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V.

TURKISH REPUBLIC OF DEPUTY PRIME MINISTRY AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

3 October 2018 Excellency.

I have the honour to bring to your kind attention the recent attempts by the Greek Cypriot administration of Southern Cyprus to perpetuate the isolation of the Turkish Cypriot people in ail fields of life, which is poisoning the atmosphere between the two peoples on the island, particularly at a time when Your Excellency and the UN Security Council are calling upon the sides to proceed with Confidence Building Measures (CBMs).

In this regard, the Greek Cypriot side has been aggressively pursuing a policy of defamation and misinformation regarding the Turkish Cypriot side. To provide a recent example, a series of letters have been sent to the maritime authorities of various countries in order to prevent any maritime interaction/trade between these countries and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). The Greek Cypriot side has gone so far as to unilaterally deem our sea ports as “illegal”, and has been encouraging the said countries to issue penalties against their own shipping companies for cooperating in any way with or travelling to ports in North Cyprus. As known, the ports in the TRNC have not been deemed as illegal according to international law by any country or international organization, including the European Union.

In this connection, 1 would like to refer to a statement by Mr. Olli Rehn, the then European Commissioner responsible for Enlargement, dated 17 October 2007 (E-4901/2007), which reads: "The Commission is aware that in 1974, the "government of the Republic of Cyprus ” has declared the sea ports in the northern part of Cyprus (Famagusta, , Karavostassi) prohibited and closed for all vessels. J'his urn a unilateral decision of the RoC with consequences under domestic Cypriot law but with no apparent consequences under international law. In other words, it is the Commission’s understanding that there is no prohibition under international law to enter ami leave seaports in the northern part of Cyprus. Furthermore, neither the UN Security Council nor the European Community has ever imposed a trade embargo with respect to those areas

To name another concrete example, the Greek Cypriot side has been targeting universities which have established academic ties with universities in the TRNC in an effort to dissuade any academic cooperation. The most recent example is the Greek Cypriot Ministry of Education’s letter to Oxford University in the United Kingdom, imploring them to reconsider the recent academic exchange agreement reached between Oxford University and Eastern Mediterranean University in Northern Cyprus. As regards bilateral agreements with universities, it is a well-known fact that many of our universities have cooperation agreements, exchange programmes and other arrangements with esteemed international universities in the U.S., Europe, and even the Far East. Graduates from our universities move on to higher education, as well as employment, in all parts of the world.

H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres Secretary-General of the United Nations New York.

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Most recently, the Greek Cypriot Administration has expressed sheer outrage over the intended participation of members of the "Cyprus Symphony Orchestra”, as well as its Artistic Director and First Violinist from Germany, in the music festival to take place at different venues in Northern Cyprus, including Beilapais Monastery, Girne Amphitheatre and Salamis Amphitheatre, between 21 September - 16 November 2018. Several Greek Cypriot Members of Parliament have gone so far as to ask that the Greek Cypriot Foreign Ministry takes measures to “set the musicians straight”, despite the fact that they would be participating in their personal capacity alongside their fellow Turkish Cypriot musicians. The matter has been turned heavily debated in Greek Cypriot Parliament, and the musicians have even been publicly named and shamed in the Greek Cypriot press. Numerous MPs have called for their dismissal from the orchestra, and they must now face the orchestra board to provide an explanation for their intended participation. As a result, the said musicians had to withdraw from the festival and thus several concerts had to be cancelled. This is a clear demonstration of intolerance towards the , even in the fields of culture and arts, and constitutes an utterly anachronistic approach in today’s day and age.

Other examples of obstructionist initiatives of the Greek Cypriot side span from the fields of health to culture to freedom of travel of individuals to Northern Cyprus. The attached non-exhaustive list (Annex) provides more examples of the said impediments imposed by the Greek Cypriot side, and provides an overview of the intolerance against any interaction of the Turkish Cypriot side with the rest of the world.

These initiatives clearly show that the Greek Cypriot side cannot even tolerate the easing of the lives of the Turkish Cypriots in the field of economy, just as they cannot tolerate our interactions in the political, cultural, sporting and academic fields. It is highly hypocritical and far from sincerity to claim, on the one hand, to be committed to taking steps as regards the Confidence Building Measures while, on the other hand, attempt to isolate the Turkish Cypriot people, the aim of which is to undermine them in ail walks of life.

1 avail myself of this opportunity to put on record the abovementioned facts in the hope that Your Excellency will call upon the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus to cease these negative steps which destroy any confidence there may be between the two sides and their peoples. No doubt, abandoning such steps will be a Confidence Building Measure in itself.

Please accept. Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

Prof. Kudret Ozersay Deputy’ Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs

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ANNEX

Recent Obstructionist Actions of the Greek Cypriot Side

1- The Greek Cypriot side has sent letters to the Maritime Administrative Authorities of various countries which included allegations regarding the seaports in North Cyprus being “illegal” and closed to international navigation. The Greek Cypriot side also claims that ships which come to the ports of Northern Cyprus are breaching international law, and urges the Maritime Authorities to issue circulars and fine the companies and ship owners which have come to ports in North.

2- The Greek Cypriot Ministry of Education and Culture has sent a letter to the University of Oxford in England regarding the cooperation between University of Oxford and Eastern Mediterranean University in Northern Cyprus regarding women’s health research, which includes allegations regarding the status of the universities in Northern Cyprus.

3- The Cyprus Dental Association has sent a letter to the Executive Board of the European Regional Organization (ERO) of the Federation Dentaire Internationale (EDI) regarding objections towards an event which was held in Northern Cyprus, Kyrenia, in March 2018, hosted by the Northern Cyprus Association of Dental Students (NCADS) - which is a member of the international Association of Dental Students (IADS). The aforementioned letter included a number of groundless claims and allegations about Northern Cyprus and the Cyprus issue in general, alleging that the TRNC unilaterally declared its independence and is an illegal state, while asserting UN Security Council resolutions as proof of such illegality, underlining a lack of accreditation of TRNC universities and NCADS by the Greek Cypriot side, and questioning events being held by international organizations in areas that they claim are “under occupation”.

4- A professor from a university in Cairo who was supposed to give lecture in a TRNC university was prevented from crossing to the North as he flew from Cairo to Larnaca. He was detained in a Larnaca hotel without being given any reason.

5- A Note Verbale was distributed on 4 June 2018 by the Greek Cypriot Foreign Ministry to the foreign missions in the South, urging them to refrain from visiting touristic or historical sites in the North, such as Othello Castle, and even other historic sites which have been restored by the bi-communal Technical Committee on Cultural Heritage with funding from the EU. This is unacceptable, as it intends to restrict the freedom of movement of individuals, by using them to further impose their own political agenda; namely the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots.

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6- Greek Cypriot policy of preventing students and teachers from visiting schools in the North as envisaged in the ''IMAGINE'’ project.

7“ The attitude of halting the work of the EU Ad-hoc Committee which was set up to prepare the Turkish Cypriots for EU acquis coimmmautaire.

8- The arson attack to the warehouses of a Greek Cypriot trader who brought potatoes from Turkish Cypriot producers.

9- The recurrent violent attacks by the supporters of far-right ELAM political party against the Turkish Cypriots and their cars where the perpetrators have never been brought to justice.

10- The banning of purchase of gas and other household items from the North.

11- The removal of tiles from a school in Limassol after it was discovered that they were produced in North (despite the fact that such practice is within the framework of the Green Line Regulation).

12- The criticism shown by the Greek Cypriot leadership of an OSCE sponsored project regarding the bi-communal glossary for journalists.

13- The Greek Cypriot Administration has expressed sheer outrage over the intended participation of members of the "Cyprus Symphony Orchestra", as well as its Artistic Director and First Violinist from Germany, in the music festival to take place in Northern Cyprus between 21 September and 16 November 2018. The MPs have gone so far as to ask that the Greek Cypriot Foreign Ministry takes measures to "set the musicians straight", despite the fact that they would be participating in their personal capacity alongside their fellow Turkish Cypriot musicians. The matter has been turned heavily debated in Greek Cypriot Parliament, and the musicians have even been publicly named and shamed in the Greek Cypriot press. Numerous MPs have called for their dismissal from the orchestra, and they must now face the orchestra board to provide an explanation for their intended participation. Within the scope of the festival, several concerts are scheduled to take place at different venues in Northern Cyprus, including Bellapais Monastery, Gime Amphitheatre and Salamis Amphitheatre.

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OFFICE OF THE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS 70S THIRD AVENUE, SUITE: 1710 NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10017 Tel: (212) 687-2350 Fax: (212) 949-6872 E-mail: [email protected];

20 November 2018 Excellency,

Upon instructions from my Government, I am writing in response to the letter dated 14 November 2018 addressed to you by the Greek Cypriot Charge d'affaires in New York and circulated as a document of the Security Council (S/2018/1023), which, yet again includes inaccurate claims similar to those made in the Greek Cypriot representative’s previous letters. I would like to bring the following to your kind attention with a view to setting the record straight.

Regarding the false assertions of'infringements of international air traffic regulations” and “violations of Cyprus’ national airspace”, I wish to underline that flights within the sovereign airspace of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus take place with the full knowledge and permission of the relevant authorities of the State, over which the Greek Cypriot administration in South Cyprus has no jurisdiction or authority. The civil aviation authority of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus is the only competent body to provide air traffic and aeronautical information services within its own national airspace and Notices to Airmen are issued in accordance with Article 3 of the Convention on International Civil Aviation (Chicago Convention).

Similarly, the allegation in the letter regarding the use of Turkish Cypriot ports is also groundless, given the fact that the Greek Cypriot administration has no jurisdiction or right of say over Northern Cyprus. Furthermore, this claim ignores the present realities on the ground, namely, the existence of two independent, self-governing States on the island of Cyprus, each exercising sovereignty and jurisdiction within its respective territory.

As regards the false statements concerning Ercan Airport in the North, it should once again be underlined that the technologically up-to-date Ercan area control center and airport in North Cyprus have been providing regular, reliable and safe air traffic services since the Greek Cypriot side’s refusal in 1977 to provide air traffic services in the northern part of the island, in line with its policy of isolating the Turkish Cypriot people. Ever since, all flights within the sovereign airspace of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus have taken place with the Ml knowledge and permission of the Civil Aviation Department of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, over

H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres Secretary-General of the United Nations New York

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which it has full jurisdiction and control.

Moreover, the unjust isolation imposed on the Turkish Cypriots, which the Greek Cypriot side attempts to bolster by deeming all air and sea ports in Northern Cyprus “illegal”, is in complete contravention of international law, as well as the call made by the then Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, in his report to the Security Council dated 28 May 2004 (S/2004/437), in which he clearly states “/ would hope they [members of the Security Council] can give a strong lead to all States to cooperate both bilaterally and in international bodies to eliminate unnecessary restrictions and barriers that have the effect of isolating the Turkish Cypriots and impeding their development, deeming such a move as consistent with Security Council resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984)”.

