MEÅ was not.

PHONETIC COMPLEMENTS

39.6 45.6 We follow the procedure of the CHD in not superscripting phonetic complements, either Hittite or Akkadian. No Hittitologist superscripts a Hittite phonetic complement, but many superscript Akkadian complements on Sumerograms. There is no reason to make this distinction. We therefore write DINGIR-LIM “god(dess)”, and DINGIR-LIM-iå. Even such apparently awkward forms as É.ÆI.A-TIM “houses” (for Akkadian bÏtΩtim), KÁ.GAL.ÆI.A-TIM “city gates” (for Akk. abullΩtim), KASKAL.ÆI.A-TIM “roads” (for Akk. æarrΩnΩtim ), DUB.ÆI.A-TIM “clay tablets” (for Akk. t≥uppΩtim), TUR.ÆI.A-TIM “small (ones)” (for Akk. œeær„tim), NÍG.BA.ÆI.A-TIM “gifts” (for Akk. qÏåΩtim), and KUR.KUR.ÆI.A-TIM “countries” (for Akk. mΩtΩtim) are not essentially different from lapanalli ÆI.A -uå and æalkiÆI.A -uå cited above. And there is no doubt that the final - TIM in BE-LUÆI.A -TIM “lords” was intended to be read as part of the Akkadian word. Admittedly, there were a few inept scribes who falsely regarded -TIM as a kind of universal plural for Akkadian words. When this happened, it was affixed to words where a final -tim or -dim cannot reasonably be assumed: GIÅBANÅUR.ÆI.A-TIM “tables” is inappropriate for the Sumerian loanword in Akkadian paåå„ru , which inflects in the plural as a masculine noun: paåå„r„/Ï. But this happened rarely and surely does not justify our treating -TIM like a postpositional determinative.

325 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 326

NOUNS

39.7 45.7 Sumerian nouns used as logogram in Hittite take no case endings, but can be marked as plural by one of several suffixes: MEÅ, ÆI.A, DIDLI, and the combinations MEÅ.ÆI.A and DIDLI.ÆI.A. The original distinctions of these suffixes in Sumerian texts need not concern a student of Hittite. The suffix DIDLI alone (i.e., without ÆI.A added) is very rare, and occurs only in the oldest texts. In a small number of cases a Sumerian word is doubled in the plural, such as KUR.KUR.MEÅ or KUR.KUR.ÆI.A “countries”, and in the case of DINGIR.MEÅ GAL.GAL “the great gods”, URU.DIDLI.ÆI.A GAL.GAL-TIM “the large cities”, 4 GIÅBAN TUR.TUR “four small bows”, the attributive adjective alone is doubled. This usage is occasionally extended even to a syllabically written Hittite noun: 5 gapinan TUR.TUR “five small threads”.

39.8 45.8 Sumerograms did not have to have plural markers, especially when the context or preceding numbers made the plurality clear. Since the Hittite nouns behind NAM.RA “deportees”, GUD “cattle”, and UDU “sheep”, when conceived in the plural, were u-stem nouns grammatically singular but with collective meaning, it was natural for them to often dispense with overt plural markers. And since, even in Hittite, the syntax of numbering permitted the counted item to be in the singular (§21.2.5.3), it is not surprising to find 5 GUD instead of 5 GUD.ÆI.A.

39.9 45.9 In Akkadian the noun inflects through three cases in the singular (nominative, genitive, accusative) and two in the plural (nominative and genitive-accusative).

39.10 åarr- 590 is the masculine noun stem meaning “king”. åarrat- is the feminine noun stem meaning “queen”. In the singular these nouns decline as follows:

nominative åarrum åarratum

genitive åarrim åarratim

accusative åarram åarratam

39.11 45.10 From this it is apparent that åarr- is the basic root of the words, -at- is a feminine stem-forming suffix, and the endings of the singular are -um, -im, and -am. The final m on these endings is omissible in the Hittite time frame. In the plural the forms in classic Old Babylonian are: nominative åarr„ åarrΩtum gen.-acc. åarrÏ or åarrË åarrΩtim

39.12 45.11 In the Hittite usage the gen.-acc. forms were often used in place of the nominative ones. What makes the masculine noun stem plural is the long vowel in the endings, which is not indicated in the Hittite writings of

590When we discuss Akkadian forms in their own right (for instance in the following paradigms), we will often write them in lower case italics, as we would if we were discussing an Akkadian text. When Akkadian words or forms occurring as logograms in a Hittite context are discussed, the Akkadian parts of the logogram will be written in upper case italics, while the Sumerian parts will be written in upper case roman letters.

326 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 327

Akkadian nouns. What makes the feminine noun stem plural is the long Ω vowel in the feminine root-forming suffix, -Ωt- (in some cases -Ët-). The final m in the feminine plural noun forms is also omissible. This omissible final m is called “mimation”.

39.13 45.12 Akkadian adjectives decline like the noun, except that in the masculine plural the ending is not -„, -Ï, but -„tu(m) and -„ti(m). Hittite scribes, like their contemporary Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian scribes, often used this adjectival masculine plural ending on the nouns. Thus B´L¨TI (written EN.MEÅ-TIM) was the plural of B´LU “lord”. And since in Hittite masculine and feminine are not distinguished in any grammatical category, it is rare — especially in post-OH — that any scribe uses a feminine form of the Akk. adjectives. Common Akk. adjectives used in Hittite texts as logograms are: ellu “free”, emœu “sour”, æaœartu “green”, labku “moist”, rÏqu “empty”, and åalmu “complete”.

39.14 45.13 As (somewhat carelessly) used by the Hittite scribes, whose knowledge of Akkadian was rudimentary, the properly nominative ending -u(m) is often used for the accusative, while the proper endings for acc. and gen. are much less frequently used for the nominative. E.g., the Akkadian nominative DINGIR-LUM (= Akk. ilum) “god” can be a direct object in Hittite context, while the Akkadian genitive DINGIR-LIM is often used as a nominative, when there is also a clarifying Hittite nominative case ending added (DINGIR-LIM-iå for *åiuniå). The Akkadian accusative form DINGIR-LAM is extremely rare as anything but a direct object.

39.15 45.14 The combination of two nouns in a possessor + possessed relationship (“the king’s son”) is differently constructed in Akkadian than Hittite. In Hittite one wrote æaååuwaå DUMU.NITA (i.e., “of the king + the son”). In Akkadian the noun denoting the possessed comes first, assuming a form called the “construct state”. This construct form is followed by the possessor: mΩr “son (in construct)” + åarri(m) “of the king”. The construct state of a noun is formed by removing the case ending: mΩru(m) “son” (nom. sg.), mΩr “son (of)” (construct), åarratu(m) “queen”, åarrat “queen (of)” (construct), and thus mΩtΩt “lands (of)”, amËl„t “men (of)”. Phonetic complements of Akkadograms in construct are never written. When the resulting stem would end in a doubled consonant, sometimes the doubling is preserved by adding a short i (øuppi “tablet (of)”, libbi “heart (of)”) and at other times, when the final doubled consonant is a liquid or resonant, it is simplified (åarrum “king”, åar “king (of)”, abullum “city gate”, abul “gate (of)”). The most frequent construct forms encountered in Hittite contexts are B´L “lord (of)”, ØUPPI “tablet (of)”, P¸N “face (of), before”, Q¸T “hand (of)”, ÅAPAL “underside (of), below”, AÅÅUM(contracted in Akk. itself from earlier ana å„m) “for the sake of”, and AÅAR “place (of)”. The construct form of å„mu “name” has become a frozen form in Hittite, never having a case ending, as if the scribes thought it to be a Sumerogram: ÅUM.

39.16 45.15 (CREF §39.36) The familiar Akkadian prepositions INA “in(to)”, ANA “to”, “for”, IÅTU “from, with”, QADU “with”, ITTI “together with”, and MAÆAR“before” are followed by nouns in the Akkadian genitive case or by a Sumerogram with an Akkadian complement to indicate case, e.g., IÅTU KUR-TI (= Akk. iåtu mΩti) “from the land”.

327 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 328

39.17 45.16 Akkadian nouns take possessive suffixes:

39.18 With Singular Nouns nom.-acc. gen. mΩri-ya 591 “my son” mΩri-ya “of my son” mΩr-ka “your (masc. sg.) son” mΩri-ka “of your son” mΩr-ki592 “your (fem.sg.) son” mΩri-ki2 “of your son” mΩr-åu “his son” mΩri-åu “of his son” mΩr-åa2 “her son” mΩri-åa “of her son” mΩr-ni “our son” mΩri-ni “of our son” mΩr-kunu “your (masc.pl.) son” mΩri-kunu “of your son” mΩr-kina “your (fem.pl.) son” mΩri-kina “of your son” mΩr-åunu “their (m.pl.) son” mΩri-åunu “of their son” mΩr-åina “their (fem.pl.) son” mΩri-åina “of their son”

39.19 45.17 Most examples of possessive suffixes you will see in a Hittite text will be affixed to Sumerograms, much less often to Akkadograms (BE-LÍ-NI “our lord”, UM-MA-NI “our mother”), and not at all to Hittite words. And since in Hittite there was no masculine-feminine distinction in inflectional forms, the suffixes -KI “your” and -ÅA “her” are quite rare, and -KINA “your (pl.)” and -ÅINA “their” virtually nonexistent.

