Autochthonous Aryans? the Evidence from Old Indian and Iranian Texts

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Autochthonous Aryans? the Evidence from Old Indian and Iranian Texts Michael Witzel Harvard University Autochthonous Aryans? The Evidence from Old Indian and Iranian Texts. INTRODUCTION §1. Terminology § 2. Texts § 3. Dates §4. Indo-Aryans in the RV §5. Irano-Aryans in the Avesta §6. The Indo-Iranians §7. An ''Aryan'' Race? §8. Immigration §9. Remembrance of immigration §10. Linguistic and cultural acculturation THE AUTOCHTHONOUS ARYAN THEORY § 11. The ''Aryan Invasion'' and the "Out of India" theories LANGUAGE §12. Vedic, Iranian and Indo-European §13. Absence of Indian influences in Indo-Iranian §14. Date of Indo-Aryan innovations §15. Absence of retroflexes in Iranian §16. Absence of 'Indian' words in Iranian §17. Indo-European words in Indo-Iranian; Indo-European archaisms vs. Indian innovations §18. Absence of Indian influence in Mitanni Indo-Aryan Summary: Linguistics CHRONOLOGY §19. Lack of agreement of the autochthonous theory with the historical evidence: dating of kings and teachers ARCHAEOLOGY __________________________________________ Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies 7-3 (EJVS) 2001(1-115) Autochthonous Aryans? 2 §20. Archaeology and texts §21. RV and the Indus civilization: horses and chariots §22. Absence of towns in the RV §23. Absence of wheat and rice in the RV §24. RV class society and the Indus civilization §25. The Sarasvatī and dating of the RV and the Bråhmaas §26. Harappan fire rituals? §27. Cultural continuity: pottery and the Indus script VEDIC TEXTS AND SCIENCE §28. The ''astronomical code of the RV'' §29. Astronomy: the equinoxes in ŚB §30. Astronomy: Jyotia Vedåga and the solstices §31. Geometry: Śulba Sūtras SUMMARY OF RESULTS §32. The autochthonous theory ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ THE 'TRADITIONAL' IMMIGRATION THEORY The* ''Aryan question'' is concerned with the immigration of a population speaking an archaic Indo-European language, Vedic Sanskrit, who celebrate their gods and chieftains in the poems of the oldest Indian literature, the gveda, and who subsequently spread their language, religion, ritual and social organization throughout the subcontinent. Who were the 'Aryans'? What was their spiritual and material culture and their outlook on life? Did they ever enter the Indian subcontinent from the outside? Or did this people develop indigenously in the Greater Panjab? This, the 'Aryan' question, has kept minds -- and politicians -- busy for the past 200 years; it has been used and misused in many ways. And, its discussion has become a cottage industry in India during recent years. In this paper, it will be attempted to present the pros and contras for the (non-)occurrence of a movement of an 'Aryan' population and its consequences. First, a summary of the traditional 'western' theory, then the recent Indian counter-theories; this is followed by an evaluation of its merits; the paper concludes with some deliberations on the special kind of 'discourse' that informs and drives the present autochthonous trend. * A first, shorter version of this paper was written in 1997 and was to be published that year in a special issue of a science journal in India; this has mysteriously not materialized and was in fact abandoned in 1999; this paper has been constantly updated in light of recent indigenist discussions; it has been revised now (Dec. 2000), especially in the linguistic section, as H. Hock's discussion (1999) of "Out of India" scenarios has relieved me of a detailed treatment of several such theories (Misra 1992). Autochthonous Aryans? 