The legislation of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus on aeronautical safety meets all standards and recommendations of the International Civil Aviation Organization, ensuring aviation safety and security by regulating all aspects of civil aviation which includes the operation of airports, the management of air traffic and etc. All airports in Northern Cyprus are in full conformity with international standards, and necessary upgrades have been performed to keep up with the developing technology. Moreover, the number of air traffic controllers has been increased in accordance with the growing number of flights over the years, and the Ercan area control center is in regular and close cooperation with the Ankara area control center in order to ensure the safe conduct of all flights in the region. In 2017 alone, the number of passengers that used Ercan Airport stood at 3,962,541, while this number is expected to be 4,200,294 in 2018. Moreover, in 2017, 27,197 planes used Ercan Airport for arrival and departure and 189,787 planes used the Ercan advisory airspace and these numbers are expected to be 27,469 and 193,583 respectively in 2018. In that regard, it must also be stressed that the Turkish Cypriot side is committed to upholding the highest standards in the field of air navigation safety in full confonnity with the Chicago Convention of 1944, and that it is ready to cooperate with the Greek Cypriot authorities on this very important issue.

Availing myself of the present opportunity, T would like to call upon the Greek Cypriot side to discontinue such unfavorable and outdated rhetoric and remind that its counterpart is, and has always been, the Turkish Cypriot side, not .

I should be grateful if the present letter could be circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 45, and of the Security Council.

let Korukoglu Representative Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus

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TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS DEPUTY PRIME MINISTRY AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

23 November 2018

Excellency,

It has come to my attention that the Greek Cypriot administration of Southern Cyprus, which purports to be the “Government of the Republic of Cyprus”, is engaging in defamatory allegations so as to prevent the activities of the International Universities Search & Rescue Council (IUSARC), headquarters of which is located in Northern Cyprus. Therefore, I feel obliged to bring the following information to your kind attention in order to set the record straight.

IUSARC has been working with, currently, 52 universities from 22 countries in order to train university students to perform operations in a professional manner in countries under threat of natural disasters since its establishment in 2012. IUSARC embraces members from various backgrounds with no reference to politics, religion, language, race, ethnicity or geography. IUSARC aims at reaching people living in different parts of the world who are affected by natural disasters such as earthquakes, floods and accidents in a totally voluntary but professional manner. It does so through search and rescue operations, creating the necessary conditions to extend help to those in need, including providing first aid, transporting the affected to safer places, keeping loss of life at minimum levels and raising awareness regarding search and rescue in the countries in question. Furthermore, IUSARC organizes activities such as symposiums, workshops and trainings at local and international level to raise awareness on efficient civilian defence and to train as many as people as possible on search and rescue. In short, IUSARC is an organization with an important humanitarian mission and should not be politicised.

Nevertheless, it is very unfortunate for the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus to attempt to interfere with the work IUSARC which aims at saving lives of people through training university students in Northern Cyprus, who in turn use these skills in their respective counties for the benefit of their own people. To hinder the activities of the IUSARC, the Greek Cypriot Administration has alleged that our universities are “operating illegally”, which is totally baseless and does not reflect the realities on the ground.

Honorable Mr. Pradcep Kumar Gyawali, Minister of Foreign Affairs Singha Durbar, Kathmandu, Nepal.

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There are 20 universities with 102,944 students in the TRNC offering hundreds of different programs. There are 54,966 students from Turkey, 12,506 Turkish Cypriot students, and 35,472 international students from 131 countries, as well as teaching staff from 65 countries. These figures depict the international character of higher education in the TRNC.

Many of the universities in North Cyprus are accredited by international accreditation authorities such as AS, ABET, ASIIN, MUDEK, TedQual, Edexcel-UK, MIAK, FIBAA, IACBE, ECBE, EAQUALS, ACPE, AACSB, UK-NARIC. TRNC universities are full members of the European Universities Association (EUA), the International Association of Universities (IAU), and the Federation of the Universities of the Islamic World (FUIW).

Degrees of Northern Cyprus universities are recognized and accepted all over the world. Graduates from these universities enjoy the capacity to find easily decent jobs all over the world. This is by itself a concrete proof of the quality and international recognition of the TRNC universities.

I would like to note that the Greek Cypriot administration continuously attempts to prevent international events and activities that take place in Northern Cyprus to no avail. In this connection, I would like to refer to some recent events that were hosted in Northern Cyprus, as well as events that were recently attended by the representatives of North Cyprus in third countries.

Development Bank of the TRNC hosted CEO Forum on 23- 25 October 2018 under the auspices of The World Federation of Development Financing Institutions (WFDFI); 13th Session of General Conference of the Islamic Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 11-12 October 2018, Rabat, Kingdom of Morocco; The Annual Coordination Meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the OIC Member States, New York (26 September 2018); OIC 45th Session of the Council of Foreign Ministers Meeting, 5-6 May 2018 Dhaka, Bangladesh; 23rd Meeting of the Council of Ministers of the ECO, 16-17 April 2018, Dushanbe, Tajikistan; Regional Training Workshop on Export Strategies for Primo-Exporters of OIC member states, hosted by the TRNC on 5-7 December 2017.

I would also like to offer some historical background information regarding our country. The “Republic of Cyprus” was established in 1960 in accordance with international Treaties on the basis of a partnership between the two peoples of the Island, namely the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots. However, it has been more than 50 years since the 1960 partnership Republic of Cyprus was destroyed by the Greek Cypriot side in 1963, when the Turkish Cypriot partner was ousted by force of aims from all the state organs.

The aimed onslaught of 1963 culminated in an island-wide ethnic cleansing campaign against the Turkish Cypriots despite the deployment of UN troops in 1964 and lasted until the military regime in Greece instigated a coup d'etat on the Island in order in 1974 in order to achieve Enosis (annexation of the Island to Greece), which in turn led to the intervention of Turkey in line with her rights and obligations under the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee. As such, none of the UN Security Council resolutions on Cyprus refer to the legitimate intervention of Guarantor Turkey in Cyprus as “invasion” and its subsequent presence on the island as “occupation”. Hence, allegations put forth by the Greek Cypriot administration in this regard is slander used to put off third parties fr om engaging with the Turkish Cypriot side.

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In summary, since the deliberate destruction, in 1963, of the bi-national Republic and the ejection of all the Turkish Cypriot elements from the bi-communal partnership Government of Cyprus, there has not been a single constitutional Government or Republic capable of representing both peoples of the Island. What have existed, instead, are two separate administrations which have evolved into two sovereign and independent states, one belonging to the Turkish Cypriots, namely the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), and the other to the Greek Cypriots, which purports to act as the so called “government of Cyprus”. Today, Northern Cyprus hosts more than hundred thousand students and millions of tourists each year. These people enter Northern Cyprus through the sea and air ports which are legal and convenient. There is a modem and well-equipped airport (Ercan Airport) and two seaports (Famagusta and Kyrenia) which are fully operational In this connection, data shows that Ercan has become a steadily growing airport which serves over 2,000,000 passengers every year.

I would like to emphasize that the Greek Cypriot side has no legal or political jurisdiction in Northern Cyprus. Hence, the Greek Cypriot side has no say on the activities of the IUSARC, which has trained thousands of students and will continue to operate with the increasing number of members and participants, since it is dedicated to saving lives of people all over the world. This ill-intentioned approach of the Greek Cypriot Administration to hinder IUSARC’s activities, which solely aims at betterment of human lives, is unacceptable and beyond comprehension. Such an approach further damages the relations between the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots in particular and prevents contribution to an important humanitarian cause in general.

Hence, I hope and trust that Your Excellency will pay due attention to the considerations put forth herein and advise and encourage your relevant institutions not to fall victim to the false allegations of the Greek Cypriot side aiming at dissuading any cooperation between our institutions including participation in the activities of IUSARC, which is purely humanitarian in nature.

Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

ivuuici wiciaiiy Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs

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OFFICE OF THE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS 70S THIRD AVENUE, SUSIE: 1710 NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10017 Tel: (212) 687-2350 Fax: (212) 949-6872 E-mail:

12 December 2018 Excellency,

Upon instructions from my Government, I am writing in response to the letter dated 29 November 2018 addressed to you by the Greek Cypriot Representative in New York and circulated as a document of the Security Council (S/2018/1066), which, yet again contains false assertions similar to those made in his previous letters. I would like to bring the following to your kind attention with a view to setting the record straight.

At the outset, regarding the claims of so-called “infringements of international air traffic regulations” and “violations of Cyprus5 national airspace”, I wish to underline that flights within the sovereign airspace of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus take place with the full knowledge and permission of the relevant authorities of the State, over which the Greek Cypriot administration in South Cyprus has no jurisdiction or right of say whatsoever. The civil aviation authority of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus is the only competent body to provide air traffic and aeronautical information services within its own national airspace and Notices to Airmen are issued in accordance with Article 3 of the Convention on International Civil Aviation (Chicago Convention).

Similarly, the assertion raised in the letter regarding the use of Turkish Cypriot ports is also baseless, considering the fact that the Greek Cypriot administration has no jurisdiction or right of say over Northern Cyprus. Furthermore, this claim ignores the present realities on the ground, namely, the existence of two independent, self-governing States on the island of Cyprus, each exercising sovereignty and jurisdiction within its respective territory.

As regards the false allegations concerning Ercan Airport in the North, it should once again be underlined that the technologically up-to-date Ercan area control center and airport in North Cyprus have been providing regular, reliable and safe air traffic services since the Greek Cypriot side’s refusal in 1977 to provide air traffic services in the northern part of the island, in line with its policy of isolating the Turkish Cypriot people. Ever since, all flights within the sovereign airspace of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus have taken place with the full knowledge and permission of the Civil Aviation Department of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, over

H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres Secretary-General of the United Nations New York

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which it has full jurisdiction and control.

Moreover, the unjust isolation imposed on the Turkish Cypriots, which the Greek Cypriot side attempts to holster by deeming all air and sea ports in Northern Cyprus "illegal”, is in complete contravention of international law, as well as the call made by the then Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, in Ms report to the Security Council dated 28 May 2004 (S/2004/437), in which he clearly states “/ would hope they [members of the Security Council] can give a strong lead to all States to cooperate both bilaterally and in international bodies to eliminate unnecessary restrictions and barriers that have the effect of isolating the Turkish Cypriots and impeding their development, deeming such a move as consistent with Security Council resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984)”.

The legislation of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus on aeronautical safety meets all standards and recommendations of the International Civil Aviation Organization, ensuring aviation safety and security by regulating all aspects of civil aviation which includes the operation of airports, the management of air traffic and etc. All airports in Northern Cyprus are in full conformity with international standards, and necessary upgrades have been performed to keep up with the developing technology. Moreover, the number of air traffic controllers has been increased in accordance with the growing number of flights over the years, and the Ercan area control center is in regular and close cooperation with the Ankara area control center in order to ensure the safe conduct of all flights in the region. In 2017 alone, the number of passengers that used Ercan Airport stood at 3,962,541, while this number is expected to be 4,200,294 in 2018. Moreover, in 2017,27,197 planes used Ercan Airport for arrival and departure and 189,787 planes used the Ercan advisory airspace and these numbers are expected to be 27,469 and 193,583 respectively in 2018. In that regal'd, it must also be stressed that the Turkish Cypriot side is committed to upholding the highest standards in the field of air navigation safety in full conformity with the Chicago Convention of 1944, and that it is ready to cooperate with the Greek Cypriot authorities on this very important issue.