39.20 45.18 When a possessive suffix beginning with an å immediately follows a noun stem ending in a dental (e.g., feminines ending in -at-), the sequence *ts assimilates to ss. Thus KUR-SU (written KUR-ZU) stands for Akkadian mΩssu < *mΩt + -åu “his land”, and QA-AS-SÚ “his hand” derives from the combination of qΩt (construct of qΩtu “hand”) and -åu “his”. An amusing example of Hittite scribal misunderstanding of such suffixes is the word “husband”, Akk. m„tu. Since the form “her husband” with feminine possessive suffix -åa, was m„ssa, Hittite scribes mistook this for the noun stem itself and added the masculine(!) possessive suffix -åu to it, making MU-ZA- ÅU “her husband”!

THE VERB

39.21 45.19 (old §9.3) Since, especially in NH, the scribes utilized Akkadian verbs as logograms for their Hittite counterparts, a brief summary of the Akkadian verb is necessary here.593 But since the Hittite scribes

591 In classical Old Babylonian this would be mΩr-Ï, but Hittite scribes always wrote the suffix “my” as -YA.

592Often the distinctively feminine suffixes (-ki, -åa, -kina, -åina) are replaced by the more common masculine ones: -ka, - åu, -kunu, -åunu.

328 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 329 used only a few of the most common Akkadian verbs as logograms, and usually in the preterite tense, even when in good Akkadian the present-future is called for, the student of Hittite does not require the detailed control of Akkadian verbal paradigms which would be required for reading Akkadian texts.

39.22 45.20 (old 9.3.1) The Akkadian language belongs to the Semitic family. As such its verbal conjugation is based upon a combination of prefixes, suffixes, and patterns of internal vowels. Each Akkadian verb has a consonantal skeleton which we call a root. Most of these are triconsonantal (sometimes called “strong” roots), e.g., åpr “to send”. The dictionaries list the verbs by their inifinitve form. For those attested in the G- or Basic Stem this infinitive takes the form C⁄aC¤ΩC‹u(m), where C⁄, C¤ and C‹ represent the first, second and third consonants of the strong root. The verb “to send” would be listed as åapΩru(m).

39.23 45.21 (old 9.3.2) The combination of prefixes and suffixes used for the preterite (past tense) paradigm follows:

Translation Prefix Stem Suffix

“I sent” a- åpur 594

“You (masc. sg.) sent”595 ta- åpur

“He596 sent” i- åpur

“We sent” ni- åpur

“You (pl.) sent” ta- åpur -Ω

“They (masc.) sent”597 i- åpur -„

39.24 45.22 The present-future tense forms in Akkadian — paradigm forms aåappar, taåappar, iåappar — are extremely rare as logograms in Hittite. In the land grant texts the form IRAGGUM from ragΩmu “to (legally) contest (a claim)” is found, going back to OH or MH usage. But otherwise, such forms are not to be found.

39.25 45.23 “You (pl.)” forms of Akkadian verbs (taåpurΩ ) are rare, if indeed existent as logograms.

593Students who can are advised to take an introductory course in Akkadian or to secure a beginning grammar of Akkadian for self study. What follows in this chapter makes no claim to completeness. For reading the Bo©azköy texts composed completely in Akkadian one should consult Labat 1932. 594åpur is the preterite stem of åapΩru . The corresponding present-future forms of the paradigm contain the present-future stem -åappar-. 595 The corresponding feminine form taåpurÏ is unused in Hittite logograms, since Hittite did not distinguish masc. from fem. grammatically. 596In Akkadian there is also a “she sent” form taåpur , but in Hittite texts the “he sent” form is used for both genders.

597 The corresponding feminine form iåpurΩ is unused in Hittite logograms, since Hittite did not distinguish masc. from fem. grammatically.

329 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 330

39.26 So-called “strong” roots, triconsonantal with no weak consonants, inflect largely as indicated in the above simplified paradigm. Cf. AKRUB “I vowed”, IKRUB “he vowed”, AMQUT “I fell”, ASKUT “I became silent”, AÅPUR “I sent”, IÅPUR “he sent”, NIÅKUN “we placed, laid”.

39.27 45.24 The so-called “weak” verbs substitute a semi-vowel (y or w) or a long vowel for one or more of the three consonants of the root.598 Some “weak” verbs are actually biconsonantal. In traditional Akkadian grammars it is customary to identify the position of the so-called “weak” radical in a hypothetical triconsonantal pattern. Hence, the verb mâtu(m) “to die” is traditionally identified as “middle weak” (as if the triradical skeleton were *mwt). qabû “to say” is “final weak”, and epËåu “to do, make” is “initial weak”. The presence of a weak consonant in one or more positions of the root results in an inflectional paradigm that is quite different from that given above. For students of Hittite who cannot take a formal introductory course in Akkadian it is more practical to simply learn the individual inflected forms of weak verbs — which are limited in number in Hittite texts — as vocabulary items, than to seek to explain the paradigms of all types of weak verb.

39.28 45.25 Middle weak verbs occurring in Hittite logograms are: UÅMIT (causative Å-stem pret. of mâtu “to die”), Final weak verbs include qabû “to speak” (finite forms IQBI, AQBI, imp. QIBˆ, etc.), leqû “to take” (forms IL-QÉ-E), åemû “to hear” (forms AÅME, IÅME), banû “to build, fortify” (forms ABNI, IBNI). Initial weak verbs include amΩru “to see” (forms IMUR “he saw”), epËåu “to make” (form ´PIÅ “maker of”). Initial and final weak verbs include idû “to know” (form IDI, IDE).

39.29 45.26 (old 9.3.3) The paradigm given above in 9.3.2 is of the Basic Stem (called G-Stem, for German “Grundstamm”). There are also derived stems in Akkadian: the intensive-causative D-Stem (with doubled middle radical),599 the causitive Å-Stem,600 the reflexive-passive N-Stem,601 and variants of each of these with infixed -ta-602 and -tan-603 syllables.

39.30 45.27 (old 9.3.4) Some verbs color the a vowels in the prefixes of the G- and N-Stems to e: tËpuå (from root ºpå). In the D- and Å-Stems the prefix always contains a u-vowel, e.g., uåmÏt “he killed”, tuåmÏt “you killed”, uåkËn„ “they bowed”.

598This statement represents an oversimplification of the complex nature of the Akkadian verbal system, but it will serve the purpose of this brief survey. 599One of whose basic roles is to form causative or factitive verbs.

600Principal use to form causatives.

601Principal use to form passives of the G-Stem.

602Usually adding a reflexive idea.

603Usually adding a iterative or durative idea.

330 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 331

39.31 45.28 (old 9.3.5) The most common Akkadian verbs used as logograms in Hittite are œabΩtu (IŒBAT604 “he seized” from Akk. œabΩtu “to seize”, used for Hittite Ëpta), nadΩnu “to give” (IDDIN “he gave”, ADDIN “I gave”, IDDINU_ “they gave” from Akk. nadΩnu, used for forms of pai-/piya- “to give”), qebû (Final Weak) “to say” (IQBI “he said”, TAQBI “you said”), and åemû “to hear” (IÅME “he heard”, TAÅME “you heard”, NIÅME “we heard”). These forms occur so frequently and in such predictable contexts that they should not pose any serious problem in recognition.

39.32 45.29 Imperative forms of Akkadograms are limited to åupur “send!”, qibÏ “speak!” (sg.) normally at the beginning of letters, and misÏ “wash!” (written MI-I-ÅI) in Babylonian influenced rituals.

39.33 45.30 Participles are limited to construct LÚ´PIÅ “maker of”, LÚS´BÛ “brewer”, LÚN`ÅI ŒIDˆTI “provisions bearer”, and LÚŒ¸ºIDU “hunter”.

39.34 45.31 A fairly complete list of all inflected Akkadian verb forms found in Hittite texts can be found in HZL 362ff.

39.35 45.32 A commonly occurring Sumerogram verb which contain the verbal prefix BA is: BA.ÚÅ “he died”.

PREPOSITIONS

39.36 45.33 The following Akkadian prepositions are attested in Hittite contexts (CREF §39.16 (*45.15) for the case they govern): ANA “to, for”, AÅÅUM “for, as”, INA “in”, IÅTU “from, with”, ITTI “with”, MAÆAR “before, in the presence of”, P¸N(I) “before”, QADU “together with, along with”, ÅAPAL “under, below”. Some of these originated as constructs of nouns: MAÆRU, P¸N¨, ÅAPLU. They and other nouns often combine with a preceding preposition to form compound prepositions: ANA P¸NI and INA P¸NI“before” , INA MAÆAR“in(to) the presence of”. AÅÅUM“for the sake of, on account of” is such a formation, having derived from ana å„m “in/for the name of”. The Sumerogram EGIR without Hittite complement often stands for the Akk. pseudo-preposition (w)arki “behind, after”.