3 §1. Terminology At the outset, it has to be underlined that the term Ārya (whence, Aryan) is the self- designation of the ancient Iranians and of those Indian groups speaking Vedic Sanskrit and other Old Indo-Aryan (OIA) languages and dialects. Both peoples called themselves and their language årya or arya: The Persian King Darius (519 BCE ) was the first who wrote in ariya and a Late Vedic text, Kauītaki Ārayaka 8.9, defines the Vedic area as that where åryå våc "Ārya speech" (i.e. Vedic Sanskrit) is heard. The ancient Eastern Iranians, too, called themselves airiia: their assumed mythical 'homeland',1 airiianąm vaẽjah, is described in the Avesta (Vīdẽvdåd 1); and the name of the country, Irån, is derived from this word as well. Speakers of Aryan (i.e. of the IIr. languages) occupied, e.g. in the first millennium BCE, the vast area between Rumania and Mongolia, between the Urals and the Vindhya, and between N. Iraq/Syria and the Eastern fringes of N. India. They comprised the following, culturally quite diverse groups. (a) North Iranians: Scythians in the vast steppes of the Ukraine and eastwards of it (surviving as the modern Ossete in the Caucasus), the Saka of Xinjiang (Khotanese and Tumshuq, mod. Sariqoli) and western Central Asia, the Saka tigraxauda (the "pointed cap" Saka) and the Saka haumavarga (''the Soma pressing Saka''); (b) West Iranians: the ancient Medes (Måda of Rai and Azerbaijan), the mod. Kurds, Baluchis, and Persians (ancient Pårsa of Fårs) as well as the Tajik; (c) E. Iranians in Afghanistan, Baluchistan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan: speakers of Avestan, Bactrian, mod. Pashto, the mod. Pamir languages, Sogdian (mod. Yaghnobi), and Choresmian; (d) The recently islamized Kafiri/Nuristani group in N.E. Afghanistan with the still non-Islamic Kalash in the Chitral valley of Pakistan; to this day they have preserved many old traits, such as the c. 2000 BCE pronunciation of '10' (duc) and the old IIr. deity Yama Råjå (Imrā); (e) The speakers of Indo-Aryan: from Afghanistan eastwards into the Panjab, and then into the north Indian plains. By the time of the Buddha, the IA languages had spread all over the northern half of the subcontinent and had displaced almost completely the previously spoken languages of the area. Linguists have used the term Ārya from early on in the 19th cent. to designate the speakers of most Northern Indian as well as of all Iranian languages and to indicate the reconstructed language underlying both Old Iranian and Vedic Sanskrit. Nowadays this well-reconstructed language is usually called Indo-Iranian (IIr.), while its Indic branch is called (Old) Indo- Aryan (IA). An independent third branch is represented by the Kafiri or Nuristani of N.E. Afghanistan. All these languages belong to the IIr. branch of the Eastern (or Satem) group of the Indo-Euroepan (IE) languages which differs from the phonetically more conservative western IE by a number of innovations. The IE languages (which, confusingly, sometimes were also called ''Aryan'') included, in ancient times, the vast group of tongues from Old Icelandic to Tocharian (in Xinjiang, China), from Old Prussian (Baltic) to Old Greek and Hittite, and from Old Irish and Latin to Vedic Sanskrit. However, the use of the word Ārya or Aryan to designate the speakers of all Indo- European (IE) languages or as the designation of a particular "race" is an aberration of many writers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries and should be avoided. At least from Neolithic 1 On this question see now Witzel 2000; see below § 9, end. Autochthonous Aryans? 4 times onwards, language had little to do with "race"; language also cuts across ethnic groups and cultures,2 and had little to do with ancient states or with nationhood, as the use of Aramaic in the Persian empire, Latin in Medieval Europe and Persian in much of the Near East and in medieval India may indicate. It is clear that in the India of the oldest Vedic text, the gveda (RV), årya was a cultural term (Kuiper 1955, 1991, R. Thapar 1968, Southworth 1979, 1995) indicating the speakers of Vedic Sanskrit and the bearers of Vedic culture and Vedic ritual; it simply meant 'noble' by the time of the Buddha and of the early Sanskrit drama. It is also clear that the poets (i, brahmán, vipra, kavi) of the gveda and their aristocratic patrons regarded themselves and their followers as arya/årya. (Thieme 1938). In the sequel, I will carefully distinguish between the following usages: first, the årya/ariya/airiia languages, which I will call by their technical name, Indo-Iranian (IIr).3 When referring to their Indian sub-branch, I will use Indo-Aryan (IA, or Old IA). However, the tribes speaking Vedic Sanskrit and adhering to Vedic culture, I will call Indo-Aryan or Ārya. (In common parlance in India, however, Aryan is used both to refer to IA language as