The Death Penalty As Torture
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509BV$SPIN 03-16-97 17:07:24 UNITED STATES REPORTS 509 OCT. TERM 1992 509BV$titl 03-16-97 17:10:57 UNITED STATES REPORTS VOLUME 509 CASES ADJUDGED IN THE SUPREME COURT AT OCTOBER TERM, 1992 June 18 Through October 1, 1993 Together With Opinion of Individual Justice in Chambers End of Term FRANK D. WAGNER reporter of decisions WASHINGTON : 1997 Printed on Uncoated Permanent Printing Paper For sale by the U. S. Government Printing Of®ce Superintendent of Documents, Mail Stop: SSOP, Washington, DC 20402-9328 509bv$erat 04-30-97 08:00:39 PGT · frt Errata 183 U. S. 589, line 4: ª1802º should be ª1902º. 199 U. S. 119, line 16: ª1895º should be ª1905º. ii 509bv$$iii 03-16-97 18:31:13 PGT · frt JUSTICES of the SUPREME COURT during the time of these reports* WILLIAM H. REHNQUIST, Chief Justice. BYRON R. WHITE, Associate Justice.2 HARRY A. BLACKMUN, Associate Justice. JOHN PAUL STEVENS, Associate Justice. SANDRA DAY O’CONNOR, Associate Justice. ANTONIN SCALIA, Associate Justice. ANTHONY M. KENNEDY, Associate Justice. DAVID H. SOUTER, Associate Justice. CLARENCE THOMAS, Associate Justice. RUTH BADER GINSBURG, Associate Justice.3 retired WARREN E. BURGER, Chief Justice. LEWIS F. POWELL, Jr., Associate Justice. WILLIAM J. BRENNAN, Jr., Associate Justice. officers of the court JANET RENO, Attorney General. DREW S. DAYS III, Solicitor General.1 WILLIAM K. SUTER, Clerk. FRANK D. WAGNER, Reporter of Decisions. ALFRED WONG, Marshal. SHELLEY L. DOWLING, Librarian. *For notes, see p. iv. iii 509bv$$$iv 03-21-97 17:08:40 PGT · frt NOTES 1 Solicitor General Drew S. -
Representations and Discourse of Torture in Post 9/11 Television: an Ideological Critique of 24 and Battlestar Galactica
REPRESENTATIONS AND DISCOURSE OF TORTURE IN POST 9/11 TELEVISION: AN IDEOLOGICAL CRITIQUE OF 24 AND BATTLSTAR GALACTICA Michael J. Lewis A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2008 Committee: Jeffrey Brown, Advisor Becca Cragin ii ABSTRACT Jeffrey Brown Advisor Through their representations of torture, 24 and Battlestar Galactica build on a wider political discourse. Although 24 began production on its first season several months before the terrorist attacks, the show has become a contested space where opinions about the war on terror and related political and military adventures are played out. The producers of Battlestar Galactica similarly use the space of television to raise questions and problematize issues of war. Together, these two television shows reference a long history of discussion of what role torture should play not just in times of war but also in a liberal democracy. This project seeks to understand the multiple ways that ideological discourses have played themselves out through representations of torture in these television programs. This project begins with a critique of the popular discourse of torture as it portrayed in the popular news media. Using an ideological critique and theories of televisual realism, I argue that complex representations of torture work to both challenge and reify dominant and hegemonic ideas about what torture is and what it does. This project also leverages post-structural analysis and critical gender theory as a way of understanding exactly what ideological messages the programs’ producers are trying to articulate. -
“We Will Make You Regret Everything”
“We will make you Torture in Iran since regret everything” the 2009 elections Freedom from Torture Country Reporting Programme March 2013 Freedom from Torture Country Reporting Programme March 2013 “We will make you regret everything” Torture in Iran since the 2009 elections “Why did this happen to me, what did I do wrong? ...They’ve made me hate my body to a point that I don’t want to shower or get dressed... I feel alone and can’t trust another person.” Case study - Sanaz, page 6 3 Table of Contents Summary and key findings ............................................................. 7 Key findings of the report .................................................................... 8 Recommendations .......................................................................... 10 Introduction ................................................................................... 11 Freedom from Torture’s history of working with Iranian torture survivors 11 Case sample and method ..................................................................... 11 1. Case Profile ............................................................................................ 12 a. Place of origin and place of residence when detained .................................. 12 b. Ethnicity and religious identity .............................................................. 12 c. Ordinary occupation .......................................................................... 13 d. History of activism or dissent .............................................................. -
Barron Nomination Could Be on Senate Floor As Early As This Week