Availing myself of the present opportunity, I would like to call upon the Greek Cypriot side to discontinue such unfavorable and outdated rhetoric and remind that its counterpart is, and has always been, the Turkish Cypriot side, not Turkey.

I should be grateful if the present letter could be circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 45, and of the Security Corn

; Korukoglu Representative Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus

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NATIONAL UNITY PARTY

40/42 Mehmet Akif cad. - Lefko?a Tel: 227 27 47 Fax: 227 79 36 e-mail: [email protected] web: www.uiusaibirlikparlls'.com.tr

17.12.201B His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres Secretary-General of the United Nations New York

Your Excellency, As the newly elected Chairman of the National Unity Party, the largest political party and the main opposition in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, I am writing to share with Your Excellency the views and position of the relevant organs of our Party on the Cyprus Issue as well as the efforts you are undertaking as part of your mission of good offices. At a time when your Special Envoy, Ms. Jane Holl Lute, is in our region to have contacts with the parties concerned, I deem it particularly important that I do so.

As we enter a new era following the failure of the talks in Crans-Montana, Switzerland, last year, I believe that any new process for the solution of the issue must not be a repetition or continuation of the past processes, and must take into full consideration die following: • Such a process must not be open-ended but have a clear, limited time­ table; • It must be result-oriented within that limited time-table; ® Alternative formulas for a settlement, including a two-State solution, must be on the table; • It must include a clause for the provision of an international status for the Turkish Cypriot people, in the event that the new process also proves to be inconclusive.

Experience has shown and Your Excellency will appreciate that, as long as the Turkish Cypriot people continue to be subjected to unjust measures of isolation and restrictions, it is not possible to negotiate with the Greek Cypriot side on fair and equal terms, let alone achieve results. Such isolation and restrictions must be lifted as a matter of priority and urgency, levelling the playing field and translating the concept of political equality into clear and practical terms. You will also no doubt appreciate that the issue of the underwater hydrocarbon reserves around the island of Cyprus is a test case for the Greek Cypriot side in terms of proving its sincerity and willingness to reach a political settlement on the basis of a new partnership of equals.

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Our Party believes that the Greek Cypriot side must give serious consideration to the Turkish Cypriot proposals for the establishment of an ad hoc committee for the hydrocarbons issue, and must engage in dialogue with the Turkish Cypriot side on this issue, even before any new process starts. Otherwise, we are left to believe that the Greek Cypriot side only pays Hp service to a political settlement but is actually after the continuation of the status quo, as it has been up to now, using the negotiating process as a smokescreen to that end.

Let me stress, Your Excellency, that the continuation of the effective and actual, physical Guarantee of Turkey, including the unilateral right of intervention, which saved the Turkish Cypriot people from certain destruction in the past, is a sine qua non for us. The continued presence of a sufficient and deterrent number of Turkish troops necessary for our security is also indispensable and has been named as a red line by our Party Congress. There is no question of our Party sacrificing from these two main pillars of our security, as per the Treaty of Guarantee and of Alliance.

1 also wish to emphasize that the maintenance of peace in and around Cyprus rests on the balance between the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots within the island, and between Turkey and Greece around the island. It is of utmost importance, Your Excellency, that while we try to restore the balance between the Turkish and Greek Cypriots through a negotiated settlement, the balance between Turkey and Greece is also preserved.

I would like to conclude by wishing you, your family and the United Nations personnel the best of health and happiness in the New Year. Please accept. Your Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

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TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS DEPUTY PRIME MINISTRY AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

7d Bwpmhpr 1018

Ref No: D§B.0.OO-176.O2-18/1O68O7

Excellency, It lias come to my attention, that Mr. Haralambos Kafkarides, the Greek Cypriot representative stationed in Brasilia, who purports to be the “Ambassador of the Republic of Cyprus” is accredited as non-resident ambassador to Montevideo, has presented his credentials, on 29 November 2018, to HJE. President Tabare Vazquez of Uruguay. In this connection, 1 would like to bring to your kind attention the following viewpoints and considerations of the Turkish Cypriot side in the belief that they will duly be taken into account by your esteemed Government in the future.

The Republic of Cyprus was founded in 1960 in accordance with the international Cyprus treaties, namely the Treaties of Establishment, Alliance and Guarantee, by the Turkish Cypriot and the Greek Cypriot peoples when the British Government relinquished the sovereignty of Cyprus to the partnership Republic composed of the aforesaid politically equal partners, “acting conjointly and in partnership”. The legitimacy of the 1960 Republic lay in the joint presence and effective participation of both peoples in all organs of the state. Neither of the parties had the right to rule the other, or assume the right to be the Government of the whole island in the absence of the other in all the organs of the state and its Government.

This partnership Republic of Cyprus, established by the 1960 Agreements, was destroyed by the Greek Cypriot partner’s onslaught on the Turkish Cypriot partner in December 1963 when all Turkish Cypriot elements in all the state organs were forcefully ejected. The Turkish Cypriot partner did not accept this attempted take-over of the bi-national partnership state by the Greek Cypriot side and, through its national resistance, prevented the Greek Cypriot side from extending its authority over the Turkish Cypriot partner. Since the deliberate destruction, in 1963, of the bi-nalional Republic, there has not been a single constitutional Government or Republic capable of representing both peoples of the island. Each side has since ruled itself, while the Greek Cypriot side continues to claim that it is the “Government of Cyprus”.

The Greek Cypriot administration of Southern Cyprus, therefore, has no legal, or moral right to claim to represent anyone except the Greek Cypriot people, and the said administration, under the pretentious and self-assumed title of the “Government of Cyprus” has no legal or moral right nor the jurisdiction to represent or act on behalf of the Turkish Cypriot people, whose sole, legitimate representatives are those elected under and by virtue of the Constitution of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.

H.E. Mr. Rodolfo Nin Novoa, Minister of Foreign Relations of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay, Montevideo.

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In view of the above, anything said or done by the Greek Cypriot administration of Southern Cyprus in its purported capacity as the “Republic of Cyprus” claiming to represent the Turkish Cypriot people will be null and void and will not, in any way, be binding on the Turkish Cypriot people or the island as a whole.

Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

Prof. Kudret QZERSAY Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 06/06/2019 7:41:37 PM

OFFICE OF THE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS 708 THIRD AVENUE, SUITE: 1710 NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10017 Tel: (212) 687-2350 Fax: (212) 949-6872 E-mail: figwvo^-mfa.gov.etii.r

27 December 2018 Excellency,

Upon instructions from my Government, I am writing to you in response to the letter by the Greek Cypriot Representative dated 1 October 2018 addressed to Your Excellency, which contains false allegations regarding the activities of fishing vessels within the territorial waters of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and on the high seas.

I wish to state, at the outset, that the Legislative Assembly of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus enacted Territorial Waters Law (No: 42/2002) and established tire breadth of the State's territorial waters at 12 nautical miles which constitute an integral part of its sovereign territory. In line with the generally accepted rales in the context of territorial waters, the authorities of the TRNC additionally adopt laws and regulations regarding but not only limited to marine living species and the prevention of the infringement of fisheries.

As regards the fishing vessel Geia sou kaiki mouAi Nikola flying the flag of the Greek Cypriot administration, contrary to the allegations in the Greek Cypriot Representative’s letter, the vessel was arrested within the territorial sea of the TRNC, not in the Greek Cypriot Administration’s. The incident took place at 7.5 nautical miles from the TRNC's northern coast which falls within its maritime jurisdiction and hence only the relevant laws of the TRNC apply in the area. As per standard practice, the vessel in question was contacted over radio by the TRNC Coast Guard to identify itself, however, these calls were not answered. I deem it necessary to underline that, at the time it was detained, the fishing vessel in question was carrying out illegal fishing activity in breach of TRNC national law and consequently, her crew was charged with violating the Aquaculture Resources Law (No: 27/2000) and Immigration Law of the TRNC.

What is more misleading in the Greek Cypriot Representative’s letter is the claim that the fishing vessel Geia sou kaiki mou Ai Nikola was detained by Turkish forces. Within the TRNC's territorial sea. only the Turkish Cypriot and its Coastal Guard have the jurisdiction to perform maritime patrol missions for the prevention of all illegal activities, including illegal fishing, to be prejudicial to the peace and security of the TRNC. As part of its duty entrusted to it by our national law to combat the unlawful acts, the Turkish Cypriot Coastal Guard had no choice but to conduct the arrest of the fishing vessel

H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres Secretary-General of the United Nations New York.

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Geia sou kaiki mou Ai Nikola as it was performing illegal fishing activity within territorial sea of the TRNC and pursuant to the principles enshrined in the international law, its passage through the State’s territorial sea was not innocent. The rest of the allegations in the Greek Cypriot Representative’s letter are also totally baseless.

In concluding, the present letter and the previous ones addressed to you by the Greek Cypriot Representative tend to ignore the prevailing reality that there exist two independent, self-governing States on the island of Cyprus, each exercising sovereignty and jurisdiction within its respective territory'.

I also avail myself of this opportunity to call upon the Greek Cypriot side to cease to disseminate untrue information with regard to the matters related to the Cyprus issue which serves no purpose but to deepen the mistrust between the Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypriots on the island.

I should be grateful if the present letter could be circulated as a document of the Security Council as well as of the General Assembly, under agenda item 45 and 78, and have it published on the website of the Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea and in the next Law of the Sea Bulletin.

------"T ismfet Korukoglu Representative Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus

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OFFICE OF THE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS 708 THIRD AVENUE, SUITE: 3 710 NEW YORK. NEW YORK 30037 Tel: (212) 687-2350 Fax: (212) 949-6872 E-mail: [email protected]

16 January 2019 Excellency,

I am writing in response to the statement of the Greek Cypriot Deputy Representative made during the 52nd Meeting of the General Assembly, on 13 December 2018, on the occasion of the adoption during the plenary session of the Resolution on Cooperation between Hie United Nations and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) under agenda item 128b.

At the outset, contrary to the Greek Cypriot Deputy Representative’s false account, it should be noted that the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, in its current form, is not synonymous with the 1960 Republic of Cyprus, the legitimacy of which lay in the joint and effective participation of the two peoples, namely tire Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, in running its affairs. The 1960 Republic of Cyprus was converted, by force of arms, into a purely Greek Cypriot administration in 1963 and, since then, there has not been a single Government or Republic representing both peoples on the island. Rather, there exist two independent, self-governing States, each exercising sovereignty and jurisdiction within their respective territory. Therefore, the continuous attempts by the Greek Cypriot side, through oft-repeated untrue statements, to confer legitimacy upon the long-defunct “Republic of Cyprus”, lack merit.