well as to the people speaking it and belonging to the sphere of Vedic culture, or even to an Aryan '"race'"). § 2. Texts Since most of our evidence on the ancient 'Aryans' comes from the texts and from the linguistic and cultural data contained in them, it is necessary to give an outline what kind of texts we have for the early period. For India, we have the Vedas, a large collection of texts, orally composed and orally transmitted well into this millennium. Tradition has taken care to ensure, with various techniques, that the wording and even tone accents, long lost from popular speech, have been preserved perfectly, almost like a tape recording. This includes several special ways of recitation, the Padapå ha (word-for-word recitation) and several complicated extensions and modifications (vikti).4 They contain mainly religious texts: hymns addressed to the gods (RV), other mantras in verse or prose (YV, SV, AV Sa hitås) which are used in the solemn Vedic (śrauta) ritual and the ''theological'' explanations (Bråhmaas and K a YV Sa hitås), composed in the expository prose of the ritual, and the Mantras used therein. The Upaniads contain (along with some late RV and AV hymns) early speculation and philosophy, and the ritual is summed up in systematic form in the Sūtras dealing with the solemn ritual (Śrauta-S.), the domestic ritual (G hya-S.) and proper Ārya behavior (Dharma-Sūtras). The traditional division of the Four Vedas into four Śruti levels of Sa hitå, Bråhmaa, Ārayaka and Upaniad and the ensuing Sm ti level (with the Sūtras), is somewhat misleading as far as the development of the texts are concerned.
Recommended publications
  • Tapas in the Rg Veda
    TAPAS IN THE ---RG VEDA TAPAS IN THE RG VEDA By ANTHONY L. MURUOCK, B.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts McMaster University April 1983 MASTER OF ARTS (1983) McMaster University (Religious Studies) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: Tapas in the fuL Veda AUTHOR: Anthony L. Murdock, B.A. (York University) SUPERVISORS: Professor D. Kinsley Professor P. Younger Professor P. Granoff NUMBER OF PAGES: v, 95 ii ABSTRACT It is my contention in this thesis that the term tapas means heat, and heat only, in the Bi[ Veda. Many reputable scholars have suggested that tapas refers to asceticism in several instances in the RV. I propose that these suggestions are in fact unnecessary. To determine the exact meaning of tapas in its many occurrences in the RV, I have given primary attention to those contexts (i.e. hymns) in which the meaning of tapas is absolutely unambiguous. I then proceed with this meaning in mind to more ambiguous instances. In those instances where the meaning of tapas is unambiguous it always refers to some kind of heat, and never to asceticism. Since there are unambiguous cases where ~apas means heat in the RV, and there are no unambiguous instances in the RV where tapas means asceticism, it only seems natural to assume that tapas means heat in all instances. The various occurrences of tapas as heat are organized in a new system of contextual classifications to demonstrate that tapas as heat still has a variety of functions and usages in the RV.
    [Show full text]
  • A Study of the Early Vedic Age in Ancient India
    Journal of Arts and Culture ISSN: 0976-9862 & E-ISSN: 0976-9870, Volume 3, Issue 3, 2012, pp.-129-132. Available online at http://www.bioinfo.in/contents.php?id=53. A STUDY OF THE EARLY VEDIC AGE IN ANCIENT INDIA FASALE M.K.* Department of Histroy, Abasaheb Kakade Arts College, Bodhegaon, Shevgaon- 414 502, MS, India *Corresponding Author: Email- [email protected] Received: December 04, 2012; Accepted: December 20, 2012 Abstract- The Vedic period (or Vedic age) was a period in history during which the Vedas, the oldest scriptures of Hinduism, were composed. The time span of the period is uncertain. Philological and linguistic evidence indicates that the Rigveda, the oldest of the Vedas, was com- posed roughly between 1700 and 1100 BCE, also referred to as the early Vedic period. The end of the period is commonly estimated to have occurred about 500 BCE, and 150 BCE has been suggested as a terminus ante quem for all Vedic Sanskrit literature. Transmission of texts in the Vedic period was by oral tradition alone, and a literary tradition set in only in post-Vedic times. Despite the difficulties in dating the period, the Vedas can safely be assumed to be several thousands of years old. The associated culture, sometimes referred to as Vedic civilization, was probably centred early on in the northern and northwestern parts of the Indian subcontinent, but has now spread and constitutes the basis of contemporary Indian culture. After the end of the Vedic period, the Mahajanapadas period in turn gave way to the Maurya Empire (from ca.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ancient Mesopotamian Place Name “Meluḫḫa”
