DOCSLIB.ORG

Hindu Rashtra Darshan

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Hindu Rashtra Darshan Hindu Rashtra Darshan V D Savarkar Maharashtra Prantik Hindusabha, Poona H INDU R ASHTRA D ARSHAN Hindu Rashtra Darshan 1 Presidential Address - Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha .... 3 1.1 19th Session - at Karnavati - 1937 ........................................................ 3 1.2 20th Session Nagpur - 1938................................................................. 15 1.3 21st Session Calcutta-1939 ................................................................. 37 1.4 22nd Session Madura – 1940............................................................... 66 1.5 23rd Session Bhagalpur—1941 ........................................................... 93 1.6 24th Session Cawnpore - 1942.......................................................... 105 Appendix.................................................................................... 128 Statement on Resignation........................................................................... 128 Long Live The Hindu Mahasabha! ‘Long Live Hindudom !!’.................. 129 Telegraphic message dated 1-8-1944 sent by Veer Savarkar .................... 130 Page 2 of 130 H INDU R ASHTRA D ARSHAN 1 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS - AKHIL BHARATIYA HINDU MAHASABHA 1.1 19th Session - at Karnavati - 1937 (* Karnavati = Ahmedabad) Ladies and Gentlemen, I thank you most cordially for the trust you have placed in me in calling upon me to preside on this 19th Session of the Hindu Mahasabha, I don't take it so much as an honour bestowed upon me by my nation for service rendered in the past as a command to dedicate whatever strength us still left in me to the Sacred Cause of defending Hindudom and Hindustan- our common Motherland and our common Holyland, and pressing on the fight for our National Freedom. So far as the Hindus are concerned there can be no distinction nor conflict in the least between our Communal and National duties, as the best interests of the Hindudom are simply identified with best interests of Hindustan as a whole. Hindudom cannot advance or fulfil its lifemission unless and until our Motherland is set free and consolidated into an Indian State in which all our countrymen to whatever religion or sect or race they belong are treated with perfect equality and none allowed to dominate others or is deprived of his just and equal rights of free citizenship as long as everyone discharges the common obligations and duties which one owes to the Indian Nation as a whole. The truer a Hindu is to himself as a Hindu he must inevitably grow a truer National as well. I shall substantiate this point later on as I proceed. With this conviction and from this point of view, I shall deal in this my presidential address with some fundamental aspects of the Hindu Sanghatan Movement as expounded by this Mahasabha or as I understand them and leave detailed and passing questions, to be deliberated upon and decided, to the representatives assembled in this Session. Homage to the Independent Hindu Kingdom of Nepal But before proceeding further I feel it my bounden duty to send forth on behalf of all Hindus our loyal and loving greetings to His Majesty the King of Nepal, His Highness Shree Yuddhsamasher Ranajee-the Prime Minister of Nepal and all of our co-religionists and countrymen there who have even in the darkest hour of our history, been successful in holding out as Hindu Power and in keeping a flag of Hindu Independence flying unsullied on the summits of the Himalayas. The Kingdom of Nepal stands out today as the only Hindu Kingdom in the world whose independence os recognised by England, France, Italy and other great powers. Amongst some twentyfive crores of our Hindus in this generation, His Majesty the King of Nepal is the first and foremost and the only Hindu today who can enter in the assemblage of King, Emperors and Presidents of all the independent nations in the world, with head erect and unbent, as an equal amongst equals. In spite of the passing political aspect of the question, Nepal is bound to Hindudom as a whole by the dearest ties of a common race and religion and language and culture, inheriting with us this our common Motherland and our common Holyland. Our life is one. Whatever contributes to the strength