As for the false allegations of the Greek Cypriot Deputy Representative regarding the compatibility of the language concerning Cyprus in the “OIC 2025 Program of Action” document, it should be noted that this document is penned in line with the UN language used regarding the Cyprus issue, including reference to two Constituent States, namely the and the Greek Cypriot State, which have been referred to as such in all the documents at the negotiations leading up to the collapse of the Cyprus Conference at Crans- Montana, Switzerland, in July 2017. Hence, it is the rejection of this language by the Greek Cypriot Deputy Representative which is incompatible. Unfortunately, it is due to the very mentality and stance of the Greek Cypriot administration that rejects the sharing of power and prosperity - the requisites of any partnership, including a federation - with the Turkish Cypriot side, which has made a settlement in Cyprus so elusive. Furthermore, what lacks compatibility with the language for any partnership is the language used by the Greek Cypriot leadership, including Greek Cypriot Leader Nicos Anastasiades, who has recently stated that he envisages a model where decision-making at the federal level would not require the

H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres Secretary-General of the United Nations New York

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effective participation of tlie Turkish Cypriot side. This unacceptable statement is particularly baseless at at a time when the two sides are engaged in a reflection period in order to determine whether there is a common vision as regards the way forward, ie. the type of settlement model they envisage. The fact that he made further statements that rotational presidency- one of the indispensable components of any federal partnership - was no longer on the table, is yet another testimony to the lack of a common vision.

Moreover, I also would like to refer to the report submitted to the Security Council in 2004 (S/2004/437) by the then Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, whereby he states: ‘7 would hope the members of the Security Council can give a strong lead to all States to cooperate both bilaterally and in international bodies to eliminate unnecessary restrictions and barriers that have the effect of isolating the Turkish Cypriots and impeding their development, deeming such a move as consistent with the Security Council Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984). ” Hence, the pretentious claim of “incompatibility with the UN Security Council and General Assembly resolutions” is yet another attempt by the Greek Cypriot administration to distort the realities with a view to severing the ties and presence of the Turkish Cypriots in international organizations and to further solidifying the unjust isolation imposed on the Turkish Cypriots by limiting their access to and contact with the rest of the world.

The Greek Cypriot Deputy Representative continues to employ diversion tactics to conceal the responsibility of the Greek Cypriot side in the failure of the UN Comprehensive Settlement Plan of the Cyprus Question, which was put into separate and. simultaneous referenda in April 2004 on both sides of the island, due to the fact that there are two separate populations on the island, namely the Turkish Cypriot people and Greek Cypriot people. In this connection, the statement that “a significant portion of the Cypriot population rejected that specific plan” is factually incorrect. Furthermore, by claiming that a large portion of the “Cypriot” population rejected the plan, she deliberately and conveniently omitted the most important specification that it was the Greek Cypriot people which overwhelmingly rejected the UN-brokered peace plan by 76% of the votes, while 65% of the Turkish Cypriot population cast an affirmative vote. It is also appalling to hear the Greek Cypriot Deputy Representative claim that the peace plan was an imposed one and would have served to create a “vassal state”. Needless to say that the plan was a product of four and half years of negotiations between the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots under the auspices of the United Nations and supported strongly by the entire member states of the United Nations as well as the European Union as a fair and balanced compromise for both sides. I also regret to note that the latest process of negotiations ended with failure in Crans-Montana in July 2017 due to the lack of political will of the Greek Cypriot side to share power and the wealth of the Island with the Turkish Cypriots on an equal footing.

I would like to remind the Greek Cypriot Deputy Representative that the Turkish intervention, which was carried out in accordance with Turkey’s rights and obligations under the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, did not come about until 1974 and was the direct result of the coup d'etat carried out by die joint Greek - Greek Cypriot front, which aimed to annex the island to Greece and annihilate the Turkish Cypriot people in line with the notorious Akritas Plan. Therefore, contrary to the Greek Cypriot Deputy Representative’s claim, die only occupation in the island is the 55-year-long occupation of the seat of “Government of Cyprus” by the Greek Cypriot administration.

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In closing, tlie Greek Cypriot administration should once again be reminded that its counterpart is, and has always been, the Turkish Cypriot side, not Turkey and that its insistent denial of the Turkish Cypriot rights and presence in the North of the island does not bode well for the prospects of finding a sustainable negotiated settlement on the island.

1 should be grateful if the present letter could be circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 45.

ismet Korakoglu Representative Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus

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OFFICE OF THE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS 70S THIRD AVENUE, SUITE: 1710 NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10017 Tel: (212) 687-2350 Fax: (212) 949-6872 E-mail: [email protected]

22 January 2019 Excellency,

Upon instructions from my Government, I am writing in response to the letter dated 8 January 2019 addressed to you by the Greek Cypriot Charge d'affaires a.i. in New York and circulated as documents of the General Assembly (A/73/696) and of the Security Council (S/2019/24), which, yet again contains false assertions similar to those made in her previous letters, I would like to bring the following to your kind attention with a view to setting the record straight.

At the outset, regarding the claims of so-called “infringements of international air traffic regulations” and “violations of Cyprus’ national airspace”, I wish to underline that flights within the sovereign airspace of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus take place with the lull knowledge and permission of the relevant authorities of the State, over which the Greek Cypriot administration in South Cyprus has no jurisdiction or right of say whatsoever. The civil aviation authority of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus is the only competent body to provide air traffic and aeronautical information sendees within its own national airspace and Notices to Airmen are issued in accordance with Article 3 of the Convention on International Civil Aviation (Chicago Convention).

Similarly, the assertion raised in the letter regarding the use of Turkish Cypriot ports is also baseless, given the fact that the Greek Cypriot administration has no jurisdiction or right of say over Northern Cyprus. Furthermore, this claim ignores the present realities on the ground, namely, the existence of two independent, self-governing States on the island of Cyprus, each exercising sovereignty and jurisdiction within its respective territory.

As regards the false allegations concerning Ercan Airport in the North, it should once again be underlined that the technologically up-to-date Ercan area control center and airport in North Cyprus have been providing regular, reliable and safe air traffic services since the Greek Cypriot side’s refusal in 1977 to provide air traffic services in the northern part of the island, in line with its policy of isolating the Turkish Cypriot people. Ever since, all flights within the sovereign airspace of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus have taken place with the full knowledge and permission of the Civil Aviation Department of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, over

H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres Secretary-General of the United Nations New York

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which it has foil jurisdiction and control.

Moreover, the unjust isolation imposed on the Turkish Cypriots, which the Greek Cypriot side attempts to bolster by deeming all air and sea ports in Northern Cyprus “illegal”, is in complete contravention of international law, as well as the call made by the then Secretary-General, Kofi Arman, in his report to the Security Council dated 28 May 2004 (S/2004/437), in which he clearly states ‘7 would hope they [members of the Security Council] can give a strong lead to all Slates to cooperate both bilaterally and in international bodies to eliminate unnecessaiy restrictions and barriers that have the effect of isolating the Turkish Cypriots and impeding their development, deeming such a move as consistent with Security Council resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984f\

The legislation of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus on aeronautical safety meets all standards and recommendations of the International Civil Aviation Organization, ensuring aviation safety and security by regulating all aspects of civil aviation which includes the operation of airports, the management of air traffic and etc. All airports in Northern Cyprus are in full conformity with international standards, and necessary upgrades have been performed to keep up with the developing technology. Moreover, the number of air traffic controllers has been increased in accordance with the growing number of flights over the years, and the Ercan area control center is in regular and close cooperation with the Ankara area control center in order to ensure the safe conduct of all flights in the region. In 2018 alone, the number of passengers that used Ercan Airport stood at 4,020,229. Moreover, in 2018, 26,817 planes used Ercan Airport for arrival and departure and 218,065 planes used the Ercan advisory airspace. In that regard, it must also be stressed that the Turkish Cypriot side is committed to upholding the highest standards in the field of air navigation safety in full conformity with the Chicago Convention of 1944, and that it is ready to cooperate with the Greek Cypriot authorities on this very important issue.

Availing myself of the present opportunity, I would like to call upon the Greek Cypriot side to discontinue such unfavorable and outdated rhetoric and remind that its counterpart is, and has always been, the Turkish Cypriot side, not Turkey,

I should be grateful if the present letter could be circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 45, and of the Security Coun

ismet Korukoglu Representative Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus

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TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS DEPUTY PRIME MINISTRY AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

24 January 2019

Excellency,

1 would like to bring to your kind attention a very unfortunate incident which took place on December 27lh, 2018 in the high seas. 22 nautical miles southeast of Poyraz Burnu (also known as Cape Greco). On December 27th, 2018 at 14.35 hrs, the TRNC Coast Guard Operations Center received a radio message from a United States flagged container ship named “Safmarine Nimba” calling for search & rescue and medical evacuation regarding a crew member who went overboard.

After locating the ship’s position, the TRNC Coast Guard acted immediately to respond to the ship's request. In the meantime, the ship informed the Coast Guard that the crew member was rescued by the ship's own means, however his condition was critical and needed immediate medical evacuation.

Therefore, the TRNC Coastguard Operations Center, via Cyprus Turkish Radio, guided the ship towards Port of Famagusta and two helicopters belonging to the TRNC Security Forces Aviation Command promptly mobilized with MEDEVAC task.

However, shortly before the helicopters reached the ship, the Greek Cypriot authorities intervened and made it change its course. When the ship entered into “territorial waters3’ of the Greek Cypriot Administration, the TRNC helicopters aborted the mission and returned safely to their base at 17.50 hrs.

It is on record that the TRNC authorities responded to this medical evacuation incident immediately for saving the crew member’s life in a well-coordinated manner. On the other hand, the Greek Cypriot Administration, in negligence of the crew member’s life, resolutely called the ship to refuse our MEDEVAC team’s assistance and had the ship change its course and enter into the Greek Cypriot “territorial waters”.

As you are very well aware, the Greek Cypriot Administration’s “state” sponsored obstructionist actions perpetuated against the Turkish Cypriots are widely documented. This latest incident demonstrates yet another blatant example of the Greek Cypriot Administration’s readiness for exploiting any situation for its own political ends, even when their actions would put into risk a human’s life.

Please accept Excellency, assurances of my highest consM^ra+mn

Prof. Kudret Ozersay Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs H.E. Mr. Jcan-Pierre Lacroix United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, New York

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OFFICE of the representative of the TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS 10 Grand Central. 155 E 44th Street. Suite 1710 Tel: (212) 687-2350 Fax: (212) 949-6872 E-mail: [email protected] 30 January 2019 Excellency,

The Security Council adopted today Resolution 2453 (2019). regarding the extension of the mandate of the United Nations Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP). The detailed observations of the Turkish Cypriot side regarding this Resolution have already been presented to the Presidency verbally as well as in writing at our meeting today.