    THE ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIAN PLACE NAME “meluḫḫa” Stephan Hillyer Levitt INTRODUCTION The location of the Ancient Mesopotamian place name “Meluḫḫa” has proved to be difficult to determine. Most modern scholars assume it to be the area we associate with Indus Valley Civilization, now including the so-called Kulli culture of mountainous southern Baluchistan. As far as a possible place at which Meluḫḫa might have begun with an approach from the west, Sutkagen-dor in the Dasht valley is probably as good a place as any to suggest (Possehl 1996: 136–138; for map see 134, fig. 1). Leemans argued that Meluḫḫa was an area beyond Magan, and was to be identified with the Sind and coastal regions of Western India, including probably Gujarat. Magan he identified first with southeast Arabia (Oman), but later with both the Arabian and Persian sides of the Gulf of Oman, thus including the southeast coast of Iran, the area now known as Makran (1960a: 9, 162, 164; 1960b: 29; 1968: 219, 224, 226). Hansman identifies Meluḫḫa, on the basis of references to products of Meluḫḫa being brought down from the mountains, as eastern Baluchistan in what is today Pakistan. There are no mountains in the Indus plain that in its southern extent is Sind. Eastern Baluchistan, on the other hand, is marked throughout its southern and central parts by trellised ridges that run parallel to the western edge of the Indus plain (1973: 559–560; see map [=fig. 1] facing 554). Thapar argues that it is unlikely that a single name would refer to the entire area of a civilization as varied and widespread as Indus Valley Civilization.
    [Show full text]
  • Linguistics Development Team
    Development Team Principal Investigator: Prof. Pramod Pandey Centre for Linguistics / SLL&CS Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi Email: [email protected] Paper Coordinator: Prof. K. S. Nagaraja Department of Linguistics, Deccan College Post-Graduate Research Institute, Pune- 411006, [email protected] Content Writer: Prof. K. S. Nagaraja Prof H. S. Ananthanarayana Content Reviewer: Retd Prof, Department of Linguistics Osmania University, Hyderabad 500007 Paper : Historical and Comparative Linguistics Linguistics Module : Indo-Aryan Language Family Description of Module Subject Name Linguistics Paper Name Historical and Comparative Linguistics Module Title Indo-Aryan Language Family Module ID Lings_P7_M1 Quadrant 1 E-Text Paper : Historical and Comparative Linguistics Linguistics Module : Indo-Aryan Language Family INDO-ARYAN LANGUAGE FAMILY The Indo-Aryan migration theory proposes that the Indo-Aryans migrated from the Central Asian steppes into South Asia during the early part of the 2nd millennium BCE, bringing with them the Indo-Aryan languages. Migration by an Indo-European people was first hypothesized in the late 18th century, following the discovery of the Indo-European language family, when similarities between Western and Indian languages had been noted. Given these similarities, a single source or origin was proposed, which was diffused by migrations from some original homeland. This linguistic argument is supported by archaeological and anthropological research. Genetic research reveals that those migrations form part of a complex genetical puzzle on the origin and spread of the various components of the Indian population. Literary research reveals similarities between various, geographically distinct, Indo-Aryan historical cultures. The Indo-Aryan migrations started in approximately 1800 BCE, after the invention of the war chariot, and also brought Indo-Aryan languages into the Levant and possibly Inner Asia.