of Hindudom as a whole, must strengthen Nepal and whatever progress the latter records is bound to elevate the first. Hence all Page 3 of 130 H INDU R ASHTRA D ARSHAN Sanghatanist Hindus long to see that the only Independent Hindu Kingdom is rapidly brought to an up-to-date efficiency, political social, and above all military and aerial so as to enable Her to hold out Her own in the National struggle for existence that is going on all around us and march on and fulfil the great and glorious destiny that awaits Her ahead. Message of Sympathy to the Hindus in the Greater Hindusthan Nor can this session of the Hindu Mahasabha forget to send forth its message of sympathy and loving remembrances to those of our co-religionists and countrymen abroad who have been building a greater Hindusthan without the noise of drums and trumpets in Africa, America, Mauritiusand such other parts of the world and also to those who as in the island of Bali are still holding out as remnants of the ancient world Empire of our Hindu Race. Their fortune too are inextricably bound up with the freedom and strength and greatness of Bharatavarsha which is the 'Pitrubhoo' and 'Punyabhoo'-the Fatherland and the Holyland of Hindudom as a whole. Hindusthan must ever remain one and indivisible Nor can the Hindu Mahasabha afford to be forgetful of the Hindus who reside in the so-called 'French India' and 'Portuguese India' in India ! The very words sound preposterous and insulting to us. Apart from the artificial and enforced political divisions of today we are indissolubly bound together by the enduring ties of blood and religion and country. We must declare, as an ideal at any rate, that Hindusthan of tomorrow must be one and indivisible not only a united but a unitarian nation, from Kashmir to Rameshwar, from Sindh to Assam. I hope that not only the Mahasabha but even the Congress and such other national bodies in Hindusthan will not fight shy of claiming.Gomantak, Pondicherry, and such other parts of Hindusthan as parts as inalienable and integral of our Nation as is Maharashtra or Bengal or Punjab. The definition of the wor d 'Hindu' As a whole superstructure of the mission and the function of the Hindu Mahasabha rests on the correct definition of the word 'Hindu,' we must first of all make it clear what 'Hindutva' really means. Once the scope and the meaning of the world is defined and understood, a number of misgivings in our own camp are easily removed, a number of misunderstandings and objections raised against us from the camp of our opponents are met and silenced. Fortunately for us, after a lot of wandering in wilderness, a definition of the word Hindu which is not only historically and logically as sound as is possible in the cases of such comprehensive terms, but is also eminently workable is already hit upon when 'Hindutva' was defined as :- ।। आिसंधूिसंधूपयता यःय भारतभूिमका ।। ।। पत ृ भूःपुयभूयैैव स वै हंदरितःमु तःृ ।। 'Everyone who regards and claims this Bharatbhoomi from, the Indus to the Seas as his Fatherland and Holyland is a Hindu. Here I must point out that it is rather loose to say that any person professing any religion of Indian origin is a Hindu. Because that is only one aspect of Hindutva. The second and equally essential constituent of the concept of Hindutva cannot be ignored if we want to save the definition from getting overlapping and unreal. It is not enough that a person should profess any religion of Indian origin, i.e., Hindusthan as his Page 4 of 130 H INDU R ASHTRA D ARSHAN पुयभू his Holyland, but he must also recognise it as his पत ृ भू too, his Fatherland as well. As this is no place for going into the whole discussion of the pros and cons of the question, all I can do here is to refer to my book 'Hindutva' in which I have set forth all arguments and expounded the proposition at great length. I shall content myself at present by stating that Hindudom is bound and marked out as a people and a nation by themselves not by the only tie of a common Holyland in which their religion took birth but by the ties of a common culture, a common language, a common history and essentially of a common fatherland as well. It is these two constituents taken together that constitute our Hindutva and distinguish us form any other people in the world. That is why the Japanese and the Chinese, for example, do not and cannot regard themselves