Upon instructions from my Government I would like to underline, once again, the views of the Turkish Cypriot side particularly vis-a-vis the issue of consent as well as the modalities of the operations of UNFICYP within the territory of the TRNC. As you are well aware, one of the governing principles of UN peacekeeping operations throughout the world is the requirement that the consent of parties to the dispute is sought, in line with the Brahimi Report, where it is clearly stated "...that consent of the local parties and impartiality [...] should remain the bedrock principles of peacekeeping. ” Thus, UNFICYP can operate on both sides of the Island only on the basis of the consent of both parties. Otherwise, UNFICYP “risks becoming a party to the conflict”, as stated in the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations Principles and Guidelines. Indeed, this principle of consent is also fundamental to the UN Secretary-General5s good offices mission which treats the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot sides on the Island on an equal footing. Furthermore, since the political process is directly interlinked with the peacekeeping operations, not seeking the consent of one of the sides in relation to UNFICYP, namely the consent of the Turkish Cypriot side as one of the two sides of the political process would constitute a serious shortcoming in this regard.

Moreover, at a time when the UN Secretary-General in his report dated 11 January 2019 (S/2019/37) calls upon the two sides to cooperate towards “developing, with support from UNFICYP, their own mechanisms for alleviating tensions” and states that “UNFICYP will further increase its efforts to bring the two communities together [...] and remains ready to support cooperation in priority areas”, which were echoed in the discussions leading to the adoption of the upcoming UN Security Council Resolution on Cyprus, the refrainment of the UN to seek the consent of or cooperate with the Turkish Cypriot side contradicts the aim of these discussions within the Security Council, as well as the calls of the Secretary-General in this regard.

Needless to say, the consent for the extension of the mandate of UNFICYP sought and obtained prior to the adoption of the Resolution 2453 (2019) from the Greek Cypriot side, which purports to be the long-defunct “Government of Cyprus”, only covers the operations of UNFICYP in Southern Cyprus. In view of this fact I feel obliged to state that, for the time

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being, as a gesture of the good-will of the Turkish Cypriot side and with the permission of our Government, UNFICYP personnel will continue to operate within the borders of the TRNC and we will maintain our cooperation with UNFICYP. while at the same time continuing to request that it works with us to develop the modalities of its operations in Northern Cyprus.

I would be grateful if this letter and its annex could be circulated to the members of the Security Council.

Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

smet Korukoglu Representative

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TALKING POINTS On the extension of the mandate of UNFICYP by the UN Security Council (January 2019)

• OP6 and OP20: The call upon the sides and the relevant involved parties in paragraph OP6 “to explore ways to establish mechanisms and to enhance existing initiatives, with UNFICYP as facilitator through its liaison role, for effectively alleviating tensions and to help address island-wide matters that affect all Cypriots” constitutes a positive start towards direct cooperation between the two sides, since it is imperative for the two sides in Cyprus to find ways to cooperate in ail fields, which would help them to build confidence, a cooperative relationship and interdependence. The Turkish Cypriot side is ready to work with the Greek Cypriot side in this regard.

• PP2 and PP23: As regards references to the “Government of Cyprus”, it should be recalled that the 1960 Republic of Cyprus, established by international agreements of 1959 and 1960, was destroyed by the Greek Cypriot partner. Since then, there has not been a joint central administration capable of representing the whole of Cyprus, either legally or factually. Each side has since ruled itself, while the Greek Cypriot side has continued to claim that it is the “Government of Cyprus”. The two separate and simultaneous referenda held on 24 April 2004 on the comprehensive settlement plan of the then UN Secretary-General has highlighted, once again, the fact that the island of Cyprus is comprised of two distinct peoples and administrations. Hence, this reference is unacceptable.

It should be recalled that in line with the Rrahimi Report, the consent and approval of all concerned parties, which constitute a bedrock principle of peacekeeping operations, is necessary for the success of such operations and this principle undoubtedly applies to the operations of UNFICYP which has to cooperate with two politically equal parties to the dispute in Cyprus. The reference in PP2 only to the agreement of the Greek Cypriot administration regarding the extension of the presence of UNFICYP is contradicting the aforementioned bedrock principle as it overlooks the need for consent and approval of both sides, hence UNFICYP “risks becoming a party to the conflict” as stated in the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations Principles and Guidelines. It should be home in mind that short of good will and courtesy on the part of the Turkish Cypriot side, it would not be possible for UNFICYP to function on the island.

Moreover, the fact that the present Resolution has removed the reference to UN Security Council Resolution 2436 (2018), which was present in the first version of the Resolution and which “reaffirms the basic principles of peacekeeping* such as the consent of the parties, impartiality...” constitutes a serious anomaly and contradiction, since the Security Council is removing its own unanimously-adopted Resolution as regards all peacekeeping operations. Hence, it should be understood that the fact that the UN Security Council is subjectively removing this important overarching Resolution does not detract from the binding nature of the said Resolution or change the reality that the consent of the two sides is an absolute requisite to peacekeeping operations, including UNFICYP.

The Turkish Cypriot side has repeatedly put on record the need to establish a formal agreement/ffamework which arranges and defines the relationship between UNFICYP and our authorities. This could be in the form of a Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), or another mutually acceptable format, as long as it is reached with the consent of Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 06/06/2019 7:41:37 PM Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 06/06/2019 7:41:37 PM

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UNFICYP and the Turkish Cypriot relevant authorities. Such a step would surely challenge the unacceptable status quo.

• The issue of the unjust isolation imposed on the Turkish Cypriot side can no longer be overlooked, nor be absent from the present Resolution. Almost fourteen years have elapsed since the report of the then UN Secretary-General to the Security Council dated 28 May 2004 (S/2004/437), where it was clearly stated that “there exists no rationale for pressuring and isolating the Turkish Cypriots”. The imbalance created by the perpetuation of the isolation reinforces the Greek Cypriot inclination to act unilaterally instead of thinking in terms of sharing power and prosperity. The imposition of this isolation is also the most important element exacerbating the deep crisis of confidence between the two peoples and the two sides.

• OP1, OP2 and OP5(a): The technical rollover in these paragraphs as regards the previous negotiation process and the Conference which took place in Crans-Montana, Switzerland, in 2017, means that the resolution is not in tune with the realities of today.

• In this regard, it is unfortunate that OP1 suffices it to refer to the collapse of the Conference in Crans-Montana as a mere “conclusion”, and continues to place emphasis on the aftermath of the Conference in which there has been a “lack of progress”. Needless to say, it is impossible to achieve progress when there is not even a current process underway.

This approach undermines the fact that it was the collapse of the Conference itself which is what necessitated the appointment of UN Consultant Jane Holl Lute in the first place. Hence, wording which omits to diagnose why there has been a lack of progress following Crans-Montana is incomplete, since the reason for the lack of progress is the very fact that there was no process because the process had collapsed in Crans-Montana.

• We welcome the statement in OP1 of the resolution that the sides are urged “to agree terms of reference which would constitute a consensus starting point for meaningful results-oriented negotiations leading to a settlement within a foreseeable horizon”. This is also in line with the most recent Report of the UN Secretary-General on his Good Offices Mission, dated 15 October 2018 (S/2018/919), which refrained from putting the two sides in a straitjacket in terms of the type of settlement.

In this regard, calls made to sides on agreeing on terms of reference should not detract from this pertinent determination of the UN Secretary-General, aka should not merely be about methodology, but also substance, ie. a common vision for the way forward. Hence, the resolution should urge all involved in this manner.

Moreover, while PP5 of the resolution makes the call on the sides to “renew their commitment to an enduring comprehensive and just settlement based on a bicommunal, bizonal federation with political equality 7 this gives the impression that there is currently a process underway, and that the only settlement model on the table is the bi­ communal bi-zonal federal format. This approach is in line neither with the Secretary- General’s aforementioned report nor with the wording in the resolution which refers to a consensus starting point, in which there is no reference to the type of settlement model to be reached.

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remain largely unimplemented due to the Greek Cypriot side’s unilateral decision to halt the work of the Committees following the collapse of the Conference in Crans- Montana, even though these works are related to day-to-day issues affecting peoples on both sides of the island. Believing that the CBMs are vital for bridging trust and establishing cooperation between the two sides in Cyprus, the Turkish Cypriot side has fulfilled all its responsibility to implement all CBMs as agreed and announced by the two leaders, including the intercomiectivity of electricity grids and the interoperability of the mobile phones.

Following the collapse of the negotiations and the subsequent deepening of the already existing mistrust between the two sides, we concur with the view that there is a need for renewed efforts to implement CBMs in an open-minded and creative manner, including the issue of the natural resources around the island which belongs to the Turkish Cypriot side, just as much as the Greek Cypriot side, as one of the two equal co-owners of the island - a fact which is also accepted by the international community, as well as the Greek Cypriot side itself. As the Turkish Cypriot side, we are open to discussing existing and new CBMs which will enable the two sides to cooperate. We hope and trust that the Greek Cypriot side will be encouraged in this regard.

• PP7, PP8, OPS(e) and OP11: We welcome the calls in the resolution to promote confidence building particularly in the field of education. However, the resolution could have taken one step further by referring to the specific impediments created by the Greek Cypriot side as regards the Imagine Project within the scope of the Technical Committee on Education. In this connection, it could have been noted that the Turkish Cypriot side has already expressed its willingness to go beyond the scope of the project by proposing to expand this project, to expose more children from both sides to the education systems in the other side by organizing visits to schools. However, the Greek Cypriot side declined this proposal in contradiction to the mandate of the project as a result of the Greek Cypriot Ministry of Education preventing Greek Cypriot students from visiting the schools in the North. Hence, the call in the resolution should be openly directed at the Greek Cypriot side and should mention that the Greek Cypriot side has recently cancelled some of the visits to schools in the North. Otherwise, the side responsible for preventing the realisation of the project will not feel the need to reconsider its position.

• PP9 and OP9: While we welcome that the resolution welcomes the opening of new crossing points in November 2018, it is insufficient to reaffirm the importance of “continued crossings of the Green Line by Cypriots55, since this omits the fact that the Greek Cypriots continue to hinder crossings of Turkish Cypriot citizens of Republic of Turkey origin, who have taken part in the 2004 referenda and will do so in any future referenda, as well as some third party nationals across the Green Line. This goes against the established procedure regarding freedom of movement across the buffer zone without prejudice. The Greek Cypriot side’s practices on this matter are arbitrary, i.e. based on place of birth, passport or intention to stay in the North.

• PP14 and OP17: On the issue of demining, the resolution, as it has done in the previous resolution, suffices to ‘regret* that the sides are withholding access to remaining minefields and to "note5 proposals and discussions on this issue, without making reference to the multiple and concrete proposals of the Turkish Cypriot side since 2014, in conformity with the Security Council resolutions, to clear all mines in Cyprus starting with the buffer zone, the most recent of which was a letter sent to Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Chief of Mission of UNFICYP, Ms.

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Elizabeth Spehar on 8 October 2018 (Annex). It should be noted that the Greek Cypriot side continuously rejected these proposals and has, once again, opted to apply to the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention’s Committee on Article 5 Implementation, and requested an extension until 1 July 2022, to fulfil its obligations to destroy all anti- personnel mines in mined areas under its jurisdiction. This shows the insincerity of the Greek Cypriot side to clear all mines throughout the island when this is in fact possible.