    [Show full text]
  • Test-Booklet
    Test No: 2 Date: 12.01.2019 Max. Marks: 250 Max. Time 3 Hours ANTHROPOLOGY- ALL INDIA TEST SERIES ARCHEOLOGY, GENERAL ANTHROPOLOGY PAPER-1, CHAPTERS- 1.1 to 1.8 & PAPER-2, CHAPTERS- 1.1 to 1.3 KEY 1a. Visual Anthropology • Visual anthropologists look at the visual aspects of a culture, such as art and media, and are also interested in how anthropological data can be represented visually, • Visual anthropologists are concerned with both the visual aspects of culture and using media to present data visually. • study a wide range of cultural aspects, including art, dance, ritual, jewelry, body adornments; also intersects with archaeology in the study of prehistoric art, such as cave paintings • Visual anthropology is a subfield of social anthropology that is concerned, in part, with the study and production of ethnographic photography, film and, since the mid-1990s, new media. More recently it has been used by historians of science and visual culture. • study of all visual representations such as dance and other kinds of performance, museums and archiving, all visual arts, and the production and reception of mass media. • research topics include sand paintings, tattoos, sculptures and reliefs, cave paintings, scrimshaw, jewelry, hieroglyphics, paintings and photographs • Displaying data visually presents unique advantages that aren't always found through writing. For example, something as detailed and visually-focused as a dance is easily conveyed through a video, where the viewer can get a sometimes stronger sense of the experience • So-called "collecting clubs" included the British anthropologists Edward Burnett Tylor, Alfred Cort Haddon, and Henry Balfour, who exchanged and shared photographs as part of an attempt to document and classify ethnographic "races." • Bateson and Mead took more than 25,000 photos while conducting research in Bali, and published 759 photographs to support and develop their ethnographic observations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Emergence of the Light, Horse-Drawn Chariot in the Near-East C. 2000-1500 B.C. Author(S): P. R. S. Moorey Source: World Archaeology, Vol
    The Emergence of the Light, Horse-Drawn Chariot in the Near-East c. 2000-1500 B.C. Author(s): P. R. S. Moorey Source: World Archaeology, Vol. 18, No. 2, Weaponry and Warfare (Oct., 1986), pp. 196-215 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/124615 Accessed: 06-11-2015 06:35 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to World Archaeology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 141.211.4.224 on Fri, 06 Nov 2015 06:35:53 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Tlhe emergence of the light, horse-drawn chariot in the Near-East c. 2000-1500 B.C.* The recent appearance of three richly documented monographs assembling the diverse and often complex evidence for riding and traction in the pre-classical societies of the Near East and Europe (Littauer and Crouwel 1979: Crouwel 1981: Piggott 1983) provides an opportunity for reassessing a number of critical issues in the earliest history of the light, horse-drawn chariot, whose arrival in many ancient communities has long been seen as a source of significant change in politics and society.
    [Show full text]
  • Magicians, Sorcerers and Witches: Considering Pretantric, Non-Sectarian Sources of Tantric Practices
    Article Magicians, Sorcerers and Witches: Considering Pretantric, Non-sectarian Sources of Tantric Practices Ronald M. Davidson Department of Religious Studies, Farifield University, Fairfield, CT 06824, USA; [email protected] Received: 27 June 2017; Accepted: 23 August 2017; Published: 13 September 2017 Abstract: Most models on the origins of tantrism have been either inattentive to or dismissive of non-literate, non-sectarian ritual systems. Groups of magicians, sorcerers or witches operated in India since before the advent of tantrism and continued to perform ritual, entertainment and curative functions down to the present. There is no evidence that they were tantric in any significant way, and it is not clear that they were concerned with any of the liberation ideologies that are a hallmark of the sectarian systems, even while they had their own separate identities and specific divinities. This paper provides evidence for the durability of these systems and their continuation as sources for some of the ritual and nomenclature of the sectarian tantric traditions, including the predisposition to ritual creativity and bricolage. Keywords: tantra; mantra; ritual; magician; sorcerer; seeress; vidyādhara; māyākāra; aindrajālika; non-literate 1. Introduction1 In the emergence of alternative religious systems such as tantrism, a number of factors have historically been seen at play. Among these are elements that might be called ‘pre-existing’. That is, they themselves are not representative of the eventual emergent system, but they provide some of the raw material—ritual, ideological, terminological, functional, or other—for its development. Indology, and in particular the study of Indian ritual, has been less than adroit at discussing such phenomena, especially when it may be designated or classified as ‘magical’ in some sense.