as fully identified with the Hindus. Both of them regard our Hindusthan as their Holyland, the land which was the cradle of their religion, but they do not and cannot look upon Hindusthan as their fatherland too. They are our co-religionists; but are not and cannot be our countrymen too. We Hindus are not only co-religionists, but even countrymen of each other. The Japanese and the Chinese have a different ancestry, language, culture, history and country of their own, which are not so integrally bound up with us as to constitute a common national life. In a religious assembly of the Hindus, in any Hindu Dharma-Mahasabha they can join with us as our brothers-in-faith having a common Holyland. But they will not and cannot take a common part or have a common interest in a Hindu Mahasabha which unites Hindus together and represent their national life. A definition must in the main respond to reality. Just as by the first constituent of Hindutva, the possession if a common Holyland-the Indian Mahommedans, Jews, Christians, Parsees, etc.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • GIPE-010149.Pdf
    THE PRINCES OF INDIA [By permission of the Jlidor;a f- Albert 1lluseum THE CORONAT I O); OF AN Ii:\DI AN SOVE R E I G:\f From the :\janta Frescoes THE PRINCES OF INDIA WITH A CHAPTER ON NEPAL By SIR \VILLIAM BAR TON K.C.I.E., C.S.I. With an Introduction by VISCOUNT HAL IF AX K.G., G.C.S.l. LONDON NISBET & CO. LTD. 11 BER!'\ERS STllEET, 'W.I TO ~IY '\'!FE JJ!l.il ul Prir.:d i11 Grt~ Eri:Jill liy E11.u::, Wa:.:ctl 6- riney, W., L~ ad A>:esbury Firs! p.,.;::isilll ;,. 1;34 INTRODUCTION ITHOUT of necessity subscribing to everything that this book contains, I W am very glad to accept Sir William Barton's invitation to write a foreword to this con .. tribution to our knowledge of a subject at present occupying so large a share of the political stage. Opinion differs widely upon many of the issues raised, and upon the best way of dealing with them. But there will be no unwillingness in any quarter to admit that in the months to come the future of India will present to the people of this country the most difficult task in practical statesmanship with which thet 1hive ever been confronted. If the decision is to be a wise one it must rest upon a sound conception of the problem itself, and in that problem the place that is to be taken in the new India by the Indian States is an essential factor. Should they join the rest of India in a Federation ? Would they bring strength to a Federal Government, or weakness? Are their interests compatible with adhesion to an All-India v Vl INTRODUCTION Federation? What should be the range of the Federal Government's jurisdiction over them? These are some of the questions upon which keen debate will shortly arise.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    © Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. Introduction The Invention of an Ethnic Nationalism he Hindu nationalist movement started to monopolize the front pages of Indian newspapers in the 1990s when the political T party that represented it in the political arena, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP—which translates roughly as Indian People’s Party), rose to power. From 2 seats in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian parliament, the BJP increased its tally to 88 in 1989, 120 in 1991, 161 in 1996—at which time it became the largest party in that assembly—and to 178 in 1998. At that point it was in a position to form a coalition government, an achievement it repeated after the 1999 mid-term elections. For the first time in Indian history, Hindu nationalism had managed to take over power. The BJP and its allies remained in office for five full years, until 2004. The general public discovered Hindu nationalism in operation over these years. But it had of course already been active in Indian politics and society for decades; in fact, this ism is one of the oldest ideological streams in India. It took concrete shape in the 1920s and even harks back to more nascent shapes in the nineteenth century. As a movement, too, Hindu nationalism is heir to a long tradition. Its main incarnation today, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS—or the National Volunteer Corps), was founded in 1925, soon after the first Indian communist party, and before the first Indian socialist party.