39.37 45.34 In general ANA covers the Hittite allative and dative cases. INA generally covers the locative, IÅTU the ablative and instrumental, P¸N and INA P¸N(I) the postpositional peran with preceding noun in locative, ÅAPAL the postposition katta with preceding noun in locative.

604The upper case italic forms represent forms actually found in Hittite Akkadograms. They are also found in Akkadian texts.

331 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 332

Bibliography

Alp, Sedat. 1991. Hethitische Briefe aus Ma®at-Höyük, Atatürk Kültür, Dil ve Tarih Yüksek Kurumu, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, VI. Dizi - Sa. 35. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi.

Archi, Alfonso. 1971. The Propaganda of Hattusilis III. SMEA 14:185-216.

Balkan, Kemal. 1957. Letter of King Anum-hirbi of Mama to King Warshama of Kanish. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi.

Barton, Charles R. 1993. Hittite zinni-, tuwarni-, zig and Related Matters. JAOS 113:551-61.

Bechtel, George. 1936. Hittite Verbs in - sk -. Ann Arbor: Edwards Brothers, Inc.

Beckman, Gary M. 1982. The Anatolian Myth of Illuyanka. Journal of the Ancient Near East Society 14:11-25.

———. 1986. Proverbs and Proverbial Allusions in Hittite. JNES 45:19-30.

Beekes, Robert S. P. 1995. Comparative Indo-European Linguistics. An Introduction. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Berman, Howard. 1972. The Stem Formation of Hittite Nouns and Adjectives. Ph.D., The University of Chicago.

Bittel, Kurt, and Hans Gustav Güterbock. 1975. Das hethitische Felsheiligtum Yazilikaya. Edited by K. Bittel, J. Boessneck, B. Damm, H. G. Güterbock, H. Hauptmann, R. Naumann and W. Schirmer. Vol. 9, Bo©azköy-Hattuåa 9. Berlin: Gebr. Mann.

Boley, Jacqueline. 1984. The Hittite hark-construction , IBS 44. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

———. 1985. Notes on Hittite place word syntax. Hethitica 6:5-43.

———. 1993. The Hittite Particle -z / -za. Edited by W. Meid, IBS 79. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

Brixhe, Claude. 1979. Le directif du vieux-hittite et ses ascendances indo-européennes. Pp. 65-77 in Florilegium Anatolicum. Mélanges offerts à Emmanuel Laroche, edited by E. Masson. Paris: Éditions E. de Boccard.

Bush, Frederick W. 1964. A Grammar of the Hurrian Language. Ph.D., Mediterranean Studies, Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass.

Carruba, Onofrio. 1964. Hethitisch -(a)åta, -(a)pa und die anderen 'Ortsbezugspartikeln'. Or NS 33:405ff.

———. 1966. Das Beschwörungsritual für die Göttin Wiåuriyanza. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 2. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

332 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 333

———. 1969. Die satzeinleitenden Partikeln in den indogermanischen Sprachen Anatoliens , Incunabula Graeca 32. Roma: Edizioni dell'Ateneo.

———. 1970. Das Palaische. Texte, Grammatik, Lexikon. Edited by H. Otten, Studien zu denBo©azköy-Texten, Heft 10. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1971. Hattusili II. SMEA 14:75-94.

———. 1972. Beiträge zum Paläischen, PIHANSt 31. Leiden: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Institut in Het Nabije Oosten.

———. 1978-1979. Sul genitivo in anatolico. ASGlM 20:31-32.

———. 1986. Die 3. Pers. Sing. des Possessivpronomens im Luwischen. Pp. 49-52 in Kaniååuwar: A Tribute to Hans G. Güterbock on his Seventy-fifth Birthday, May 27, 1983, edited by H. A. Hoffner, Jr. and G. M. Beckman. Chicago: The Oriental Institute.

———. 1989. Review of J. J. S. Weitenberg, Die hethitischen U-Stämme (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1984) in OLZ 84:422-27.

———. 1991. Searching for Woman in Anatolian and Indo-European. Pp. 155-81 in Perspectives on Indo- European Language, Culture and Religion. Studies in Honor of Edgar C. Polomé , edited by R. Pearson. McLean, Virginia: Institute for the Study of Man.

———. 1993. Hethitisch kuinna- 'Frau'; kuwansa- 'weiblich' und anderes. KZ 106:262-61.

Carruba, Onofrio, Vladimir Souc√ek, and R. Sternemann. 1965. Kleine Bemerkungen zur jüngsten Faßung der hethitischen Gesetze. ArOr 33:1-18.

Comrie, Bernard. 1998. The Indo-European Linguistic Family: Genetic and Typological Perspectives. Pp. 74-97 in The Indo-European Languages, edited by A. G. Ramat and P. Ramat. London: Routledge.

Dardano, Paola. 1997. L'aneddoto e il racconto in eta antico-hittita: La cosidetta 'cronaca di palazzo' , Biblioteca di Ricerche Linguistiche e Filologiche 43. Roma: Il Calamo. del Monte, Giuseppe F., and Johann Tischler. 1978. Répertoire Géographique des Textes Cunéiformes. Band 6: Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der hethitischen Texte. Edited by W. Röllig, Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients. Reihe B. Nr. 7. Wiesbaden: Reichert.

DeVries, Bert. 1967. The Style of Hittite Epic and Mythology. Ph.D., Department of Mediterranean Studies, Brandeis Univesity, Waltham, Mass.

Dinçol, Belkıs. 1998. Beobachtungen über die Bedeutung des hethitischen Musikinstruments GIÅhuhupal. Anatolica:1-5.

333 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 334

Disterheft, Dorothy. 1984. Non-final verbs in Hittite. ZvS 97:221-27.

Dressler, Wolfgang. 1968. Studien zur verbalen Pluralität . Wien: Böhlau.

Dunkel, George. 1985. IE hortatory *ey, *eyte, Ved. eta … stavama, Hitt. ehu + wa it, Hom. ei d'age. MSS 46:47- 79.

Durham, John W. 1976. Studies in Bo©azköy Akkadian. Ph.D., Near Eastern Languages, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA.

Edel, Elmar. 1948. Neue Keilschriftliche Umschreibungen Agyptischer Namen aus den Bogazköy-texten. JNES 7:11-24.

———. 1973. Hethitische Personnamen in Hieroglyphischer Umschrift. Pp. 59-70 in Festschrift Heinrich Otten , edited by E. Neu and C. Rüster. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Ehelolf, Hans. 1936. Hethitische-akkadische Wortgleichungen. ZA 44:170-95.

Eichner, Heiner. 1973. Die Etymologie von heth. mËhur. MSS 31:53-107.

———. 1974. Untersuchungen zur hethitischen Deklination (Diss. Teildruck). Ph.D., Erlangen.

———. 1979. Hethitisch gËnuååuå, ginuååi, ginuååin. Pp. 41-61 in Hethitisch und Indogermanisch: Vergleichende Studien zur historischen Grammatik und zur dialektgeographischen Stellung der indogermanischen Sprachgruppe Altkleinasiens, edited by E. Neu and W. Meid. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

———. 1980. Phonetik und Lautgesetze des Hethitischen — ein Weg zu ihrer Entschlüsselung. Pp. 120-65 in Lautgeschichte und Etymologie. Akten der VI. Fachtagung der indogermanischen Gesellschaft, edited by M. Mayrhofer. Wiesbaden: Reichert.

———. 1985. Das Problem des Ansatzes eines urindogermanischen Numerus 'Kollektiv' ('Komprehensiv'). Pp. 134ff. in Grammatische Kategorien. Funktion und Geschichte. Akten der VII. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Berlin, 20.-25. Februar 1983 , edited by B. Schlerath and V. Rittner. Berlin & Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert Verlag.

———. 1991. Review of J. J. S. Weitenberg, Die hethitischen U-Stämme (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1984) in ZA 81:155-57.

———. 1992. Anatolian. Pp. 29-96 in Indo-European Numerals, edited by J. Gvozdanovic. Berlin-New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

Forrer, Emil. 1922. Die Inschriften und Sprachen des Hatti-Reiches. ZDMG 76 (Neue Folge 1):174-269.

334 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 335

———. 1922, 1926. Die Boghazköi-Texte in Umschrift. Zweiter Band. Geschichtliche Texte, Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft 42, Hefte 1-2. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.

———. 1928. Ein siebenter Kasus im Alt-Kanisischen. Pp. 30-35 in Altorientalische Studien Bruno Meissner zum 60. Geburtstag gewidmet von Freunden, Kollegen und Schülern. Leipzig: Harrassowitz.

