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The Primitive City of Timbuctoo The primitive city of Timbuctoo http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.CH.DOCUMENT.sip200008 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org The primitive city of Timbuctoo Author/Creator Miner, Horace Mitchell Date 1953 Resource type Books Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Middle Niger, Mali, Timbucktu Source Smithsonian Institution Libraries, DT553 .T6M53X 1953 Rights By kind permission of the American Philosophical Society. Description Anthropological account of the city of Timbucktu. Data collected during 1940, after seven months of field research. 26 illustrations; 14 charts & maps. Format extent 332 pages (length/size) http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.CH.DOCUMENT.sip200008 http://www.aluka.org I up I up NER tri ..... ...... I-ps ii ...... ..... f ä- fil p-s t&tstwlmmmämeälmm MING Mil ul el ile slog lom ýZjä;' gå ut I film Bol ålime men, i Mål eflå DEW u i fri Ulm l 11611 W, 7.1...49i17 1,-5 11,ý!iýggemiillgip mm MIMI iý ........... Ist, RIDE =0 wipt IiM- 1,1t i N om Mill DEN MENDE 111'dlllýill .äp g '%fi u Mit Minil HENNE öpifi mil 11 lil;u Jggiiii ffi till Mill, Mill I f-flim u, 11 ýIiw t I i; i miti Iii g 5 1: 1! J ä2 M ... ... ..... KM EN, tji mal 2az&Z44 1-'---;ý>, ) - THE PRIMITIVE CITY OF TIMBUCTOO MEMOIRS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY HELD AT PHILADELPHIA FOR PROMOTING USEFUL KNOWLEDGE VOLUME 32 GKS3 "7- 6I:sR THE PRIMITIVE CITY OF TIMBUCTOO BY HORACE MINER PUBLISHED FOR THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY BY PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS 1953 Copyright, 1953, by the American Philosophical Society London: Geoffrey Oumberlege, Oxford University Press L. C. cAED 52-13144 Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Presa tit Princeton, New Jersey TO AGNES TEiE FOLLOWING PAGES are based on field research conducted during seven months residence in Timbuctoo in 1940. In normal times the city is fairly inaccessible. During 1940 the obstacles to travel imposed by submarines, French Sitret, and the Axis Control Commission made the double crossing of the Sahara and the navigation of four hundred miles of the Niger seem like minor obstacles. We had originally planned to remain longer in the French Sudan but after the "phony war" ended with the capitulation of France, we were eventually forced to leave. The material herein presented was derived through observation, intensive interrogation of six French-speaking native informants, and many interviews with natives through the medium of a French-speaking native interpreter. We did achieve some knowledge of Songhoi, the native Negro language and lingua franca of the city. We did not know the totally unrelated Arabic and Temajegh languages which were also native to large segments of the population. Even though participation in the native life of Timbuctoo could not be achieved, contact with the small French colony was studiously avoided. The result was that while we were never considered citizens of the native city, we were more in the confidence of the natives and had greater entree into their activities than did the French. I wish to express my appreciation to those agencies and individuals who not only made the work possible but contributed much to what is worthwhile in this volume. The field work in Africa was done on a post-doctoral field fellowship of the Social Science Research Council. The writing of the report was greatly facilitated by a Demobilization Award granted by the same research council. Dr. Donald Young and Miss Laura Barrett, then both with the Social Science Research Council, were of continuous assistance in major ways and through numerous courtesies. Improvements in the manuscript resulted from suggestions offered by Professors Robert Redfield, Joseph Green- PREFACE berg and Raphael Patai. I am grateful to the American Philosophical Society, for arranging publication of the manuscript, and to Dr. L. P Eisenhart for the work which this entailed. My wife, Dr. Agnes Miner, to whom this volume is dedicated, shared in the discomforts of life in Timbuctoo, took an understanding attitude toward her husband in the throes of writing this book, and throughout contributed greatly of her own time, energy, and ability. I am indebted to the late Dr. B. Maupoil for his assistance in the French Sudan. I wish also to express my gratitude to Mr. Herbert Wolfe and Monsieur Raymond Rougerie and his family for their consideration and kindness in Algeria. Monsieur Dupuis-Yakouba, who gave up the brotherhood of White Fathers to become a recognized member of Timbuctoo native society, gave me assistance. His grammar and dictionary of the Songhoi language were invaluable. Mr. Floyd Bowman not only helped with many linguistic problems, but he and his family showed us many courtesies and aided materially in pulling me through a severe case of black-water fever. Portions of the material in the chapter on circumcision and age-grades were previously published in "Songhoi Circumcision," American Anthropologist, XLIV, 625-631. INTRODUCTION THE fabulous name of Timbuctoo would appear to many as sufficient justification for a book on the people of that city. For the ethnologist the need for such a study is obvious because of the paucity of our knowledge about that part of the world. Others might focus attention on the results of culture contact in this primitive melting-pot, but the genesis of this research rests on still other grounds. Timbuctoo was studied to provide a picture of primitive urban life. The following monograph may be read, without the last chapter, purely as an account of the life-ways of a primitive city with all of the problems of acculturation and accommodation which the cultural diversity presents. This introduction outlines the theoretical problem which led to the descriptive study. The final chapter draws inferences from the data with regard to this theory, but an attempt has been made to leave the body of the account as free from such considerations as possible. In this way it is hoped that the data will serve a useful purpose whether or not the reader is interested in, or agrees with, the theoretical conclusions. Sociologists have long concerned themselves with the distinctive characteristics of the city,' but the communities which they have analyzed are all outgrowths of Western civilization. It would appear to be worthwhile to have comparative data, and to see whether such phenomena as crime, secularization, and group conflict are products of city life per se or whether they are the products of our particular type of urban civilization. While the sociologists have studied the rural-urban contrasts within one culture, anthropologists have been engaged in the analysis of a wide range of small primitive communities. The 1 For some of the sociological literature on these subjects, see Bogardus, 1929; Burgess, 1925; Cavan, 1928; Faris, 1931; Mowrer, 1927; Park, Burgess, and McKenzie, 1925; Reckless, 1941; Shaw and McKay, 1942; Thrasher, 1927. (See List of References on p. 283 for bibliographical information on sources referred to throughout footnotes.) INTRODUCTION similarity between certain aspects of primitive and rural cultures and the contrast between these and modern urban society has become increasingly obvious. In primitive and peasant communities, indications of conflict and social disorganization are few. In contrast to the non-traditional and diversified character of our urban society, these cultures are traditional and homogeneous. Sacred values and personal relations dominate people's interrelationships. These contrasting types of cultural organization have been analyzed by various scholars in somewhat differing frames of reference. But through T6nnies' Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft, Durkheim's "social segment" and "social organ," and Redfield's "folk culture" and "urban civilization" runs the same theme.2 Redfield has this to say in characterizing the folk: Such a society is small, isolated, nonliterate, and homogeneous, with a strong sense of group solidarity. The ways of living are conventionalized into that coherent system which we call "a culture." Behavior is traditional, spontaneous, uncritical, and personal; there is no legislation or habit of experiment and reflection for intellectual ends. Kinship, its relationships and institutions, are the type categories of experience and the familial group is the unit of action. The sacred prevails over the secular; the economy is one of status rather than of the market.' Modern urban civilization is set up as the other polar type of culture, being typified by a greater preponderance of those traits which are diametrically opposite to the folk characters just enumerated. In a unique comparative study of these two types of cultures, Redfield analyzed the characteristic differences between urban civilization and the native folk culture of Yucatan through the comparison of a series of Yucatecan communities which showed successively increasing amounts of contact with Euro-American civilization.
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