    [Show full text]
  • Rahul Sagar, Hindu Nationalists and the Cold
    Chapter Ten Hindu Nationalists and the Cold War Rahul Sagar It is generally accepted that during the Cold War divergences between “hope and reality” rendered India and America “estranged democracies.”1 Te pre- cise nature of the Indo- American relationship during these decades remains a subject of fruitful study. For instance, Rudra Chaudhuri has argued that the Cold War’s many crises actually prompted India and the United States to “forge” a more nuanced relationship than scholars have realized.2 Tis chapter does not join this discussion. It examines a diferent side of the story. Rather than study the workings of the Congress Party–afliated political and bureaucratic elite in power during the Cold War, it focuses on the principal Opposition—the ideas and policies of the Hindu Mahasabha, the Jan Sangh, and the Bharatiya Janata Party (bJP), which have championed the cause of Hindu nationalism. Te Cold War–era policies of these parties have not been studied carefully thus far. A common assumption is that these parties had little to say about international afairs or that, to the extent that they had something to say, their outlook was resolutely militant. Tis chapter corrects this misperception. It shows that these parties’ policies alternated between being attracted to and being repulsed by the West. Distaste for communism and commitment to democracy drove them to seek friendship with the West, while resentment at U.S. eforts to contain India as well as fears about ma- terialism and Westernization prompted them to demand that the West be kept at a safe distance. 229 false sTarTs Surprisingly little has been written about the diversity of Indian views on international relations in the Cold War era.
    [Show full text]
  • THE Holy QURAN and the ORIENTALISTS: Literary PERSPECTIVE
    THE HOLy QUPAN AND THE ORIENTALISTS: LITERARY PERSPECTIVE ABSTRACT ^nhmitM jTor tf}e fiegtee of Sottor of $l)iIos(opti? IN Arabic Literature BY TOWQUEER ALAM llnd»r th« Supervision of Dr. ABDUL BARI Professor and Chairman DEPARTMENT OF ARABIC ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 1991-92 The holy Quran beinq a Book of guidance to the human so^ ' ^ty as a whole, has been a subject of discussion since its revelation period. Enormous contribution in the form of leading articles, research papers of high standard and com­ prehensive books regarding its majestic teachings, whether pro and against^ from the side of the Muslims or non-Muslims, provide an overt proof for its extra ordinary importance, un- comparable to any manifestation of human science and intellect. The teachings of the holy Book being revolutionary in its character, provide a complete guidance to the human being for adopting 'the right path as proposed by the Omnipotent God for a Successful life in this world and the world Hereafter. This aspect of study of the holy Quran is purely religious. The preservance oE the Revelation, its specific arrangement, majestic presentation, omission and addition, rhyme and rhythm andjabove all, its miraculous character, both from the point of view of ideology and literature, testify for its being a marvellous literary monument, :fer above in excellence» in com- prision to any human endeavour , irrespective of age and place. I am not hesitant,at all, to concede that the Occidental scholars, although not altogether free from biased thinking, have contributed a lot, so far as their intellectual endeavours are concerned.
    [Show full text]
  • Pathani Samanta : the Great Hindu Astrologer
    Orissa Review * December - 2007 Pathani Samanta : The Great Hindu Astrologer Prabhukalyan Mohapatra Pandit Samanta Chandra Sekhar Harichandan and perseverance, this last and foremost orthodox Mohapatra, locally known as "Pathani Samanta", Hindu Siddhanta writer could rise above his was the illustrious author of "Siddhanta Darpan"- environment and left an indelible stamp of his a systematic record of his life-long relentless work genius on the history of Indian astronomy. His composed in beautiful metrical Sanskrit verses . ability in the preparation of "Manayantra" "Siddhanta Darpan" is an astronomical treatise in (measuring instrument), "Golyantra" (spherical elegant Sanskrit verses, developed and improved instrument) and "Surya-Ghadi" (Sun dial to upon the 'Surya-Siddhanta' and the 'Siddhanta- measure the time) proved him to be a good Siromani' of the past. This architect with engineering skill. magnum opus of Chandra He had also interest in the Sekhar, the last and