    [Show full text]
  • NARTAMONGЖ 2013 Vol. Х, N 1, 2 F. R. ALLCHIN ARCHEOLOGICAL and LANGUAGE-HISTORICAL EVIDENCE for the MOVEMENT of INDO
    NARTAMONGÆ 2013 Vol. Х, N 1, 2 F. R. ALLCHIN ARCHEOLOGICAL AND LANGUAGE-HISTORICAL EVIDENCE FOR THE MOVEMENT OF INDO-ARYAN SPEAKING PEOPLES INTO SOUTH ASIA The present Symposium serves a useful purpose in focusing our attention upon the difficulties encountered in recognising the movements of peoples from archeological evidence. One of the reassuring aspects of the broad inter- national approach which is experienced in such a gathering is that it serves to show the common nature of the problems that confront us in trying to re- construct the movements of the Indo-Aryans and Iranians, whether in the South-Russian steppes or the steppes of Kazakhstan; the Caucasus or the southern parts of Middle Asia properly speaking; or in Iran, Afghanistan, Pa- kistan or India. Perhaps this is why there were recurrent themes in several pa- pers, and why echoes of what I was trying to express appeared also in the pa- pers of others, notably in those of B. A. Litvinsky and Y. Y. Kuzmina. In particular, there seems to be a need for a general hypothesis or model for these movements. Such a model must be inter-disciplinary, combining the more limited models derivable from archeological, historical, linguistic, anth- ropological and other categories of data. Strictly speaking, the several hypo- theses derived from each of these categories should first be formulated inde- pendently, and then as a second stage they should be systematically compared to one another. Only when there do not appear to be serious contradictions be- tween them should they be regarded as ready for incorporation into the general model.
    [Show full text]
  • The Hundred Syllable Vajrasattva Mantra
    The Hundred Syllable Vajrasattva Mantra. Dharmacārī Jayarava1 The Sanskrit version of the one hundred syllable Vajrasattva mantra in the Puja Book of the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order (the FWBO) follows the edited text produced by Dharmacārin and Sanskritist Sthiramati (aka Dr. Andrew Skilton) in his article: The Vajrasattva Mantra: Notes on a Corrected Sanskrit Text. Sthiramati‟s original brief was to provide diacritical marks so that the Sanskrit words were spelled correctly. However he went beyond the scope of merely providing proper diacritics to discuss problems with the structure and spelling of the mantra after consulting a number of printed books and manuscripts in a variety of scripts and languages. Since the edited version produced by Sthiramati was adopted some 19 years ago, the problems with the older version used before that are less relevant to members of the Western Buddhist Order (WBO) except in one case which I discuss below.2 In this article I will offer a summary of the salient points of Sthiramati‟s lexical and grammatical analysis, along with my own glosses of the Sanskrit. By this means, I hope to create an annotated translation that lays open the Sanskrit to anyone who is interested. Sthiramati‟s interpretation differs in some important respects from the traditional Tibetan one, but does so in ways that help to make sense of the Sanskrit - for instance in several cases he suggests breaking a sandhi 3 one letter along in order to create a straightforward Sanskrit sentence that was otherwise obscured. In the second part of the article I will address the problem of errors in transmission and how these might have come about in the case of this mantra.
    [Show full text]
  • Instrumentalising the Past: the Germanic Myth in National Socialist Context
    RJHI 1 (1) 2014 Instrumentalising the Past: The Germanic Myth in National Socialist Context Irina-Maria Manea * Abstract : In the search for an explanatory model for the present or even more, for a fundament for national identity, many old traditions were rediscovered and reutilized according to contemporary desires. In the case of Germany, a forever politically fragmented space, justifying unity was all the more important, especially beginning with the 19 th century when it had a real chance to establish itself as a state. Then, beyond nationalism and romanticism, at the dawn of the Third Reich, the myth of a unified, powerful, pure people with a tradition dating since time immemorial became almost a rule in an ideology that attempted to go back to the past and select those elements which could have ensured a historical basis for the regime. In this study, we will attempt to focus on two important aspects of this type of instrumentalisation. The focus of the discussion is mainly Tacitus’ Germania, a work which has been forever invoked in all sorts of contexts as a means to discover the ancient Germans and create a link to the modern ones, but in the same time the main beliefs in the realm of history and archaeology are underlined, so as to catch a better glimpse of how the regime has been instrumentalising and overinterpreting highly controversial facts. Keywords : Tacitus, Germania, myth, National Socialism, Germany, Kossinna, cultural-historical archaeology, ideology, totalitarianism, falsifying history During the twentieth century, Tacitus’ famous work Germania was massively instrumentalised by the Nazi regime, in order to strengthen nationalism and help Germany gain an aura of eternal glory.