Fortson, Ben. 1994. On the 'sporadic' usage of -wa(r) in Old Hittite. Paper read at AOS Meeting 1994, at Madison, Wisconsin.

Francia, Rita. 1995. Costruzione e valore del pronome possessivo enclitico di prima plurale in Hittito. SMEA 35:93-100.

———. 1996. Il pronome possessivo enclitico in antico ittita: alcune riflessioni. VO 10:209-59.

Friedrich, Johannes. 1926. Staatsverträge des Hatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache. 1. Teil. Edited by F. Sommer, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft (E.V.) 31.1. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.

———. 1930. Staatsverträge des Hatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache. 2. Teil. Edited by F. Sommer, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft (E.V.) 34.1. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.

———. 1952. Hethitisches Wörterbuch. Kurzgefaßte kritische Sammlung der Deutungen hethitischer Wörter. 1st ed. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

———. 1957. Hethitisches Wörterbuch. 1. Ergänzungsheft. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

———. 1959. Die hethitischen Gesetze, Documenta et Monumenta Orientis Antiqui 7. Leiden: Brill.

———. 1960. Hethitisches Elementarbuch, 1. Teil: Kurzgefaßte Grammatik. Edited by H. Krahe. 2nd ed, Indogermanische Bibliothek. 1. Reihe: Lehr- und Handbücher. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

Friedrich, Johannes, and Annelies Kammenhuber. 1975-1984. Hethitisches Wörterbuch. Zweite, völlig neubearbeitete Auflage. Band I: A. Vol. 1, Indogermanische Bibliothek. Zweite Reihe: Wörterbücher. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

———. 1988. Hethitisches Wörterbuch. Zweite, völlig neubearbeitete Auflage. Band II: E. Vol. 2, Indogermanische Bibliothek. Zweite Reihe: Wörterbücher. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

Gamkrelidze, Thomas V. 1961. The Akkado-Hittite Syllabary and the Problem of the Origins of the Hittite Script. ArOr 29:406-18.

Gardiner, Alan. 1957. Egyptian Grammar (3rd Edition Revised). London: Oxford University Press.

335 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 336

Garrett, Andrew. 1990a. Hittite Enclitic Subjects and Transitive Verbs. JCS 42:227-42.

———. 1990b. The Origin of NP Split Ergativity. Lg 66:261-96 (Anatolian discussed on 65-80, 87-91).

———. 1996. Wackernagel's Law and Unaccusativity in Hittite. Pp. 85-133 in Approaching Second: Second Position Clitics and Related Phenomena , edited by A. L. Halpern and A. M. Zwicky. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications.

———. 1998. Remarks on the Old Hittite Split Genitive. Pp. 155-63 in Mír Curad. Studies in Honor of Calvert Watkins, edited by J. Jasanoff, H. C. Melchert and L. Olivier. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

Gertz, Janet E. 1982. The Nominative-Accusative Neuter Plural in Anatolian. Ph. D., Linguistics, Yale University, New Haven, CT.

Gesenius, W., E. Kautsch, and Arthur Ernest Cowley. 1910. Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar. Translated by G. W. C. a. A. E. Cowley. Second English edition ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Girbal, Christian. 1990. Zur Grammatik des Mittani-Hurritischen. ZA 80:93-100.

Goetze, Albrecht. 1925. Æattuåiliå. Der Bericht über seine Thronbesteigung nebst den Paralleltexten . Edited by F. Sommer, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft 29. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.

———. 1928. Madduwattaå, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft. 32. Jahrgang . Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.

———. 1930. Neue Bruchstücke zum grossen Text des Hattusilis und den Paralleltexten. Edited by F. Sommer, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft 34. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.

———. 1933a. Die Annalen des Muråiliå. Edited by F. Sommer, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft 38. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.

———. 1933b. Über die Partikeln -za, -kan und -åan der hethitischen Satzverbindung. ArOr 5:1-38.

———. 1938. The Hittite Ritual of Tunnawi, American Oriental Series 14. New Haven, Conn.: American Oriental Society.

———. 1951. On the Hittite Words for 'Year' and the Seasons and for 'Night' and 'Day'. Lg 27:467-76.

———. 1963. Postposition and Preverb in Hittite. JCS 17:98-111.

336 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 337

———. 1968. The Predcecessors of Suppiluliumas of Hatti and the Chronology of the Ancient Near East. JCS 22:46-50.

Goetze, Albrecht, and Holger Pedersen. 1934. Muråilis Sprachlähmung . Vol. XXI/1, Det Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. Hist.-filol. Meddelelser. Copenhagen: Levin & Munksgaard.

Goodwin, William W. 1965. A Greek Grammar. London-Melbourne-Toronto: MacMillan.

Groddek, Detlev. 1999. CTH 331: Mythos vom verschwundenen Wettergott oder Aitiologie der Zerstörung Liæzinas? ZA 89:36-49.

Gusmani, Roberto. 1979. Lykisch smmati. Pp. 129-36 in Florilegium Anatolicum. Mélanges offerts à Emmanuel Laroche, edited by E. Masson. Paris: Éditions E. de Boccard.

Güterbock, Hans Gustav. 1934. Die heth. Verben pËdΩ-, piddΩ- usw und die Lautwerte des Zeichens [the sign BAD is drawn here]. ZA 42 (NF 8):225-32.

———. 1943. Review of J. Friedrich, Hethitisches Elementarbuch. 1. Teil. Kurzgefaßte Grammatik. (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1940) in Or NS 12:153ff.?

———. 1945. The Vocative in Hittite. JAOS 65:248-57.

———. 1952. The Song of Ullikummi: Revised Text of the Hittite Version of a Hurrian Myth. New Haven: American Schools of Oriental Research.

———. 1955. Zu einigen hethitischen Komposita. Pp. 63-68 in Corolla linguistica: Festschrift Ferdinand Sommer. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

———. 1956. The Deeds of Suppiluliuma I as Told by His Son, Mursili II. JCS 10:41-68, 75-98, 107-30.

———. 1957. Review of J. Friedrich, Hethitisches Wörterbuch. Kurzgefasste kritische Sammlung der Deutungen hethitischer Wörter (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1952) in Oriens 10:350-62.

———. 1964. Lexicographical Notes II. RHA XXII/74:95-113.

———. 1967. The Hittite Conquest of Cyprus Reconsidered. JNES 26:73-81.

———. 1983. A Hurro-Hittite Hymn to Ishtar. JAOS 103:155-64.

———. 1992. Ist das hethitische Wort für 'Frau' gefunden? KZ 105:1-3.

———. 1995a. The Hittite Word for 'Woman' Again. KZ 108 (1):12-15.

———. 1995b. Reflections on the Musical Instruments arkammi, galgalturi and huhupal in Hittite. Pp. 57-72 in Studio Historiae Ardens. Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented to Philo H. J. Houwink ten Cate on the

337 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 338

Occasion of his 65th Birthday, edited by T. P. J. v. d. Hout and J. de Roos. Istanbul: Institut historique et archéologique néerlandais de Stamboul.

Güterbock, Hans Gustav, and Theo P. J. van den Hout. 1991. The Hittite Instruction for the Royal Bodyguard. Edited by T. A. Holland, Assyriological Studies 24. Chicago: The Oriental Institute.

Hahn, E. Adelaide. 1950. More about the Vocative in Hittite. JAOS 70:236-38.

———. 1969. Naming Constructions in Some Indo-European Languages, Philological Monographs of the American Philological Association 27. Cleveland: American Philological Association.

Hardarson, Jón Axel. 1987. Zum urindogermanischen Kollektivum. MSS 48:71-113.

Hart, Gillian R. 1971. The Hittite Particle -PAT*. TPS:94-162.

Hawkins, J. David. 1975. The Negatives in Hieroglyphic Luwian. AnSt 25:119-56.

———. 1979. The Origin and Dissemination of Writing in Western Asia. Pp. 128-66 in The Origins of Civilization, edited by P. R. S. Moorey. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

———. 1986. Writing in Anatolia: imported and indigenous systems. World Archaeology 17 (3):363-76.

Hecker, Karl. 1990. Zur Herkunft der hethitischen Keilschrift. Pp. 53-63 in Uluslararası 1. Hititoloji Kongresi Bildirileri (19-21 Temmuz 1990). Corum: Türk Kültür Bakanlı©ı.

Helck, Wolfgang. 1963. Urhi-Teåup in Ägypten. JCS 17:87-97.

Held, Warren H., Jr. 1957. The Hittite Relative Sentence, Language Dissertation No. 55. Baltimore.

Held, Warren H., Jr., William R. Schmalstieg, and Janet E. Gertz. 1987. Beginning Hittite. Columbus, Ohio: Slavica Publishers.