best book preparation of fire works with that worth to its name is really a knowledge to launch the same mirror of India's astronomical to a particular height. knowledge. India is a nation of ancient A Hindu orthodox by culture and tradition. It reached nature, Chandra Sekhar, with his the zenith in all spheres at one traditional background alone time when most of the so called studied the subject of advanced nations of to-day were astronomy, observed the not discovered. Indian movements of planets through astronomy is nearly as old as the naked eyes and was able to Vedas. As a science, it rose to reach the approximate reality as its peak in the days of Aryabhatta founded by scientists with the aid in the 5th century A.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Pahari Paintings from the Eva and Konrad Seitz Collection
    PAHARI PAINTINGS FROM THE EVA AND KONRAD SEITZ COLLECTION francesca galloway ww.francescagalloway.com 1 2 Pahari paintings, meaning paintings from the hills, come from the in Jammu, and Chamba had returned to their non-naturalistic Rajput roots mountainous regions of northern India once known as the Punjab Hills but and were illustrating traditional Hindu texts such as the Ramayana (cat. 2), the which now form the present day states of Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Rasamanjari and Ragamalas (cat. 1) in brilliantly assured fashion, dependent Pradesh and Uttarakhand. They include some of the most brilliant as well as again on line and colour with their figures set against conceptual renderings the most lyrically beautiful of all Indian painting styles. of architecture and landscape. Such a style had spread throughout most of the Pahari region in the early 18th century. In the 17th and 18th centuries this area was divided into over 30 kingdoms, some of moderate size, but others very small. The kingdoms were established in Although much of the hill region formed strongholds for the worship of Shiva the fertile valleys of the rivers that eventually flowed into the plains – the Ravi, and the Devi, and paintings and manuscripts reflected this (e.g. cats. 12, 13), the Beas, Sutlej, and the Jumna and Ganges and their tributaries – and divided spread of Vaishnavism and, especially the worship of Krishna, induced patrons from each other by high mountains. The Himalayas to the north-east formed to commission illustrated versions of Vaishnava texts, such as the Bhagavata the almost impenetrable barrier between these little kingdoms and Tibet.
    [Show full text]
  • GI Journal No. 139 1 July 30, 2020
    GI Journal No. 139 1 July 30, 2020 GOVERNMENT OF INDIA GEOGRAPHICAL INDICATIONS JOURNAL NO. 139 July 30, 2020 / SARVANA 08, SAKA 1942 GI Journal No. 139 2 July 30, 2020 INDEX S. No. Particulars Page No. 1 Official Notices 4 2 New G.I Application Details 5 3 Public Notice 6 4 GI Applications Banaras Zardozi - GI Application No. 620 Mirzapur Pital Bartan - GI Application No. 622 Banaras Wood Carving - GI Application No. 623 Banaras Hand Block Print - GI Application No. 624 Kumaon Chyura Oil - GI Application No. 650 Goan Khaje - GI Application No. 655 5 General Information 6 Registration Process GI Journal No. 139 3 July 30, 2020 OFFICIAL NOTICES Sub: Notice is given under Rule 41(1) of Geographical Indications of Goods (Registration & Protection) Rules, 2002. 1. As per the requirement of Rule 41(1) it is informed that the issue of Journal 138 of the Geographical Indications Journal dated 30th July, 2020 / Sarvana 08, Saka 1942 has been made available to the public from 30th July, 2020. GI Journal No. 139 4 July 30, 2020 NEW G.I APPLICATION DETAILS App.No. Geographical Indications Class Goods 665 Bakhira Metal Product 21 Handicraft 666 Banda Shazar Patthar Craft 14 Handicraft 667 Nagina Wood Craft of Uttar Pradesh 20 Handicraft 668 Pratapgarh Aonla 31 Agricultural 669 Nagri Dubraj 30 Agricultural 670 Amroha Dholak 15 Handicraft 671 Mahoba Gaura Patthar 14 Handicraft 672 Hathras Hing 30 Food Stuff 673 Mainpuri Tarkashi 20 Handicraft 674 Sambhal Horn Craft 20 Handicraft 675 Kanyakumari Cloves 30 Agricultural 676 Bengal Muslin 24 & 25 Textiles 677 Patchwork of Rampur 24, 25 & 26 Textiles 678 Bareilly Terracott 21 Handicraft 681 Morena Gajak 30 Food Stuff 682 Assamese Gamocha 24 & 25 Textiles 683 Osmanabadi Goat 31 Agricultural 684 Spiti Chharma (Seabuckthorn) 31 Agricultural 685 Alibag White Onion 31 Agricultural 686 Attappady Aattukombu Avara 31 Agricultural 687 Attappady Thuvara 31 Agricultural 688 Bhandara Chinnor Rice 31 Agricultural 689 Chilean Pisco 33 Manufactured GI Journal No.