WASHINGTON LEGISLATIVE OFFICE URGENT: BARRON NOMINATION COULD BE ON SENATE FLOOR AS EARLY AS THIS WEEK May 5, 2014 Re: Need for All Senators to Read Key OLC Opinions, Including Ones Authorizing the Killing of a United States Citizen Away from a Battlefield, Before Voting on the Nomination of their Author, David Barron, for the AMERICAN CIVIL United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit LIBERTIES UNION WASHINGTON LEGISLATIVE OFFICE 915 15th STREET, NW, 6 TH FL Dear Senator: WASHINGTON, DC 20005 T/202.544.1681 F/202.546.0738 Before voting on the nomination of David Barron for the United States WWW.ACLU.ORG Court of Appeals for the First Circuit, the American Civil Liberties Union LAURA W. MURPHY strongly urges you to read the two known Justice Department legal opinions, DIRECTOR authored or signed by Mr. Barron, which reportedly authorized the killing of an NATIONAL OFFICE American citizen by an armed drone, away from a battlefield. The ACLU also 125 BROAD STREET, 18 TH FL. urges you to obtain and read any and all other legal opinions related to the NEW YORK, NY 10004-2400 T/212.549.2500 targeted killing or armed drone program that were written or signed by Mr. Barron. The ACLU does not endorse or oppose any nominee, but strongly urges OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS SUSAN N. HERMAN the Senate to delay any vote on confirmation of Mr. Barron until all senators have PRESIDENT an opportunity to read, with advice of cleared staff, these legal opinions that ANTHONY D. ROMERO authorized an unprecedented killing, as well as any other opinions written or EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR signed by Mr. -
Trump Judges: Even More Extreme Than Reagan and Bush Judges
Trump Judges: Even More Extreme Than Reagan and Bush Judges September 3, 2020 Executive Summary In June, President Donald Trump pledged to release a new short list of potential Supreme Court nominees by September 1, 2020, for his consideration should he be reelected in November. While Trump has not yet released such a list, it likely would include several people he has already picked for powerful lifetime seats on the federal courts of appeals. Trump appointees' records raise alarms about the extremism they would bring to the highest court in the United States – and the people he would put on the appellate bench if he is reelected to a second term. According to People For the American Way’s ongoing research, these judges (including those likely to be on Trump’s short list), have written or joined more than 100 opinions or dissents as of August 31 that are so far to the right that in nearly one out of every four cases we have reviewed, other Republican-appointed judges, including those on Trump’s previous Supreme Court short lists, have disagreed with them.1 Considering that every Republican president since Ronald Reagan has made a considerable effort to pick very conservative judges, the likelihood that Trump could elevate even more of his extreme judicial picks raises serious concerns. On issues including reproductive rights, voting rights, police violence, gun safety, consumer rights against corporations, and the environment, Trump judges have consistently sided with right-wing special interests over the American people – even measured against other Republican-appointed judges. Many of these cases concern majority rulings issued or joined by Trump judges. -
Bruce Ackerman
BOOK REVIEW CONSTITUTIONAL ALARMISM THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC. By Bruce Ackerman. Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. 2010. Pp. 270. $25.95. Reviewed by Trevor W. Morrison∗ INTRODUCTION The Decline and Fall of the American Republic is a call to action. Professor Bruce Ackerman opens the book with the claim that “some- thing is seriously wrong — very seriously wrong — with the tradition of government that we have inherited” (p. 3). The problem, he says, is the modern American presidency, which he portrays as recently trans- formed into “an especially dangerous office” (p. 189 n.1) posing “a se- rious threat to our constitutional tradition” (p. 4). Ackerman urges us to confront this “potential for catastrophic decline — and act before it is too late” (p. 11). Concerns of this kind are not new. Indeed, in some respects De- cline and Fall reads as a sequel to Professor Arthur Schlesinger’s 1973 classic, The Imperial Presidency.1 Ackerman writes consciously in that tradition, but with a sense of renewed urgency driven by a convic- tion that “the presidency has become far more dangerous today” than in Schlesinger’s time (p. 188). The sources and mechanisms of that purported danger are numerous; Decline and Fall sweeps across jour- nalism, national opinion polls, the Electoral College, civilian-military relations, presidential control of the bureaucracy, and executive branch lawyering to contend that “the foundations of our own republic are eroding before our very eyes” (p. 188). ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– ∗ Professor of Law, Columbia University. For helpful comments on earlier drafts, I thank Akhil Amar, David Barron, Ariela Dubler, Jack Goldsmith, Marty Lederman, Peter Margulies, Gillian Metzger, Henry Monaghan, Rick Pildes, Jeff Powell, John Witt, and participants in faculty workshops at Vanderbilt University and the University of Washington. -