Hoffmann, Inge. 1984. Der Erlaß Telipinus, THeth 11. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

Hoffner, Harry A., Jr. 1966. Composite Nouns, Verbs, and Adjectives in Hittite. Or NS 35:377ff.

———. 1967. Second Millennium Antecedents to the Hebrew 'OB. JBL 86:385-401.

———. 1968a. Birth and Namegiving in Hittite Texts. JNES 27:198-203.

———. 1968b. Review of O. Carruba, Das Beschwörungsritual für die Göttin Wiåuriyanza (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1966) in JAOS 88:531-34.

———. 1969. On the Use of Hittite -za in Nominal Sentences. JNES 28:225-30.

———. 1971. Hittite ega- and egan-. JCS 24:31-36.

338 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 339

———. 1972. Review of P. H. J. Houwink ten Cate, Records of the Early Hittite Empire (C. 1450-1380 B.C.) (Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut in het Nabije Oosten, 1970) in JNES 31:29-35.

———. 1973a. The Hittite Particle -PAT. Pp. 99-118 in Festschrift Heinrich Otten , edited by E. Neu and C. Rüster. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1973b. Studies of the Hittite Particles, I. Review of O. Carruba, Die satzeinleitenden Partikeln in den indogermanischen Sprachen Anatoliens (Roma: Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1969). JAOS 93 (4):520-26.

———. 1977a. Hittite Lexicographic Studies, 1. Pp. 105-11 in Essays on the Ancient Near East in Memory of Jacob Joel Finkelstein, edited by M. d. Ellis. Hamden, Connecticut: Archon Books.

———. 1977b. Studies in Hittite Vocabulary, Syntax and Style. Hommage à M. Emmanuel Laroche. JCS 29 (3):151-56.

———. 1982a. Hittite mΩn and n„man. Pp. 38-45 in Investigationes Philologicae et Comparativae. Gedenkschrift für Heinz Kronasser, edited by E. Neu. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1982b. The Old Hittite Legal Idiom suwaye- with the Allative. JAOS 102:507-09.

———. 1983. A Prayer of Muråili II about his Stepmother. JAOS 103:187-92.

———. 1986. Studies in Hittite Grammar. Pp. 83-94 in Kaniååuwar: A Tribute to Hans G. Güterbock on his Seventy-fifth Birthday, May 27, 1983, edited by H. A. Hoffner, Jr. and G. M. Beckman. Chicago: Oriental Institute.

———. 1987. Paskuwatti's ritual against sexual impotence (CTH 406). AuOr 5:271-87.

———. 1988. A Scene in the Realm of the Dead. Pp. 191-99 in A Scientific Humanist. Studies in Memory of Abraham Sachs, edited by E. Leichty, M. d. Ellis and P. Gerardi. Philadelphia: University Museum.

———. 1990. Hittite Myths. Edited by B. Long, Writings from the Ancient World 2. Atlanta: Scholars Press.

———. 1992. Studies in the Hittite Particles, II: On Some Uses of -kan. Pp. 137-52 in Per una grammatica ittita: Towards a Hittite Grammar , edited by O. Carruba. Pavia: IUCULANO.

———. 1993. Hittite iwar and Related Modes of Expressing Comparison. IM 43:39-51.

———. 1995a. About Questions. Pp. 87-104 in Studio Historiae Ardens. Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented to Philo H. J. Houwink ten Cate on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday, edited by T. P. J. v. d. Hout and J. de Roos. Istanbul: Institut historique et archéologique néerlandais de Stamboul.

———. 1995b. The Stem of the Hittite Word for 'House'. KZ 108:192-94.

339 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 340

———. 1996. Review of J. Boley, The Hittite Particle -za / -za (Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck, 1993) in BiOr 53:750-61.

———. 1997a. The Laws of the Hittites. A Critical Edition, Documenta et Monumenta Orientis Antiqui 23. Leiden: Brill.

———. 1997b. On Safari in Hittite Anatolia. Pp. 5-21 in Studies in Honor of Jaan Puhvel: Part One. Ancient Languages and Philology, edited by D. Disterheft, M. Huld and J. A. C. Greppin. Washington, DC: Institute for the Study of Man.

———. 1997c. On the Hittite Use of Sumerian BAL in the Expression BAL-nu-. ArAn 3:191-98.

———. 1998a. From the Disciplines of a Dictionary Editor. JCS 50:35-44.

———. 1998b. Name, Namengebung. C. Bei den Hethitern. Pp. 116-21 in RlA 9, edited by E. Ebeling, B. Meissner, E. Weidner, W. von Soden and D. O. Edzard. Berlin, Leipzig and New York: Walter de Gruyter.

———. 1998c. On the Denominative Verb arΩwe-. Pp. 275-84 in Mír Curad. Studies in Honor of Calvert Watkins, edited by J. Jasanoff, H. C. Melchert and L. Olivier. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

Hoffner, Harry A., Jr., and H. Craig Melchert. 2001. A Practical Approach to Verbal Aspect in Hittite. Pp. in Memorial Volume for Fiorella Imparati, edited by S. de Martino and F. Pecchioli Daddi. Firenze.

Holland, Gary B. 1986. Nominal Sentences and the Origin of Absolute Constructions in Indo-European. ZvS 99:163-84.

Houwink ten Cate, Philo H. J. 1966. Mursilis' Northwest Campaigns - Additional Fragments of his Comprehensive Annals. JNES 25:162-91.

———. 1967. The Ending -d of the Hittite Possessive Pronoun. RHA XXIV/79:123-32.

———. 1970. The Records of the Early Hittite Empire (c. 1450-1380 B.C.), Uitgaven van het Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul 26. Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut in het Nabije Oosten.

———. 1973a. Impersonal and Reflexive Constructions of the Predicative Participle in Hittite. Pp. 199-395 in Symbolae Biblicae et Mesopotamicae Francisco Mario Theodoro de Liagre Böhl Dedicatae , edited by M. A. Beek, A. A. Kampman, C. Nijland and J. Ryckmans. Leiden: Brill.

———. 1973b. The Particle -a and its Usage with Respect to the Personal Pronoun. Pp. 119-40 in Festschrift Heinrich Otten, edited by E. Neu and C. Rüster. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

340 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 341

———. 1984. The History of Warfare according to Hittite Sources: The Annals of Hattusilis I (Part II). Anatolica 11:47-83.

Houwink ten Cate, Philo H. J., and Folke Josephson. 1967. Muwatalli's Prayer to the Storm-God of Kummanni (KBo XI 1). RHA XXV/81:101-40.

HroznŸ, Friedrich. 1915. Die Lösung des hethitischen Problems. Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft zu Berlin 56:17-50.

———. 1917. Die Sprache der Hethiter . Edited by O. Weber, Boghazköi-Studien 1-2. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.

———. 1932. Review of J. Friedrich, Staatsverträge des Hatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache. 1.-2. Teile (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1926) in OLZ 35:257-58.

Jakob-Rost, Liane. 1966. Beiträge zum hethitischen Hofszeremoniell (IBoT I 36). MIO 11:165-225.

Jie, Jin. 1994. A Complete Retrograde Glossary of the Hittite Language. Edited by M. J. Mellink, J. J. Roodenberg, J. d. Roos and K. R. Veenhof, Uitgaven van het Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul LXXI. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten.

Josephson, Folke. 1972. The Function of the Sentence Particles in Old and Middle Hittite, Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Studia Indoeuropaea Upsaliensia 2 . Uppsala: Akriv Service AB.

Kalaç, Mustafa. 1965. Anmerkungen zu der Arbeit 'The Hittite Relative Sentence' von Warren H. Held. JKF 2 (1- 2):275-82.

Kammenhuber, Annelies. 1955a. Studien zum hethitischen Infinitivsystem IV-V. MIO 3:31-57, 345-77.

———. 1955b. Zur Genese der hethitischen -r/-n-Heteroklitica. Pp. 97-106 in Corolla linguistica: Festschrift Ferdinand Sommer. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

———. 1959. Esquisse de grammaire palaite. BSL 54:19-41.

———. 1969a. Die Sprachstufen des Hethitischen. ZvS 83:256-89.

———. 1969b. Hethitisch, Palaisch, Luwisch und Hieroglyphenluwisch. Pp. 119-357 in Altkleinasiatische Sprachen, edited by B. Spuler. Leiden: Brill.

———. 1969c. Hethitisch, Palaisch, Luwisch, Hieroglyphenluwisch und Hattisch. Altkleinasiatische Indices zum Handbuch der Orientalistik , Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft Beih. 4. Munich.

———. 1979a. Direktiv, Terminativ und/oder Lokativ im Hethitischen. Pp. 115-42 in Hethitisch und Indogermanisch: Vergleichende Studien zur historischen Grammatik und zur dialektgeographischen

341 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 342

Stellung der indogermanischen Sprachgruppe Altkleinasiens. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

———. 1979b. Zwischenbilanz zu den hethitischen Enklitikaketten. Pp. 185-96 in Florilegium Anatolicum. Mélanges offerts à Emmanuel Laroche. Paris: Éditions E. de Boccard.