    [Show full text]
  • Ujanary Y J Yanjaury
    SpecialS SupSSupplementpplement l REREPREPUBPUPUBUBBLBLICLICL DAYAY OFOF Established 19619 The First DDaily il iin theh Arabbian Gulflf JANUARY Message from HE K Jeeva Sagar, Ambassador of India to Kuwait n the Happy occasion of global rankings on diverse indica- India’s 69th Republic Day, I tors. India’s rank has gone up in Oconvey my warm greetings World Bank’s Doing Business and best wishes to all my compatri- Report. The World Bank lauded the ots, friends and well-wishers of efforts made by India and predicted India in Kuwait. I would specifically that India would be fast closing the like to take this opportunity to gap between business practices in express my great joy at the contin- India and the best in the world. ued close and friendly relations India is now ranked third in the list between India and Kuwait, and of top prospective economies for renew Government of India’s com- 2016-2018 in the World Investment mitment and resolve to further Report released by UNCTAD. Our deepening, strengthening and rank improved by 32 positions in expanding this mutually enriching World Economic Forum’s ‘Global relationship in all its dimensions. It Competitiveness Report 2016-17. is reassuring to note that this cor- Ambassador of India The “Make in India” initiative, diality between the two nations is K Jeeva Sagar aimed at making India a global hub anchored in people-to-people rela- of manufacturing, design and inno- tions, the evidence of which is loud regulatory reforms. India remains vation has now made our country and clear in the fact that Indian among the fastest growing large the 6th largest manufacturing coun- Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi President of India Ram Nath Kovind nationals form the largest expatriate economies with an open investment try in the world.
    [Show full text]
  • W**************************************************** * Reproductions Supplied by EDRS Are the Best Thatcan Be Made * * from the Original Document
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 329 499 SO 030 346 AUTHOR Geils, Kenneth, Ed. TITLE Passages from India, Vol. 2. SPONS AGENCY Center for International Education (ED), Washington, DC.; United States Educational Foundation in India. PUB DATE 90 NOTE 299p.; For related document, see SO 030 347. PUB TYPE Guides - Classroom Use - Teaching Guides (For Teacher) (052) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC12 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Anthologies; *Cultural Education; Educational Resources; *Foreign Countries; Foreign Culture; Instructional Materials; Secondary Education; *Social Studies; World History IDENTIFIERS *India ABSTRACT This is compendium of readings designed for use in the secondary classroom to assist with the study of India. Thereare seventeen categories of readings: (1) introduction to the subcontinent; (2) description of society; (3) caste and its continuing impact; (4) leadership roles;(5) women in India;(6) role playing in society; (7) marriage; (8) children;(9) urban-rural: description of life;(10) the monsoon; (11) cultural interplay; (12) another cradle of religion; (13) history: coming to India; (14) history: background to freedom; (15) Gandhiji; (16) history:the road to independence; and (17) politics and poker. A 17-itembibliography is included. (DB) ******************W**************************************************** * Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best thatcan be made * * from the original document. * ***************t*********************************v********************* .it a 41Nsaa A91111 UX. DEPANTMENT Of EDUCATION (Ace of Educelional
    [Show full text]
  • Hindu Nationalism: What's Religion Got to Do with It? It Is Sometimes Said That Generals Fight the Last War