• The wording pertaining to the issues of demining and the status of the buffer zone, among other issues, constitutes an overall and unbalanced approach of the UN Security Council of overlooking Greek Cypriot faults/violations, as well as not affording due praise to the initiatives and proposals of the Turkish Cypriot side. Such a subjective stance by the UN Security Council merely contributes to the lack of will to cooperate with the Turkish Cypriot side.

• PP12, OP15 and OP16: Regarding the military status quo, the Resolution makes a direct reference in OP16 to Akyar/Strovilia - an area which does not constitute a violation since it lies within TRNC borders - and yet makes no reference to the unauthorized and illegally-constructed university in the village of Pile/Pyla - which was built before the very eyes of the UN authorities - as well as other Greek Cypriot violations of the status of the buffer zone. It should be reminded that the Turkish Cypriot Security Forces proposed to reciprocally withdraw the military presence from Akyar/Strovilia, despite its situation within TRNC borders

• PP7, PP20, OP8, OP9 and OP14: The resolution makes reference to the “need to implement the remaining recommendations contained in the report of 2017 Strategic Review of UNFICYP”, however this is not adequate in reflecting the need in this regard. In this connection, the Turkish Cypriot side has previously put on record its view that the strategic review of UNFICYP, which is also called for by the UN Security Council, should include a review of its mandate in addition to a review of its functions and operations, even prior to a settlement, in light of the changing circumstances on the island. Hence, the reference made to the need to presently review UNFICYP only in terms of its operations and further linking the review of the mandate of UNFICYP exclusively to Transition planning in relation to a settlement’ is not adequate. The resolution should go a step forward in this regard.

It is UNFICYP’s civilian component which plays a role in liaison and engagement by means of monitoring and reporting on issues concerning the two sides, namely the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot sides. In other words, this constitutes the role of deterrence of UNFICYP on matters which take place within its area of responsibility - limited to the Buffer Zone - which is already being conducted by the civilian, not the military component. Given this reality, the military component of UNFICYP on the island is no longer necessary, since it neither contributes to the aforementioned role, nor serves as a deterrent preventing the recurrence of violence on the island.

The removal of the military component of UNFICYP would also serve as a good example of a military Confidence Building Measure (CBM), to which the UN itself attributes utmost importance and priority. This would also be in line with the envisaged role of UNFICYP within the scope of transition planning in the aftermath of a settlement.

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• OP5(b): As regards the call to intensify the work of the Technical Committees, this overlooks the fact that the Greek Cypriot side has either slowed down or halted the work of these Committees. A case in point is the ad-hoc Committee on harmonization of the Turkish Cypriot side with EU law, which was established to prepare the Turkish Cypriot side for a future settlement. The Greek Cypriot side has halted the work of the Committee, citing the absence of negotiations, a move which is entirely contradictory to the mandate of the committee. It is also ironic that the Greek Cypriot side is fully committed to the work of the Technical Committee on Cultural Heritage, because it needs to cooperate with the Turkish Cypriot side in order to realize renovation works in North Cyprus.

Moreover, the call regarding the objective of “enhancing intercommunal contacts” is weak, since the emphasis should be placed on cooperation between the two sides. In other words, the work of the Technical Committees should not be limited to intercommunal contacts. Time has shown that mere intercommunal contacts do not contribute to the building of trust between the two peoples. Hence, cooperation between the two sides in different fields of life is necessary.

The Turkish Cypriot side fully supports the work of all the Technical Committees, and trusts that the Security Council will call upon the sides to establish a cooperative relationship in all fields of life.

• PP2 and PP23: The reference to the “Government of Cyprus” is sufficient in itself for us to reject the resolution in toto. We would like to remind that UNFICYP could only function in our territory as our guests, in the spirit of goodwill and cooperation, and according to the decisions made and modalities set by the TRNC Government.

30 January 2019, Lefko§a.

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a W'

TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS DEPUTY PRIME MINISTRY AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

8 October 2018

Excellency,

I would like to refer to Your letter, dated 4 July 2018, and to propose, in conformity with Security Council Resolution S/2018/737 (2018). the demining of the entire island, in a comprehensive manner, commencing with the Buffer Zone.

Our proposal, which was initially put forth on 14 April 2014 and reiterated in May 2015, is to clear the remaining minefields, starting with the Buffer Zone by the UN, followed by demining operations to be conducted simultaneously in North Cyprus by the Turkish Cypriot side and in South Cyprus by the Greek Cypriot side.

As the Turkish Cypriot side, we are ready, within the framework of this proposal, to discuss the modalities and reach an agreement on the matter without further delay.

We believe that we can only achieve progress on the issue of demining as a Confidence Building Measure through a holistic approach rather than a partial one. This is the only way forward if the Greek Cypriot side is truly serious about demining.

Wc would be grateful for your assistance in conveying our proposal to the Greek Cypriot side, and urging their favourable response.

In concluding, I would also like to kindly request that His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, as well as the Members of the Security Council, are informed about this proposal, which will enable us to achieve a mine-free island as soon as possible.

Yours sincerely,

Prof. Kudret Ozersav Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs

B.E. Ms. Elizabeth Spehar Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP), Nicosia.

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O

OFFICE OF THE REPRESENTATIVE OF TFIE TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS 10 Grand Centra!, 155 E 44th Street, Suite 1710 Tel: (212) 687-2350 Fax: (212) 949-6872 E-mail: [email protected]

20 February 2019 Excellency,

Upon instructions from my Government, I am writing in response to the letter dated 19 February 2019 addressed to you by the Greek Cypriot Representative in New York and circulated as a document of the Security Council (S/2019/161), which, contains false assertions similar to those made in his previous letters. With a view to setting the record straight, I would like to bring the following to your kind attention.

To begin with, regarding the claims of so-called “infringements of international air traffic regulations” and “violations of Cyprus’ national airspace”, I wish to stress that flights within the sovereign airspace of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus take place with the full knowledge and permission of the relevant authorities of the State, over which the Greek Cypriot administration in South Cyprus has no jurisdiction or right of say whatsoever. The civil aviation authority of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus is the sole competent body to provide air traffic and aeronautical information services within its own national airspace and Notices to Airmen are issued in accordance with Article 3 of the Convention on International Civil Aviation (Chicago Convention).

Similarly, the allegations in the letter vis-a-vis tire use of Turkish Cypriot ports is also groundless, since the Greek Cypriot administration has no jurisdiction or right of say over Northern Cyprus. Furthermore, this claim ignores the present realities on the ground, namely, the existence of two independent, self-governing States on the island of Cyprus, each exercising sovereignty and jurisdiction within its respective territory.

As regards the false contentions concerning Ercan Airport in the North, it should once again be underlined that the technologically up-to-date Ercan area control center and airport in North Cyprus have been providing regular, reliable and safe air traffic services since the Greek Cypriot side’s refusal in 1977 to provide air traffic services in the northern part of the island, in line with its policy of isolating the Turkish Cypriot people. Ever since, all flights within the sovereign airspace of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus have taken place with the full knowledge and permission of the Civil Aviation Department of the Turkish Republic of Northern

H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres Secretary-General of the United Nations New York

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Cyprus, over which it has full jurisdiction and control.

Moreover, the unjust isolation imposed on the Turkish Cypriots, which the Greek Cypriot side attempts to bolster by deeming all air and sea ports in Northern Cyprus “illegal”, is in complete contravention of international law, as well as the call made by the then Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, in Ms report to the Security Council dated 2® May 2004 (S/2004/437), in which he clearly states “I would hope they [members of the Security Council] can give a strong lead to all States to cooperate both bilaterally and in international bodies to eliminate unnecessary restrictions and barriers that have the effect of isolating the Turkish Cypriots and impeding their development, deeming such a move as consistent with Security Council resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984)”.

The legislation of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus on aeronautical safety meets all standards and recommendations of the International Civil Aviation Organization, ensuring aviation safety and security by regulating all aspects of civil aviation which includes the operation of airports, the management of air traffic and etc. All airports in Northern Cyprus are in full conformity with international standards, and necessary upgrades have been performed to keep up with the developing technology. Moreover, the number of air traffic controllers has been increased in accordance with the growing number of flights over the years, and the Ercan area control center is in regular and close cooperation with the Ankara area control center in order to ensure the safe conduct of all flights in the region. In 2018 alone, the number of passengers that used Ercan Airport stood at 4,020,229. Moreover, in 2018, 26,817 planes used Ercan Airport for arrival and departure and 218,065 planes used the Ercan advisory airspace. In that regard, it must also be stressed that the Turkish Cypriot side is committed to upholding the highest standards in the field of air navigation safety in full conformity with the Chicago Convention of 1944, and that it is ready to cooperate with the Greek Cypriot authorities on this very important issue.

Availing myself of the present opportunity, I would like to call upon the Greek Cypriot side to discontinue such counterproductive and outdated rhetoric and remind that its counterpart is, and has always been, the Turkish Cypriot side, not Turkey.

I should be grateful if the present letter could be circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 45, and of the Security Council.

■u x lem Cyprus

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1?

TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS DEPUTY PRIME MINISTRY AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

25 February 2019

Ref No: D§R.O.OO-176.02-19/114882

Excellency,

It has come to my attention that Ms. Elena Rafti, the Greek Cypriot representative stationed in Vienna, who purports to be the "Ambassador of the Republic of Cyprus" is accredited as non-resident "ambassador" to the Principality of and has presented her credentials, on 7 February 2019, to His Serene Highness Hereditary Prince Alois of Liechtenstein. In this connection, I would like to bring to your kind attention the following viewpoints and considerations of the Turkish Cypriot side in the belief that they will duly be taken into account by your esteemed Government in the future.

The Republic of Cyprus was founded in 1960 in accordance with the international Cyprus treaties, namely the Treaties of Establishment, Alliance and Guarantee, by the Turkish Cypriot and the Greek Cypriot peoples when the British Government relinquished the sovereignty of Cyprus to the partnership Republic composed of the aforesaid politically equal partners, "acting conjointly and in partnership". The legitimacy of the 1960 Republic lay in the joint presence and effective participation of both peoples in all organs of the state. Neither of the parties had the right to rule the other, or assume the right to be the Government of the whole island in the absence of the other in all the organs of the state and its Government.

This partnership Republic of Cyprus, established by the 1960 Agreements, was destroyed by the Greek Cypriot partner's onslaught on the Turkish Cypriot partner in December 1963 when all Turkish Cypriot elements in all the state organs were forcefully ejected. The Turkish Cypriot partner did not accept this attempted take-over of the bi-national partnership state by the Greek Cypriot side and, through its national resistance, prevented the Greek Cypriot side from extending its authority over the Turkish Cypriot partner. Since the deliberate destruction, in 1963, of the bi-national Republic, there has not been a single constitutional Government or Republic capable of representing both peoples of the island. Each side has since ruled itself, while the Greek Cypriot side continues to claim that it is the "Government of Cyprus".