———. 1993. Kleine Schriften zum Altanatolischen und Indogermanischen. 2 vols, THeth 19/1-19/2. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

Klinger, Jörg. 1998. "Wer lehrte die Hethiter das Schreiben?" Zur Paläographie früher Texte in akkadischer Sprache aus Bo©azköy: Skizze einiger Überlegungen und vorläufiger Ergebnisse. Pp. 365-76 in Acts of the IIIrd International Congress of Hittitology. Çorum, September 16-22, 1996, edited by S. Alp and A. Süel. Ankara: Grafik, Teknik Hazirlik Uyum Ajans.

Kronasser, Heinz. 1956. Vergleichende Laut- und Formenlehre de Hethitischen. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

———. 1966. Etymologie der hethitischen Sprache I. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Kühne, Cord. 1988. Über die Darstellung der hethitischen Reflexivpartikel -z, besonders in postvokalischer Position. Pp. 203-33 in Documentum Asiae Minoris Antiquae, edited by E. Neu and C. Rüster. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Kühne, Cord, and Heinrich Otten. 1971. Der Åauågamuwa-Vertrag. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 16. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Kümmel, Hans Martin. 1967. Ersatzrituale für den hethitischen König. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 3. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Labat, René. 1932. L'Akkadien de Boghaz-Köi. Étude sur la Langue des Lettres, Traités et Vocabulaires Akkadiens trouvées à Boghaz-Köi. Paris.

———. 1988. Manuel d'épigraphie akkadienne. Sixième édition augmentée d'addenda par Florence Malbran-Labat ed. Paris: Geuthner.

Laroche, Emmanuel. 1947. Recherches sur les noms des dieux hittites (= RHA VII 1947). Paris: Maisonneuve.

———. 1957a. Études de vocabulaire VI. RHA XV/60:9-29.

———. 1957b. Notes de toponymie anatolienne. Pp. 1-7 in MnËmËs Kharin. Gedenkschrift Paul Kretschmer. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1958. Comparaison du louvite et du lycien. BSL 53:159-97.

342 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 343

———. 1959. Dictionnaire de la langue louvite , Bibliothèque archéoligique et historique de l'institut français d'archéologie d'Istanbul 6 . Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve.

———. 1962. Un 'ergativ' en indo-européen d'Asie Mineure. BSL 57:23-43.

———. 1965. Études de linguistique anatolienne. RHA XXIII/76:33-54.

———. 1966. Les noms des Hittites. Paris: Klincksieck.

———. 1967. Les noms anatoliens du 'dieu' et leurs dérivés. JCS 21:174-77.

———. 1969. Vocatif et cas absolu en Anatolien. Pp. 173-78 in Studi in onore di Piero Meriggi. Pavia: Athenaeum.

———. 1970. Études de linguistique anatolienne, III. RHA XXVIII:22-71.

———. 1975. Noms d'action en indo-européen d'Anatolie. Pp. 339-46 in Mélanges linguistiques offerts à Émile Benveniste. Paris: Société de linguistique de Paris.

———. 1979. Anaphore et deixis en anatolien. Pp. 147-52 in Hethitisch und Indogermanisch: Vergleichende Studien zur historischen Grammatik und zur dialektgeographischen Stellung der indogermanischen Sprachgruppe Altkleinasiens, edited by E. Neu and W. Meid. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

Luraghi, Silvia. 1987. Reconstructing Proto-Indo-European as an Ergative Language: A Test. JIES 15:359-80.

———. 1990. Old Hittite Sentence Structure. Edited by J. Hawkins, Theoretical Linguistics. London: Routledge.

———. 1997. Hittite, Languages of the World/Materials 114. München-Newcastle: LINCOM EUROPA.

Marazzi, Massimiliano. 1990. Il geroglifico anatolico: problemi di analisi e prospettive di ricerca . Edited by W. Belardi, Biblioteca di Ricerche Linguistiche e Filologiche 24. Roma: Dipartimento de studi glottoantropologici. Università "La Sapienza".

Mascheroni, Lorenza M. 1980. Il modulo interrogativo in eteo I: note sintattiche. SMEA 22:53-62.

Meier-Brügger, Michael. 2000. Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft. Berlin & New York: de Gruyter.

Meillet, Antoine. 1964. Introduction à l'étude comparative des langues indo-européennes . Edited by G. C. Buck, Alabama Linguistic and Philological Series, No. 3. University, Alabama: University of Alabama Press.

Melchert, H. Craig. 1977. Ablative and Instrumental in Hittite. Ph. D. Dissertation, Harvard University.

———. 1983. The Second Singular Personal Pronoun in Anatolian. MSS 42:151-65.

343 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 344

———. 1984a. Review of J. J. S. Weitenberg, Die hethitischen u-Stämme (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1984) in Kratylos 29:79-82.

———. 1984b. Studies in Hittite Historical Phonology, ZvS. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht.

———. 1985. Hittite imma and Latin immo. ZvS 98:184-205.

———. 1988a. Luvian Lexical Notes. KZ 101:211ff.

———. 1988b. Word-final r in Hittite. Pp. 215-34 in A Linguistic Happening in Memory of Ben Schwarz: Studies in Anatolian, Italic, and Other Indo-European Languages , edited by Y. L. Arbeitman. Louvain-La-Neuve: Peeters.

———. 1991. Review of C. Rüster and E. Neu, Hethitisches Zeichenlexikon (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1989) in Kratylos 36:122-26.

———. 1992. Hittite Vocalism. Pp. 181-96 in Per una grammatica ittita: Towards a Hittite Grammar , edited by O. Carruba. Pavia: Gianni Iuculano Editore.

———. 1994. Anatolian Historical Phonology. Edited by R. S. P. Beekes, A. Lubotsky and J. S. S. Weitenberg, Leiden Studies in Indo-European 3. Amsterdam/Atlanta: Rodopi.

———. 1995. Neo-Hittite Nominal Inflection. Pp. 269-74 in Atti del II Congresso Internazionale di Hittitologia, edited by O. Carruba, M. Giorgieri and C. Mora. Pavia: Iuculano.

———. 1996. Review of H. G. Güterbock and T. P. J. van den Hout, The Hittite Instruction for the Royal Bodyguard (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1991) in JNES 55:135??

———. 1997a. Review of H. G. Güterbock and H. A. Hoffner, Jr., The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, vol. P, fasc. 2 (Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 1995) in JAOS 117:713-14.

———. 1997b. Syncope and anaptyxis in Hittite. Pp. 177-80 in Sound Law and Analogy, edited by A. Lubotsky. Amsterdam: Rodopi.

———. 1998. Aspects of Verbal Aspect in Hittite. Pp. 413-18 in Acts of the IIIrd International Congress of Hittitology. Çorum, September 16-22, 1996, edited by S. Alp and A. Süel. Ankara: Grafik, Teknik Hazirlik Uyum Ajans.

Meriggi, Piero. 1966-1975. Manuale di Eteo Geroglifico (4 parts). Roma: Edizioni dell'Ateneo.

———. 1980. Schizzo grammaticale dell'Anatolico. Vol. Serie VIII. Vol. 24. Fasc. 3, AANL. Roma: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei.

344 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 345

Morpurgo Davies, Anna. 1986. Forms of Writing in the Ancient Mediterranean World. Pp. 52ff. in The Written Word, Literacy in Transition, edited by G. Baumann. Oxford.

Neu, Erich. 1968a. Das hethitische Mediopassiv und seine indogermanischen Grundlagen . Edited by H. Otten, Studien zu den Bogazköy-Texten, 6. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1968b. Interpretation der hethitischen mediopassiven Verbalformen. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 5. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1969. Review of W. Kastner, Die griechischen Adjektive zweier Endungen auf **-os (in IF 74:235-41.

———. 1970. Ein althethitisches Gewitterritual . Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 12. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1974. Der Anitta-Text. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 18. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1979a. Einige Überlegungen zu den hethitischen Kasus-Endungen. Pp. 177-96 in Hethitisch und Indogermanisch: Vergleichende Studien zur historischen Grammatik und zur dialektgeographischen Stellung der indogermanischen Sprachgruppe Altkleinasiens, edited by E. Neu and W. Meid. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

———. 1979b. Hethitisch kurur und taksul in syntaktischer Sicht. Pp. 407-28 in Studia Mediterranea Piero Meriggi dicata , edited by O. Carruba. Pavia: Aurora Edizioni.

———. 1979c. Zum sprachlichen Alter des Hukkana-Vertrages. ZvS 93:64-84.