    Hindu Nationalism: What's Religion Got to Do With It? It is sometimes said that generals fight the last war. Similarly, political analysts tend to find the most recent global scourge in every societal ailment they encounter. In the 1940s and 1950s many populist movements and regimes were mistakenly viewed as "fascist"; in the 1960s and 1970s numerous third world nationalist movements were perceived as and professed to be communist; and since the Iranian revolution of 1979 "fundamentalisms" seem to have flourished. Sometimes more than one of these labels has been applied to the same movement. In India, Hindu Nationalism was - and often still is - perceived as fascist, particularly by its Indian critics, while outside observers have found it altogether too easy to treat it as the Hindu equivalent of Islamic radicalism. Consequently, we should consider whether Hindu nationalism is religious at all. The first part of this paper accordingly will examine the evolution of Hindu Nationalist ideology to emphasize a point that has been made many times: whether or not Hindu Nationalism is "fascist" it is most assuredly not "fundamentalist." Hindu Nationalists are concerned with the strength and unity of Hindus as a political community not with their forms of worship. They have charged religious minorities with divided loyalty and been responsible for organized mass violence against Muslims. However, they have not, historically, been concerned with imposing any view of Hindu religion on its practitioners or punishing Hindus who violate the precepts of the "true" religion. In short, for Hindu Nationalists, there are traitors, but not apostates. The second part of the paper will review the evolution of Hindu Nationalist organizations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Economy of Hindu Nationalism: from V.D. Savarkar to Narendra Modi
    Munich Personal RePEc Archive The Political Economy of Hindu Nationalism: From V.D. Savarkar to Narendra Modi Iwanek, Krzysztof Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 1 December 2014 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/63776/ MPRA Paper No. 63776, posted 24 Apr 2015 12:40 UTC 1 International Journal of Knowledge and Innovation in Business ISSN: 2332-3388 (print) December, 2014, Volume 2, Number 1, pp.1-38 2332-3396 (online) The Political Economy of Hindu Nationalism: From V.D. Savarkar to Narendra Modi Krzysztof Iwanek* Abstract In May 2014 India’s stock markets climbed to a record high, anticipating the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party and its charismatic leader, Narendra Modi. However, the first economic decisions of Modi’s government did not incite a market revolution (though it has only been few months since its inception). This, however, is not surprising if one traces the Hindu nationalists’ changing views on economy throughout the last decades. The main inspirations of BJP’s ideology have been its mother-organization (RSS), and two earlier Hindu nationalist parties: Bharatiya Jana Sangh and Hindu Mahasabha (mostly through ideas of its leader, V.D. Savarkar). After briefly describing the views of all of these bodies, I will map out the main issues in the Hindu nationalist approach towards economy. Finally, I will try to show how the present government of Narendra Modi is trying to deal with these discrepancies. Keywords: political economy in India, Hindu nationalism, Hindutva, swadeshi, Bharatiya Janata Party, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Acknowledgements This work was supported by Hankuk University of Foreign Studies Research Fund of 2014.
    [Show full text]
  • British Policy Towards the Indian States, 1905-1959
    BRITISH POLICY TOWARDS THE INDIAN STATES, 1905-1959 by STEPHEN RICHARD ASHTON Thesis submitted from The School of Oriental and African Studies to the University of London for the degree of doctor of philosophy, 1977• ProQuest Number: 11010305 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11010305 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ABSTRACT Prior to 194-7 approximately one-third of the Indian sub-continent was broken up into 655 Indian States which were ruled by princes of varying rank. In the process of consolidating their empire in India the British had, during the first half of the nineteenth century, deprived the princes of the power to conduct external relations with each other or with foreign powers. Internally the princes were theoretically independent but their sovereignty in this respect was in practice restricted by the paramountcy of the Imperial power. Many of the princes resented the manner in which the British used this paramountcy to justify intervening in their domestic affairs. During the nineteenth century the British had maintained the princes basically as an administrative convenience and as a source of revenue.
    [Show full text]