    [Show full text]
  • Interstellarum 25 Schließen Wir Den Ersten Jahrgang Der Neuen Interstellarum-Hefte Ab
    Liebe Leserinnen, liebe Leser, Meade gegen Celestron, das ist das große Duell der beiden Teleskopgiganten aus Amerika. Wir sind stolz darauf, als erste deutschsprachige Zeitschrift einen fairen Zweikampf der weltgröß- ten Fernrohrhersteller anbieten zu können; un- getrübt von wirtschaftlichen oder redaktionellen Vorbehalten. Dazu haben wir die neuen aufre- genden GPS-Teleskope von Meade und Celes- tron in einem Produktvergleich gegenüberge- stellt. Im ersten Teil in diesem Heft erfahren Sie mehr über Mechanik und Elektronik der beiden Computerteleskope (Seite 60); die Ergebnisse der Praxis unter den Sternen lesen Sie dann in einem kommenden Heft. Mit interstellarum 25 schließen wir den ersten Jahrgang der neuen interstellarum-Hefte ab. Ein Plus von 30% bei den Abonnentenzahlen spricht für unseren Weg, den wir konsequent fortsetzen Polarlichter in Deutschland (Foto: Thomas Jäger) werden. Dabei möchten wir verstärkt das Augen- merk auf hochqualitative Beiträge für praktisch tätige Amateurastronomen lenken. werden wir uns zusätzlich der Jupiterbeobach- tung und dem Merkurdurchgang vom 7.5.2003 2003 wird bei interstellarum zum Jahr der widmen. Schließlich stehen 2003 mit zwei Planetenbeobachtung ernannt. Auftakt ist der Mondfinsternissen und einer partiellen Sonnen- Beitrag zur Beobachtung der Saturnringe in die- finsternis drei weitere Großereignisse auf dem ser Ausgabe (Seite 34). Mit dem nächsten Heft Programm. beginnen wir zusätzlich eine intensive Vorberei- tung auf die große Mars-Opposition in diesem Was wir noch 2003 geplant haben, ist auf Sommer mit Beiträgen zu verschiedenen prakti- www.interstellarum.de nachzulesen. Ihren eige- schen Themenkreisen in jedem Heft. Verstärkt nen Bericht nehmen wir gerne entgegen. Mit interstellarum 25 endet die Comic-Serie Astromax (Seite 80), die Schöpfer Rainer Töpler aus Zeitgründen aufgeben muss – vielen Dank für die sechs kurzweiligen Geschichtchen.
    [Show full text]
  • After Being Renovated, the Ship Went Through Its First Test at Sea in March Near Seattle
    COVER The Alpha Crucis saga After being renovated, the ship went through its first test at sea in March near Seattle. 12 | ESPECIAL ISSUE OCTOBER 2012 NEIL RabINOWITZ (WWW.NEILRabINOWITZ.COM) PUBLISHED IN MAY 2012 PUBLISHED IN MAY Fabrício Marques hurdles. and bureaucratic technical of overcoming the Brazilrequired to transfer its and shipyard a U.S. in renovation Thevessel’s port Santos. of the at may in arrived to scheduled is Paulo São of State the of vessel oceanographic new the layer, pre-salt the of exploitation and change climate biodiversity, on for research A platform PESQUISA FAPESP | 13 ever, the news was surprisingly good. “Since you t was a couple of minutes to one P.M. on can´t be here personally to see the ship sail away, March 29 when Michel Michaelovitch de I decided to bring the ship to you,” said Rose, who Mahiques, Director of the Oceanography In- had connected her computer to the shipyard’s in- stitute of the University of São Paulo (USP), ternet cable and, with the help of a webcam, sent received an e-mail that announced a tough shots of the crew and researchers boarding the day ahead. “Professor, get on Skype because I ship and sailing away. “It was raining in Seattle and Ihave a problem,” read the message sent by Rosely I was afraid of damaging my laptop, but professor Aparecida Figueiredo Prado, nicknamed Rose, who Mahiques, more than anybody else, deserved to is the import and export manager at FAPESP. The be there. That was my birthday present for him,” message sounded pessimistic because in the past Rose explained.
    [Show full text]