———. 1980. Studien zum endungslosen Lokativ des hethitischen, IBS 23. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

———. 1981a. Noch einmal hethitisch heu- 'Regen'. Pp. 203-12 in Bono Homini Donum: Essays in Historical Linguistics in Memory of J. Alexander Kerns, edited by Y. L. Arbeitman. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

———. 1981b. Review of J. Tischler, Hethitisches etymologisches Glossar. Lieferung 2 (Innsbruck, 1978) in IF 86:347-51.

———. 1982. Hethitisch /r/ im Wortauslaut. Pp. 205-26 in Serta Indogermanica: Festschrift für Günter Neumann zum 60. Geburtstag, edited by J. Tischler. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

———. 1983. Glossar zu den althethitischen Ritualtexten, Studien zu den Bogazköy-Texten. Heft 26. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1985. Zur Stammabstufung bei i- und u-stämmigen Substantiven des Hethitischen. Pp. 259-64 in Sprachwissenschaftliche Forschungen. Festschrift für Johann Knobloch. Zum 65. Geburtstag am 5.

345 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 346

Januar 1984 dargebracht von Freunden und Kollegen , edited by H. M. Ölberg, G. Schmidt and H. Bothien. Innsbruck: Verlag des Instituts für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

———. 1986. Zur unechten Nominalkomposition im Hethitischen. Pp. 107-15 in o-o-pe-ro-si: Festschrift für Ernst Risch zum 75. Geburtstag, edited by A. Etter. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.

———. 1988a. Das Hurritische: Eine altorientalische Sprache in neuem Licht . Vol. Jahrgang 1988, Nr. 3, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GMBH.

———. 1988b. Zur Grammatik des Hurritischen auf der Grundlage der hurritisch-hethitischen Bilingue aus der Bogazköy-Grabungskampagne 1983. Pp. 95-116 in Hurriter und Hurritisch. Konstanzer Altorientalische Symposien. Band II., edited by V. Haas. Konstanz: Universitätsverlag Konstanz.

———. 1989a. Zu einer hethitischen Präteritalendung -ar. KZ 102:16-20.

———. 1989b. Zum Alter der personfizierenden -ant-Bildung des Hethitischen. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der indogermanischen Genuskategorie. KZ 102:1-15.

———. 1990. Das hethitische Wort für 'Frau'. KZ 103:208-17.

———. 1992. Zum Kollektivum im Hethitischen. Pp. 197-212 in Per una grammatica ittita: Towards a Hittite Grammar, edited by O. Carruba. Pavia: Gianni Iuculano Editore.

———. 1993. Zu den hethitischen Ortspartikeln. Linguistica 33:137-52.

———. 1997. Zu einigen Pronominalformen des Hethitischen. Pp. 139-69 in Studies in Honor of Jaan Puhvel: Part One. Ancient Languages and Philology , edited by D. Disterheft, M. Huld and J. A. C. Greppin. Washington, DC: Institute for the Study of Man.

Neumann, Günter. 1982-83. Zur Genese der hethitischen Vokative auf -i und -e, II. KZ 96:241-44.

Oettinger, Norbert. 1976. Indogermanisch *s(h¤)neur/n 'Sehne' und *(s)men- 'gering sein' im Hethitischen. MSS 35:93-103.

———. 1979. Die Stammbildung des hethitischen Verbums, Erlanger Beiträge zur Sprach- und Kunstwissenschaft 64. Nürnberg: Verlag Hans Carl.

———. 1980. Die n-Stämme des Hethitischen und ihre indogermanischen Ausgangspunkte. KZ 94:44-63.

———. 1982a. Die Dentalerweiterung von n-Stämmen und Heteroklitika im Griechischen, Anatolischen und Altindischen. Pp. 233-46 in Serta Indogermanica: Festschrift für Günter Neumann zum 60. Geburtstag , edited by J. Tischler. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

346 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 347

———. 1982b. Reste von e-Hochstufe im Formans hethitischer n-Stämme einschliesslich des 'umna'-Suffixes. Pp. 162-77 in Investigationes Philologicae et Comparativae. Gedenkschrift für Heinz Kronasser , edited by E. Neu. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1985. Thematische Verbklassen des Hethitischen: Umlaut und Ablaut beim Themavokal. Pp. 296-312 in Grammatische Kategorien. Funktion und Geschichte. Akten der VII. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Berlin, 20.-25. Februar 1983 , edited by B. Schlerath and V. Rittner. Wiesbaden: Reichert.

———. 1986. 'Indo-Hittite'-Hypothese und Wortbildung, IBS, Vorträge und Kleinere Schriften 37. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

———. 1987. Bemerkungen zur anatolischen i-Motion und Genusfrage. KZ 100:35-43.

———. 1988. Hethitisch - want -. Pp. 273-86 in Documentum Asiae Minoris Antiquae, edited by E. Neu and C. Rüster. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1992. Die hethitischen Verbalstämme. Pp. 213-52 in Per una grammatica ittita: Towards a Hittite Grammar, edited by O. Carruba. Pavia: Gianni Iuculano Editore.

———. 1994. Etymologisch unerwarteter Nasal im Hethitischen. Pp. 307-30 in In honorem Holger Pedersen. Kolloquium der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft vom 26. bis 28. März 1993 in Kopenhagen, edited by J. E. Rasmussen and B. Nielsen. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag.

———. 1998. Skizze zur Funktion der Reduplikation im Hethitischen. Pp. 451-56 in Acts of the IIIrd International Congress of Hittitology. Çorum, September 16-22, 1996, edited by S. Alp and A. Süel. Ankara: Grafik, Teknik Hazirlik Uyum Ajans.

Oppenheim, A. Leo. 1964. Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization . Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Ose, Fritz. 1944. Supinum und Infinitiv im Hethitischen. Edited by F. Sommer, Hethitische Texte. Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft. Heft 47/1. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs.

Oshiro, Terumasa. 1995. The Verbal Reduplication in Hieroglyphic Luwian. Orient 30-31:294-301.

Otten, Heinrich. 1951. Zu den Anfängen der hethitischen Geschichte. Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft zu Berlin 83:33-45.

———. 1959. Zur Kontinuität eines altanatolischen Kultes. ZA 53:174-84.

———. 1959-1960. Ein Brief aus Hattusa an Babu-ahu-iddina. AfO 19:39-46.

———. 1969. Sprachliche Stellung und Datierung des Madduwatta-Textes, Studien zu den Bogazköy-Texten 11. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

347 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 348

———. 1973. Eine althethitische Erzählung um die Stadt Zalpa, StBoT 17. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1981. Die Apologie Hattusilis III.: Das Bild der Überlieferung. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 24. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1989. Tiergefäße im Kult der späten hethitischen Grossreichszeit. Pp. 365-68 in Anatolia and the Ancient Near East: Studies in Honor of Tahsin Özgüç, edited by K. Emre, B. Hrouda, M. Mellink and N. Özgüç. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu.

———. 1990. Bemerkungen zur Überlieferung einiger hethitischer Texte. ZA 80:223-27.

Otten, Heinrich, and Vladimir Souc√ek. 1969. Ein althethitisches Ritual für das Königspaar , StBoT 8. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Pecchioli Daddi, Franca, and Anna Maria Polvani. 1990. La mitologia ittita. Edited by P. Sacchi, Testi del Vicino Oriente antico 4.1 . Brescia: Paideia Editrice.

Pecora, Laura. 1984. La particella -wa(r)- e il discorso diretto in antico-eteo. IF 89:104-24.

Pedersen, Holger. 1935. Zum Lautwert des Zeichens [the cuneiform sign BE/BAD is drawn] im Hettitischen. ArOr 7:80-88.

———. 1938. Hittitisch und die anderen indoeuropäischen Sprachen , Det Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. Hist.- filol. Meddelelser, XXV,2. Copenhagen.

Polvani, Anna Maria. 1988. Appunti per una storia della musica cultuale ittita: lo strumento huhupal. Hethitica 9:171-79.

Prins, Anna Adriana Maria. 1997. Hittite Neuter Singular - Neuter Plural. Some Evidence for a Connection. Ph.D., Leiden, Leiden.

Puhvel, Jaan. 1979. Hittite words with initial pít/pát sign. Pp. 209-17 in Hethitisch und Indogermanisch: Vergleichende Studien zur historischen Grammatik und zur dialektgeographischen Stellung der indogermanischen Sprachgruppe Altkleinasiens, edited by E. Neu and W. Meid. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

Raggi Braglia, Maria S. 1989. IE *per- 'volare' nelle lingue anatoliche. OA 28:201-11.

Reichert, Pierre. 1963. Glossaire inverse de la langue hittite. RHA 21 (fasc. 73):59-145.

Rieken, Elisabeth. 1994. Der Wechsel -a-/-i- in der Stammbildung des hethitischen Nomens. ZvS 107:42-53.

———. 1996. Beiträge zur anatolischen Sprachgeschichte. AoF 23:289-97.

348 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 349

———. 1999a. Untersuchungen zur nominalen Stammbildung des Hethitischen, StBoT 44. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1999b. Zur Verwendung der Konjunktion ta in den hethitischen Texten. 59:63-88.