Redress for Rape
Redress for Rape Using international jurisprudence on rape as a form of torture or other ill-treatment October 2013 REDRESS 87 Vauxhall Walk London, SE11 5HJ United Kingdom +44 20 7793 1777 www.redress.org CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 1 PART I: CONTEXT & CONTROVERSIES .................................................................... 4 A. UNDERSTANDINGS OF TORTURE AND OTHER ILL-TREATMENT ................................... 4 1. The prohibition of torture and other ill-treatment in international law .................... 4 2. Understandings of torture and other ill-treatment .................................................... 6 2.1. Distinguishing torture and other ill-treatment ................................................ 6 2.2. Other ill-treatment under international human rights law ............................. 7 2.3. Torture under international human rights law ................................................ 8 2.4. Torture in international criminal law ............................................................... 9 2.5. Current jurisprudence on the distinction between torture and other ill- treatment in international human rights law ................................................ 11 B. ADDRESSING THE BLIND SPOT: RECOGNISING RAPE AS TORTURE OR OTHER ILL- TREATMENT ........................................................................................................... 16 1. Rape in the international legal sphere .................................................................... -
A Close Reading of Barnette, in Honor of Vincent Blasi
FIU Law Review Volume 13 Number 4 Barnette at 75: The Past, Present, and Future of the Fixed Star in Our Constitutional Article 8 Constellation Spring 2019 A Close Reading of Barnette, in Honor of Vincent Blasi Paul Horwitz Gordon Rosen Professor, Hugh F. Culverhouse Jr. School of Law, University of Alabama Follow this and additional works at: https://ecollections.law.fiu.edu/lawreview Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, First Amendment Commons, Legal Education Commons, and the Religion Law Commons Online ISSN: 2643-7759 Recommended Citation Paul Horwitz, A Close Reading of Barnette, in Honor of Vincent Blasi, 13 FIU L. Rev. 689 (2019). DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.25148/lawrev.13.4.8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by eCollections. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Law Review by an authorized editor of eCollections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 05 - HORWITZ.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 4/6/19 12:41 PM A CLOSE READING OF BARNETTE, IN HONOR OF VINCENT BLASI Paul Horwitz* I am aware that we must decide the case before us and not some other case. But that does not mean that a case is dissociated from the past and unrelated to the future.1 —Justice Felix Frankfurter I. INTRODUCTION Because he spent years teaching at both Columbia and the University of Virginia (after stints at Texas and Michigan), Vincent Blasi has been influential, as a colleague or teacher, for many contemporary First Amendment scholars. Although all of us have learned from his first-rate body of writing on the First Amendment, his influence as a teacher has been no less profound. -
Turning a Blind Eye: Why the International Community Must No Longer Ignore Torture in Iran
Turning a blind eye: Why the international community must no longer ignore torture in Iran December 2017 Freedom from Torture Freedom from Torture is the only UK-based human rights organisation dedi- cated to the treatment and rehabilitation of torture survivors. We do this by offering services across England and Scotland to around 1,000 torture survivors a year. Including psychological and physical therapies, forensic documentation of torture, legal and welfare advice, and creative projects. Since our establishment in 1985, more than 60,000 survivors of torture have been referred to us, and we are one of the world’s largest torture treatment centres. Our expert clinicians prepare medico-legal report that are used in connection with torture survivors’ claims for international protection, and in research reports, such as this, aimed at holding torturing states to account. Through our Torture Accountability Programme, we work to expose torture in order in support of efforts to strengthen prevention, secure justice and ensure international protection for survivors. Survivor voices and expertise are at the heart of this work. We are the only human rights organisation in the UK that systematically uses evidence from in-house clinicians, and the torture survivors they work with to work towards a world free from torture. Survivors Speak OUT network Survivors Speak OUT (SSO) is the UK’s only torture survivor-led activist network and is actively engaged in speaking out against torture and about its impacts. Set up by survivors of torture, for survivors of torture, SSO uses first-hand experience to speak with authority for the rights of torture survivors. -
The Obama Administration and the Prospects for a Democratic Presidency in a Post-9/11 World