The Greek Cypriot administration of Southern Cyprus, therefore, has no legal, or moral right to claim to represent anyone except the Greek Cypriot people, and the said administration, under the pretentious and self-assumed title of the "Government of Cyprus" has no legal or moral right nor the jurisdiction to represent or act on behalf of the Turkish Cypriot people, whose sole, legitimate representatives are those elected under and by virtue of the Constitution of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.

H.E. Mrs. Aurelia C. K. Frick, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Justice and Culture of Principality of Liechtenstein, Vaduz.

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In view of the above, anything said or done by the Greek Cypriot administration of Southern Cyprus in its purported capacity as the "Republic of Cyprus" claiming to represent the Turkish Cypriot people will be null and void and will not, in any way, be binding on the Turkish Cypriot people or the island as a whole.

Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs

2

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TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS DEPUTY PRIME MINISTRY AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

21 March 2019

Excellency.

It is with great sadness that I have learned of the natural disaster and subsequent destruction in Zimbabwe as a result of the cyclone which has tom through the region.

On behalf of the Government of the Turkish Cypriot People. I would like to extend my sincere condolences to the loved ones of those who have lost their lives as a result of this great tragedy, as well as the People and Government of Zimbabwe. Our thoughts and prayers are with the injured and their families.

Please accept. Excellency, the reiteration of my sympathies and our best wishes for the speedy recovery of Your country, along with the assurances of my highest consideration.

Prof. Kudret Ozersay Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs

Hon. Lt General (Rtd) Dr. Sibusiso Busi Moyo Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Trade of the Republic of Zimbabwe, Harare.

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TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS DEPUTY PRIME MINISTRY AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

21 March 2039

Excellency,

It is with great sadness that I have learned of the natural disaster and subsequent destruction in Malawi as a result of the cyclone which has tom through the region.

On behalf of the Government of the Turkish Cypriot People. I would like to extend my sincere condolences to the loved ones of those who have lost their lives as a result of this great tragedy, as well as the People and Government of Malawi. Our thoughts and prayers are with the injured and their families.

Please accept. Excellency, the reiteration of my sympathies and our best wishes for the speedy recovery of Your country, along with the assurances of my highest consideration.

Prof. Kudrei Ozersay Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs

H.E. Dr. Emmanuel Fabiano M.P. Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Republic of Malawi, Lilongwe.

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Q ¥A

TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS DEPUTY PRIME MINISTRY AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

25 March 2019

Ref No: D§B.0.00-176.02-19/117136

Excellency.

It has come to my attention that Mrs. Martha A. Mavrommatis. Greek Cypriot representative stationed in Canberra, who purports to be the "High Commissioner of the Republic of Cyprus" is accredited as non-resident "high commissioner" to Apia and has presented her credentials, on 7 March 2019, to H.H. Mr. Afloga Tuimaiealiifano Vaaletoa Sualauvi 11, Head of State of the Independent State of Samoa. In this connection, 1 would like to bring to your kind attention the following viewpoints and considerations of the Turkish Cypriot side in the belief that they will duly be taken into account by your esteemed Government.

The Republic of Cyprus was founded in 1960 in accordance with the international Chprus treaties, namely the Treaties of Establishment, Alliance and Guarantee, by the Turkish Cypriot and the Greek Cypriot peoples when the British Government relinquished the sovereignty of Cyprus to the partnership Republic composed of the aforesaid politically equal partners, "acting conjointly and in partnership". The legitimacy of the 1960 Republic lay in the joint presence and effective participation of both peoples in all organs of the state. Neither of the parties had tire right to rule the other, or assume the right to be the Government of the whole island in the absence of the other in all the organs of the stale and its Government.

This partnership Republic of Cyprus, established by the 1960 Agreements, was destroyed by the Greek Cypriot partner's onslaught on the Turkish Cypriot partner in December 1963 when all Turkish Cypriot elements in all the slate organs were forcefully ejected. The Turkish Cypriot partner did not accept this attempted take-over of the bi-national partnership state by the Greek Cypriot side and. through its national resistance, prevented the Greek Cypriot side from extending its authority over the Turkish Cypriot partner. Since the deliberate destruction, in 1963, of the bi-nationai Republic, there has not been a single constitutional Government or Republic capable of representing both peoples of the island. Each side has since ruled itself, while the Greek Cypriot side continues to claim that it is the "Government of C\ prus".

The Greek Cypriot administration of Southern Cyprus, therefore, has no legal, or moral right to claim to represent anyone except the Greek Cypriot people, and the said administration, under the pretentious and self-assumed title of the "Government of Cyprus" has no legal or moral right nor the jurisdiction to representor act on behalf of the Turkish Cypriot people.

Hon. Mr, Tuilaepa Lupesoliai Neioti Aiono Sailele Malielegaoi, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of the Independent State of Samoa, Apia.

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whose sole, legitimate representatives are those elected under and by virtue of the Constitution of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.

(n view of the above, anything said or done by the Greek Cypriot administration of Southern Cyprus in its purported capacity as the "Republic of Cyprus” claiming to represent the Turkish Cypriot people will be null and void and will not. in any way, be binding on the Turkish Cypriot people or the island as a whole.

Please accept. Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

rrof. Kudret OZERSAY Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs

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TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS DEPUTY PRIME MINISTRY AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

27 March 2019 Excellence.

I would like to refer to my letter, dated 3 October 2018. addressed to Your Excellency,

concerning the increasing obstructionist policies of the Greek Cypriot administration of

Southern Cyprus to perpetuate the unjust and inhuman isolation of the Turkish Cypriot

people, and to bring to your kind attention yet another unfortunate example in this regard.

An academician from Japan named Dr. Tomolako Kitamura, who was to participate in

a Physics Conference at the Eastern Mediterranean University was denied entry at Lamaca

Airport, on 20 March 2019. and deported with a view to preventing the academician from

crossing to Northern Cyprus. The Japanese academician was interrogated and detained for 9

hours before being sent back to Dubai by the Greek Cypriot authorities, simply for declaring

the intention to attend the abovementioned Conference.

I would like to put on record that denying a person entry to the island on the grounds

of expressing intention to visit Northern Cyprus. particularly for a purely non-political

purpose, is arbitrary and unacceptable. This obstructionist stance of the Greek Cypriot side

which cannot even tolerate visits by foreign academics to Northern Cyprus is not on!}

contrary to Your Excellency's call for the implementation of confidence building measures

between the two sides but also harms any confidence there may be between the two sides and

peoples who are destined to live on the same island. With this stance, the message given to the

Turkish Cypriot people by the Greek Cypriot administration is that the Greek Cypriot side is

bent on obstructing the Turkish Cypriots in all fields of life, including education, trade and

tourism. This begs the question: How can the two peoples on the island reconcile and reach a

negotiated settlement when one oiThe sides is doing all in its power to supress and cause harm

to the other?

Unfortunately lately, the Greek Cypriot side has been increasingly pursuing the said

policy of arbitrarily denying entrance to citizens of various countries follow mg the declaration

by the said persons of their intention to slay in Northern Cyprus. Over the past months.

citizens of Israel the Russian Federation. Egypt and Serbia have been denied entry to Southern Cyprus for expressing this very intention, and were subjected to interrogations,

improper treatment, detainment, denial of entrance to the island and/or deportation to their

H.E. Mr Antonio Guterres Secretary-General of the United Nations Re&Yv&Ffty NSD/FARA Registration Unit 06/06/2019 7:41 ;37 PM Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 06/06/2019 7:41:37 PM

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countries. To preside a recent concrete example, in December 2018. a group of 30 Israeli

citizens who wished to celebrate Ness Year's FNe in Northern Cyprus and had made all the

necessary arrangements according!) were denied entry at Larnaca Airport, on the grounds o(

having hotel reservations ht Northern Cyprus. causing the Israeli citizens financial and

emotional distress. This is clear!) a \ iolaiion of their right to freedom of movement.

ft should he underlined that the Greek Cypriot administration Is denying entry

arbitrarily to those who declare their intention to stay in Northern Cyprus. particularly

discriminating against the citizens of countries other than the European Union and USA.

Exemption to certain countries show the arbitrary and hostile nature of this practice which is

devoid of any legal basis and is contrary to international law as well as the principles and

values of the European Union and the United Nations.

Such incidents of detention and denial of entry to Southern Cyprus of those who wish

to stay in Northern Cyprus do not. however, constitute isolated incidents limited to travel,

but are part of a wider policy pursued by the Greek Cypriot administration. As elaborated in

m) aforementioned letter, the archaic obstructionist policies of the Greek Cypriot

administration include curtailing participation of foreigners in cultural, musical and sports-

related activities in North Cyprus - a clear demonstration of intolerance on the part of the

Greek CNpriot side against any interaction of the Turkish Cypriot side with the rest of the

world.

Unfortunately, references in Your Excellency's reports on Cyprus to the inhuman and

unjust isolation of the Turkish CNpriot people as a "mere concern" when in fact it is a harsh

reality of their lives, further encourage the Greek Cypriot administration to aggressively

pursue these obstructionist policies. I trust that Your Excellency will reconsider the said

reference and reflect the issue of isolation objectively in Your upcoming reports on Cyprus,

which as seen from these examples, is a concrete reality affecting the Turkish Cypriot people

in all fields of life.

1 avail myself of this opportunity to put on record the aforementioned facts in the hope

that Your Excellency will both call upon the Greek Cypriot administration of Southern

CNprus to cease these obstructionist policies that inhibit the development, of any form of trust

and cooperation between the two sides, requisites to achieve a negotiated settlement on the

island, as well as refect these issues in Your upcoming Reports on the Mission of Good

Offices as well as the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus.

Please accept. Excellency, the assurances of my highest mnd^ratlnn

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^ ©

OFFICE OF THE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS 10 GRAND CENTRAL - 155E44TII STREET, SUITE: 1710 NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10017 Tel: (212) 687-2350 Fax: (212) 949-6872 E-mail: [email protected]

28 March 2019

Your Excellency,

I have the honour to convey herewith a copy of the letter dated 27 March 2019 addressed to H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations by H.E. Prof. Kudret Ozersay, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.

Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

Ismet Komkoglu Representative

Mr. Jean-Pierre Lacroix Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations United Nations Organization New York.

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i. 4

TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS DEPUTY PRIME MINISTRY AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

27 March 2019 hxeellenes.

1 would like to refer to my letter, dated 3 October 2018. addressed to Your Excellency,

concerning the increasing obstructionist policies of the Greek Cypriot administration of

Southern Cyprus to perpetuate the unjust and inhuman isolation of the Turkish Cypriot

people, and to bring to your kind attention yet another unfortunate example in this regard.

An academician from Japan named Dr. Tomotako Kitamura. who was to participate in

a Physics Conference at the Eastern Mediterranean University was denied entry at Larnaca

Airport, on 20 March 2019. and deported with a view to preventing the academician from

crossing to Northern Cyprus. The Japanese academician was interrogated and detained for 9

hours before being sent back to Dubai by the Greek Cypriot authorities, simply for declaring

the intention to attend the abovementioned Conference.