Riemschneider, Kaspar K. 1970. Babylonische Geburtsomina in hethitischer Übersetzung. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 9. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Rikov, G. 1988. Zur Entstehung der hethitischen hi-Konjugation. Pp. 319-28 in Åulmu. Papers on the Ancient Near East Presented at International Conference of Socialist Countries (Prague, Sept. 30-Oct. 3, 1986) , edited by P. Vavrouåek and V. Sou√ek. Prague: Universzita Karlova.

Rosenkranz, Bernhard. 1952. Beiträge zur Erforschung des Luvischen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1978. Vergleichende Untersuchungen der altanatolischen Sprachen . Edited by W. Winter, Trends in Linguistics, State-of-the-Art Reports 8. The Hague—Paris—New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

Rost, Liane. 1956. Die ausserhalb von Bo©azköy gefundenen hethitischen Briefe. MIO 4:328-50.

Rumsey, A. 1987. Was Proto-Indo-European an Ergative Language? JIES 15:19-38.

Rüster, Christel. 1988. Materialien zu einer Fehlertypologie der hethitischen Texte. Pp. 295-306 in Documentum Asiae Minoris Antiquae, edited by E. Neu and C. Rüster. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Rüster, Christel, and Erich Neu. 1989. Hethitisches Zeichenlexikon. Inventar und Interpretation der Keilschriftzeichen aus den Bo©azköy-Texten. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT Beiheft 2. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Shields, Kenneth, Jr. 1987. On the Origin of Hitt. 2nd. sg. nom. ZIG. Hethitica 7:161-72.

Siegelová, Jana. 1971. Appu-Märchen und Hedammu-Mythus. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 14. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Sihler, Andrew L. 1995. New Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. New York: Oxford University Press.

Singer, Itamar. 1996. Muwatalli's Prayer to the Assembly of Gods Through the Storm-God of Lightning (CTH 381). Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press.

Sommer, Ferdinand. 1921. Hethitisch aruna - und die Partikel -pé. OLZ 24:197-201.

———. 1922. Hethitisches II, Boghazköi-Studien 7. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.

———. 1932. Die Ahhijava-Urkunden, Abh. d. Bayr. Akad. d. Wiss., Phil.-hist. Abt., NF 6. München: Verlag der Bayerischen Akkadamie der Wissenschaften.

349 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 350

Sommer, Ferdinand, and Hans Ehelolf. 1924. Das hethitische Ritual des Papanikri von Komana . Edited by F. Sommer. 1 vols. Vol. 10, Boghazköi-Studien 10. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs.

Sommer, Ferdinand, and A. Falkenstein. 1938. Die hethitisch-akkadische Bilingue des Hattusili I. (Labarna II.), Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Abteilung. Neue Folge. Heft 16. München: Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Speiser, Ephraim Avigdor. 1941. Introduction to Hurrian , AASOR 20. New Haven: American Schools of Oriental Research.

Starke, Frank. 1977. Die Funktionen der dimensionalen Kasus und Adverbien im Althethitischen. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 23. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1980. Das luwische Wort für 'Frau'. KZ 94:74-86.

———. 1990. Untersuchung zur Stammbildung des keilschrift-luwischen Nomens, Studien zu den Bogazköy- Texten, Heft 31. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Stefanini, Ruggero. 1964. Una lettera della regina Puduhepa al re di Alasija (KUB XXI 38). AIPhHOS 29:3-69.

———. 1974. Ancora sul vocativo ittita. AGI 59:37-42.

Steiner, Gerd. 1971. Gott. D. Nach hethitischen Texten. Pp. 547-75 in RlA 3, edited by E. Ebeling, B. Meissner, E. Weidner, W. von Soden and D. O. Edzard. Berlin, Leipzig and New York: Walter de Gruyter.

Sturtevant, Edgar H., and George Bechtel. 1935. A Hittite Chrestomathy. Philadelphia: Linguistic Society of America.

Sturtevant, Edgar H., and E. Adelaide Hahn. 1933. A Comparative Grammar of the Hittite Language. 2nd ed. New Haven: Yale University Press.

———. 1951. A Comparative Grammar of the Hittite Language (2nd ed.). 2nd ed. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Süel, Aygül. 1992. Ortaköy: Eine hethitische Stadt mit hethitischen und hurritischen Tontafelentdeckungen. Pp. 487-92 in Hittite and Other Anatolian and Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Sedat Alp , edited by H. Otten, E. Akurgal, H. Ertem and A. Süel. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi.

Szemerényi, Oswald J. L. 1996. Introduction to Indo-European Linguistics. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Taracha, Piotr. 1990. More about the Hittite taknaz da- Rituals. Hethitica 10:171-84.

Thomsen, Marie-Louise. 1984. The Sumerian Language: an Introduction to its History and Grammatical Structure, Mesopotamia. Copenhagen Studies in Assyriology. Vol. 10. Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag.

350 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 351

Ünal, Ahmet. 1977. Naturkatastrophen in Anatolien im 2. Jahrtausende V. Chr. Bell 41 (163):447-72.

Ungnad, Arthur. 1992. Akkadian Grammar. Translated by H. A. Hoffner, Jr. Edited by M. A. Sweeney. 5th Edition ed, Society of Biblical Literature Resources for Biblical Study, No. 30. Atlanta: Scholars Press. van Brock, Nadia. 1964. Les thèmes verbaux à redoublement du hittite et le verbe indo-européen. RHA XXII/75:119-65. van den Hout, Theo P. J. 1984. Einige luwische Neutra auf -sa/-za in überwiegend junghethitischen Texten. ZvS 97:60-80.

———. 1992. Remarks on Some Hittite double Accusative Constructions. Pp. 275-304 in Per una grammatica ittita: Towards a Hittite Grammar , edited by O. Carruba. Pavia: IUCULANO.

Villar, F. 1988. On the 2nd Person Singular Pronoun in Hittite and in Indo-European. JIES 16:1-8. von Brandenstein, Carl-Georg. 1939. Zu den hethitischen Jahreszeiten. Or NS 8:68-86. von Schuler, Einar. 1957. Hethitische Dienstanweisungen für höhere Hof- und Staatsbeamte. Edited by E. Weidner, Archiv für Orientforschung, Beiheft 10. Graz: Ernst Weidner. von Soden, Wolfram. 1952. Grundriss der akkadischen Grammatik , Analecta Orientalia 33 . Rome: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum.

Wagner, Heinrich. 1985. Das Hethitische vom Standpunkte der typologischen Sprachgeographie. Edited by E. Campanile, Testi linguistici 7. Pisa: Giardini Editori e Stampatori.

Watkins, Calvert. 1973. Hittite and Indo-European Studies: The Denominative Statives in -Ë-. TPS:51-93.

———. 1982. Notes on the Plural Formations of the Hittite Neuters. Pp. 252-62 in Investigationes Philologicae et Comparativae. Gedenkschrift für Heinz Kronasser, edited by E. Neu. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

———. 1998. Proto-Indo-European: Comparison and Reconstruction. Pp. 25-73 in The Indo-European Languages, edited by A. G. Ramat and P. Ramat. London: Routledge.

Weitenberg, Joseph Johannes Sicco. 1984. Die hethitischen U-Stämme. Amsterdam: Rodopi.

———. 1995. Sigmatization and Thematization in Hittite. Pp. 3330344 in Studio Historiae Ardens. Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented to Philo H. J. Houwink ten Cate on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday , edited by T. P. J. v. d. Hout and J. de Roos. Istanbul: Institut historique et archéologique néerlandais de Stamboul.

Wilhelm, Gernot. 1992. Hurritische Lexikographie und Grammatik: Die hurritisch-hethitische Bilingue aus Bo©azköy. Or NS 61:122-41.

351 39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 352

———, ed. 1997. Keilschrifttexte aus Gebäude A, Ku®aklı — Sarissa I/1. Rahden/Westf.: Verlag Marie Leidorf.

Yoshida, Daisuke. 1987. Die Syntax des althethitischen substantivischen Genitivs. Edited by A. Kammenhuber. Vol. 13, THeth 13. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

Yoshida, Kazuhiko. 1990. The Hittite mediopassive endings in -ri, Untersuchungen zur indogermanischen Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaft, 5. Berlin.

———. 1991. Reconstruction of Anatolian Verbal Endings: The Third Person Plural Preterites. JIES 19:357-74.

———. 1998. Hittite Verbs in -vzi. Pp. 605-14 in Acts of the IIIrd International Congress of Hittitology. Çorum, September 16-22, 1996, edited by S. Alp and A. Süel. Ankara: Grafik, Teknik Hazirlik Uyum Ajans.

Zuntz, Leonie. 1936. Die hethitischen Ortsadverbien aræa, parΩ, piran als selbständige Adverbien und in ihrer Verbindung mit Nomina und Verba. Speyer: Pilger Druckerei.

352