NYLS Law Review Vols. 22-63 (1976-2019) Volume 56 Issue 1 Civil Liberties 10 Years After 9/11 Article 2 January 2012 The Obama Administration and the Prospects for a Democratic Presidency in a Post-9/11 World Peter M. Shane The Ohio State University Moritz College of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/nyls_law_review Part of the Law and Politics Commons, Law and Society Commons, Military, War, and Peace Commons, and the National Security Law Commons Recommended Citation Peter M. Shane, The Obama Administration and the Prospects for a Democratic Presidency in a Post-9/11 World, 56 N.Y.L. SCH. L. REV. 28 (2011-2012). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Law Review by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. VOLUME 56 | 2011/12 PETER M. SHANE The Obama Administration and the Prospects for a Democratic Presidency in a Post-9/11 World ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Jacob E. Davis and Jacob E. Davis II Chair in Law, The Ohio State University Moritz College of Law. 27 THE PROSpeCTS FOR A DemoCRATIC PRESIdeNCY IN A POST-9/11 WORld [W]hen I won [the] election in 2008, one of the reasons I think that people were excited about the campaign was the prospect that we would change how business is done in Washington. And we were in such a hurry to get things done that we didn’t change how things got done. And I think that frustrated people. -
A Call for Institutional Reform of the Office of Legal Counsel
\\server05\productn\H\HLP\4-1\HLP102.txt unknown Seq: 1 11-FEB-10 17:43 A Call for Institutional Reform of the Office of Legal Counsel Bradley Lipton* INTRODUCTION The Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) has been deemed “the most impor- tant government office you’ve never heard of” by Newsweek magazine.1 In- deed, the office is extraordinarily powerful, standing as the legal arbiter of what the executive branch can and cannot do. With great power, so the saying goes, comes great responsibility—to fairly and forthrightly interpret the law, to hold the government back when it risks overreaching, and to settle disputes with an even hand. Yet during the Administration of George W. Bush, OLC let partisan political interests and ideology interfere with its function as fair-minded authority. As a result, the office has sanctioned— and the executive branch has pursued—legally unsound policies. This con- duct most prominently entered the public consciousness in two incidents: the sanctioning of torture by U.S. military forces2 and the politicization of hiring at the Department of Justice.3 The nomination of OLC head Dawn Johnsen has also recently prompted controversy.4 This Essay explains what went wrong in the Office of Legal Counsel during the Bush Administration and suggests institutional reform to prevent such problems in the future. I begin by showing how OLC’s conduct vio- lated widely held norms within the legal community. Though many observ- ers have focused on OLC’s actions authorizing torture, this Essay contends, on the basis of more recently released documents, that the office’s role per- mitting warrantless wiretapping within the United States was a unique viola- tion of lawyerly values. -
Indirect Constraints on the Office of Legal Counsel: Examining a Role for the Senate Judiciary Committee
Stanford Law Review Volume 73 June 2021 NOTE Indirect Constraints on the Office of Legal Counsel: Examining a Role for the Senate Judiciary Committee William S. Janover* Abstract. As arbiter of the constitutionality of executive actions, the Department of Justice Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) possesses vast authority over the operation of the federal government and is one of the primary vessels for the articulation of executive power. It therefore is not surprising that the OLC has found itself at the center of controversy across Democratic and Republican administrations. OLC opinions have justified the obstruction of valid congressional investigations, the targeted killing of an American citizen overseas, repeated military incursions without congressional approval, and, most infamously, torture. These episodes have generated a significant body of proposals to reform, constrain, or altogether eliminate the OLC. All of these proposals can be categorized as either direct or indirect constraints on how the OLC operates. Direct constraints target how the OLC actually creates its legal work product. Indirect constraints instead focus on the OLC’s personnel or the public scrutiny the Office’s opinions will face. This Note expands on this existing body of research, focusing on how one institution unstudied in this context, the United States Senate Judiciary Committee, can operationalize meaningful indirect constraints on the OLC. Unlike the other actors that scholars have examined, the Committee’s position outside the executive branch allows it to sidestep the President’s ever-expanding reach within the federal bureaucracy. At the same time, the Committee’s oversight powers and its central role in the nomination of both the OLC’s leader and Article III judges give it important constitutional and statutory authority to constrain the Office.