I would like to put on record that denying a person entry to the island on the grounds

of expressing intention to visit Northern Cyprus, particularly for a purely non-political

purpose, is arbitrary and unacceptable. This obstructionist stance of the Greek C'y priot side

which cannot even tolerate visits by foreign academics to Northern Cyprus is not only

contrary to Your Excellency's call for (he implementation of confidence building measures

between the two sides but also harms any confidence there may be between the two sides and

peoples who are destined to live on the same island. With this stance, the message given to the Turkish Cypriot people by the Greek Cypriot administration is that the Greek Cypriot side is

bent on obstructing the Turkish Cypriots in all Helds of life, including education., trade and

tourism. This begs the question: How can the two peoples on the island reconcile and reach a

negotiated settlement when one of the sides' is doing all in its power to supress and cause harm

to the other?

Unfortunately lately, the Greek Cypriot side has been increasingly pursuing the said

policy of arbitrarily deny ing entrance to citizens of various countries following the declaration

by the said persons of their intention to stay in Northern Cyprus. Over the past months,

citizens of Israel, the Russian Federation. Egypt and Serbia have been denied entry to

Southern Cyprus for expressing this very intention, and were subjected to interrogations,

improper treatment, detainment, denial of entrance to the island and/or deportation to their

H.E. Mr Antonio Guterres Secretary-Genera! of the United Nations RefiHX&rty NSD/FARA Registration Unit 06/06/2019 7:41:37 PM Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 06/06/2019 7:41:37 PM

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countries. To provide n recent concrete example, in December 2018. a group of 30 Israeli citizens uho wished to celebrate New Year’s E\e in Northern Cyprus and had made all the necessary arrangements according!) were denied entry at Larnaca Airport, on the grounds of having hotel reservations in Northern Cyprus, causing the Israeli citizens financial and emotional distress. This is clearly a violation of their right to freedom of movement.

It .should be underlined that the Greek Cypriot administration is denying entry arbitrarily to those who declare their intention to stay in Northern Cyprus, particularly discriminating against the citizens of countries other than the European Union and USA, Exemption to certain countries show the arbitrary and hostile nature of this practice which is devoid of any legal basis and is contrary to international law as well as the principles and values ofthe European Union and the United Nations,

Such incidents of detention and denial of entry to Southern Cyprus of those who wish to stay in Northern Cyprus do not. however, constitute isolated incidents limited to travel, but are part of a wider policy pursued by the Greek Cypriot administration. As elaborated in my aforementioned letter, the archaic obstructionist policies of the Greek Cypriot administration include curtailing participation of foreigners in cultural, musical and sports- related activities in North Cyprus - a dear demonstration of intolerance on the part of the Greek Cypriot side against any interaction ofthe Turkish Cypriot side with the rest ofthe

w orid.

Unfortunately, references in Your Excellency's reports on Cyprus to the inhuman and unjust isolation ofthe Turkish Cypriot people as a “mere concern” when in fact it is a harsh reality of their lives, further encourage the Greek Cypriot administration to aggressively pursue these obstructionist policies. I trust that Your Excellency will reconsider the said reference and reflect the issue of isolation objectively in Your upcoming reports on Cyprus, w hich as seen from these examples, is a concrete reality affecting the Turkish C> priot people

in all fields of life.

{ avail myself of this opportunity to put on record the aforementioned facts in the hope that Your Excellency will both call upon the Greek Cypriot administration of Southern Cyprus to cease these obstructionist policies that inhibit the development of any form of trust and cooperation between the two sides, requisites to achieve a negotiated settlement on the island, as well as reflect these issues in Your upcoming Reports on the Mission of Good Offices as well as the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus.

Please accept Excellency, the assurances of my highest ronciHp.ratirm

Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Fore; A "‘airs Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 06/06/2019 7:41:3 Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 06/06/2019 7:41:37 PM

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OFFICE OF THE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS 10 GRAND CENTRAL -155 E 44TH STREET, SUITE:1710 NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10017 Tel: (212) 687-2350 Fax: (212) 949-6872 E-mail: [email protected]

28 March 2019

Excellency,

Upon instructions from my Government, I am writing in response to the letter, dated 19

February 2019, addressed to Your Excellency by the Greek Cypriot representative in New York

and circulated as documents of the General Assembly and of the Security Council (A/73/753 and

S/2019/160 respectively)- In the face of misrepresentations and distortions contained in the said

letter regarding both the political situation, as well as the hydrocarbon resources around the

island, I am compelled to bring the following facts and considerations of the Turkish Cypriot

side to Your kind attention.

First and foremost, I would like to refer to Your Excellency's determination in Your most recent Report on the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus, dated 11 January 2019 (S/2019/37), also echoed in UN Security Council Resolution 2453 dated 30 January 2019, to the effect that encourage the sides to consider developing, with support from UNF1CYP, their own mechanisms for alleviating tensions, be they of a military, police or civilian natureIn fact, the issue of hydrocarbon resources around the island presents an ideal opportunity to put Your Excellency's suggestion of establishing a cooperation mechanism into effect, where decisions as regards the said resources will be taken by the two sides. As pointed out by Your Excellency regarding the hydrocarbon resources around the island, such a mechanism would allow us to “engender deeper cooperation for the benefit of all Cypriots and stakeholders in the region” and “to pursue

H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres Secretary-General of the United Nations New York.

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dialogue” on this issue, which poses “a risk of further tensions”, as referred to in the Reports

S/2018/25, S/2018/919 and S/2019/37, respectively, in effect contributing to building of trust and creation of interdependency between the two sides on the island as well as to peace, stability and energy security in the region.

In this connection, I also wish to recall the reference in Your Excellency’s Report

S/2012/507, dated 29 June 2012, to “the natural resources which belong to all Cypriots ”, a fact also acknowledged by the international community as well as the Greek Cypriot administration of Southern Cyprus. This being the case, the unilateral activities of the Greek Cypriot side as regards the hydrocarbon resources around the island, which excludes the Turkish Cypriot side’s consent and its participation in the decision-making, are outright unlawful and create a fait accompli in the Eastern Mediterranean at the expense of the Turkish Cypriots. What is more concerning and hypocritical is the international community’s stance, which, on the one hand acknowledges the Turkish Cypriots as the co-owners of the hydrocarbon resources around the island, and on the other, condones the illegitimate steps taken by the Greek Cypriot administration, reinforcing their reluctance to cooperate with the Turkish Cypriot side or to give up on the unacceptable status quo, which is benefitting them, the main stumbling block in the way of a negotiated settlement on the island. Hence, the rejection on the part of the Greek

Cypriot side of the two proposals made by the Turkish Cypriot side on the hydrocarbon resources around the island through Your Excellency, on 24 September 2011 and 29 September

2012, respectively. If these proposals, which were guided by the goal of establishing cooperation and of creating interdependence between the two sides in this field, were realised at the time, then the Greek Cypriot side would probably have been ready to share power and prosperity with the Turkish Cypriot side, thus leading to a settlement at the Cyprus Conference in Crans-

Montana, Switzerland, in July 2017, rather than a collapse.

In view of the above, I hope and trust that Your Excellency will guide the two sides towards establishing a cooperation mechanism on the hydrocarbon resources around the island.

A positive impetus in this regard would be for the energy companies, unilaterally licensed by the

Greek Cypriot administration, to acknowledge that as co-owners, the consent of Turkish Cypriots and their effective participation in the decision making as regards the exploration, exploitation

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and exportation of the said resources are essential prerequisites and that they reserve all the

rights available with respect to hydrocarbon resources around the island.

I feel obliged also to point out that the arguments put forward in the abovementioned

letter of the Greek Cypriot representative reflect neither the legal nor the political realities on the

island, as they are based on the false pretence that the Greek Cypriot administration of Southern

Cyprus has the legal, political or moral right or authority to represent or act on behalf of the

Turkish Cypriot people or the island as a whole. As is well known to Your Excellency, the

Turkish Cypriot side has made multiple written representations to the United Nations and put on record that these unilateral actions of the Greek Cypriot side, undertaken without the consent and joint participation in decision-making of the Turkish Cypriot side, are illegal and not binding in

any way on the Turkish Cypriot people. It should be borne in mind that at the core of the Cyprus problem and the matters pertaining to it, including oil/natural gas exploration and exploitation

activities, stands the unlawful claim of the Greek Cypriot side to be the “sole government of the

Republic of Cyprus5’, the legitimacy of which ceased to exist when the Turkish Cypriots were

forcibly ejected from all its organs in 1963. Needless to say, there has not been a joint central

administration capable of representing the entire island since 1963, but that there exist two

independent self-governing administrations on the island of Cyprus. I also wish to bring to Your

attention that the Greek Cypriot side, by claiming that its “sovereign rights are exclusive”, is disregarding the fundamental principle that sovereignty in Cyprus emanates equally from the

Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots.

In the light of provocative unilateral acts of the Greek Cypriot side, it should be noted that the Turkish Cypriot side had no choice but to take equivalent and reciprocal, albeit peaceful

measures to protect the inherent and inalienable rights of the Turkish Cypriot people over the hydrocarbon resources around the island. To this end, in addition to the signing of Continental

Shelf Delimitation Agreement with Turkey in full conformity with international law, in 2011, the

Council of Ministers of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) adopted a decision

designating offshore exploration blocks and licensing Turkish Petroleum Corporation (TPAO) to

carry out exploration activities for oil and natural gas resources on behalf of the Turkish

Cypriots. Since then, TP AO, with the express authorization of the Government of the TRNC, has

concluded seismic surveys in the designated blocks via navigational telex. Recently, TP AO

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together with our authorities have determined the most appropriate points for drilling and drilling

will commence in the concession blocks F and G in the days ahead.

In this connection, the Greek Cypriot administration, which in the said letter refers to

Turkey as if Turkey is its counterpart on the island, should, once again, be reminded that its counterpart in Cyprus is, and has always been, the Turkish Cypriot side and that the activities of

TP AO as regards hydrocarbons are conducted on behalf of the Turkish Cypriot side. The Greek

Cypriot side’s insistent denial of this fact in all fields, including hydrocarbons, also does not bode well for the prospects of finding a sustainable negotiated settlement which will be reached between the two sides on the island.

In view of the above, we hope and trust that Your Excellency’s upcoming reports on the

Mission of Good Offices as well as on the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus will openly urge the sides to cooperate in the field of hydrocarbon resources and also call upon the international community, particularly the relevant states and the companies, to take the necessary steps to create the environment for the two sides to cooperate on this important matter. No doubt, such a cooperation would be the most comprehensive and concrete Confidence Building Measure realised to date, leading to interdependency between the two sides, not only paving the way for a negotiated settlement on the island but ensuring peace, stability and energy security for the region.

I should be grateful if you would have the present letter circulated as a document of

General Assembly, under agenda item 45 and 78, and of the Security Council and published on the website of the Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea and in the Law of the Sea

Bulletin.

Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

Ismet Korukoglu Representative

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