Lautaro Ojeda Y Andrea Pino

Cities 95 (2019) 102275

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Cities

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Spatiality of street vendors and sociospatial disputes over public space: The T case of Valparaíso, Chile ⁎ Lautaro Ojeda , Andrea Pino

CINVIT Universidad de Valparaíso, Escuela de Arquitectura, Avenida el Parque 570, Playa Ancha, Valparaíso, Chile

ABSTRACT

In recent years street vending or street trading has become a focal point of political agendas throughout cities of the Global South. The literature of street vending tends to develop within two fields of analysis: 1- socio-spatial regulation, 2- socio-spatial appropriation. This research is centred on socio spatial appropriation analysis of street vendors in the city of Valparaíso, Chile, revealing social and spatial disputes over the use of public space. Through a quantitative and qualitative analysis, we present an in-depth view of social and spatial conflict identified by street vendors themselves, revealing how socio-spatial appropriation by street vendors is an expression of the social and spatial dispute over the use of public space. This study makes an original contribution by associating spatial conflicts of street vending with the socio-spatial appropriation of public space. Results show the need to include the socio-spatial logic and dynamics of street vending in the design and management of public spaces in cities faced with this growing phenomenon.

1. Introduction of street vending and public space using a combination of social and spatial analyses, proposing that the spatiality of the practice of socio- This investigation explores the spatiality of socio-spatial appro- spatial appropriation of street vending is an expression of a social and priation of public space by street vendors in the city of Valparaíso spatial dispute over the use of public space. (Chile) through an analysis combining social and spatial analyses. This research aims are: The majority of studies that analyze the relationship between street How are spatial appropriations by street vendors an expression vending and public space either focus their discussions on studies that of social and spatial disputes over public space? reveal a dialectical organization of street vendors through the analysis For this, we combined the analysis of three specific topics: 1- Social of comprehensive surveys, economics trends, economics surveys, in- analysis which reveals the social appropriation of street vendors, 2- terviews analysis, (see articles Muñoz, 2018; Huang, Zhang, & Xue, Spatial analysis that aims at showing the extent of the spatial appro- 2017; Hummel, 2017; Martínez, Short, & Estrada, 2017, 2018, priation of street vendors, and 3- Policy analysis to get and provide Onodugo, Ezeadichie, Onwuneme, & Anosike, 2016; Roever, 2010, an insight about the public policies related to street vending. Finally, 2016; Crossa, 2016; Turner & Schoenberger, 2012; Peña, 1999, 2000); we superimpose these two dimensions on maps that locate, spacialise, or, studies focus their arguments on the geolocation of street vendors and characterize the socio-spatial appropriation of street vendors on through fixed points in space and/or through paradigmatic photo- public space in four areas of the city of Valparaíso. graphy of specific street vendors, (see articles Li, Ren, Hu, & Wang, 1.0-Street vending: informal appropriation and regulation of 2018; Martínez et al., 2017; Palacios, 2016; Widjajanti, 2016; Meneses public space in the Global South. & Caballero, 2014; Meneses, 2013; Bromley & Mackie, 2009; Jones & The informal economy as a practice tends to be in regards to “actions Varley, 1999). However, there are very few studies that analyze the carried out by economic agents unable to enter established institutions” relationship between individual and collective space used by street (Feige, 1989: 990), and as stated by Cross (1998), for the State and the vendors and the city public space. For this we can highlight the research elite the informal economy represents a threat to order and market conducted in South Africa by Charman, Petersen, Piper, Liedeman, and regulations as well as to the “good use” of public and private space. Due Legg (2017), where they present maps with the location and identifi- to this, on the one hand, action of street vendors is outside of formal cation of 24 different types of trade among street vendors (Charman and legal attitudes, and eludes rules, typical of institutions and organ- et al., 2017). isms in charge of controlling and organising economic, spatial, and It is within this context that this article contributes to the discussion territorial management (Cross, 1998; De Soto, 2000); on the other

⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (L. Ojeda). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2019.02.005 Received 16 January 2018; Received in revised form 31 January 2019; Accepted 9 February 2019 0264-2751/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. L. Ojeda and A. Pino Cities 95 (2019) 102275 hand, it is the result of deficiencies in law and social contracts, that is, Skinner, 2016). social and economic inclusion and protection as obligations of the state. Ray Bromley (2000), points out that in the available literature and However, these arguments possess an ideological bias focused on un- general public, there are 11 arguments in favour of street vending, and employment and poverty, which historically has harboured within the 16 against (see Bromley, 2000: 7–9). It is interesting to note that in thoughts of Legalist, Voluntarist, Structuralists, and Dualists of the in- Bromley's analysis there are only arguments against the spatiality of formal economy (Brown & Mc Granahan, 2016; Martínez et al., 2017), street vending, which reinforces the arguments that analyze the spati- leaving out the multiple socio-economic factors that lead people to ality of socio-spatial appropriations by street vending put forth by become involved in the informal economy and also in the street vending Lindell (2010), Roever and Skinner (2016), Martínez et al. (2017) and (Huang et al., 2017). Huang et al. (2017), who all point out the need to include the socio- The street vending can be inserted or not in an informal economy1 spatial logic and dynamics of street vending in urban design and and at the same time be inserted or not in an informal appropriation of planning policies. At the same time, the extensive literature on street public space. It is in that sense that the proposed approach is focused on vending and public space in the Global South tends to develop within street vending and public space. In the Global South the discussion two fields of analysis: 1- socio-spatial regulation, 2- socio-spatial ap- surrounding street vending and public space, has been developed pri- propriation. marily by the following research: In Asia, Hanoi (Drummond, 2000; Turner & Schoenberger, 2012); 1.1. Socio-spatial regulation in street vending Bangkok (Boonjubun, 2017); Taipei (Jou, Clark, & Chen, 2016); Se- marang (Widjajanti, 2016); Surakarta (Permatasari, Putro, & Nuraeni, Studies centred on socio-spatial regulation show evidence that the 2014); Guangzhou (Descheng & Huang, 2015; Huang, Xue, & Li, logic behind the formalization of public space in the Global South and 2014); Chengguan (Swider, 2015); Shanghai (Orum & Li, 2017); specifically Latin America has developed since the 1950's, with local Delhi (Schindler, 2014); Mumbai (Shapiro, 2006); Ahmedabad public organisms vacillating between relocation and/or eradication (Roever, 2016). In Africa, Kampala (Monteith & Lwasa, 2017; Young, (Bromley & Mackie, 2009; Donovan, 2008), even commercial actions of 2018); Acra (Brown, Lyons, & Dankoco, 2010, Roever, 2016); Durban street vending (Meneses & Caballero, 2014; Roever, 2016), which has (Roever, 2016); Nakuru (Roever, 2016); Enugu (Onodugo et al., implicitly made public space, in its symbolic expression of accumula- 2016); Dakar (Brown et al., 2010); Kumasi (Brown et al., 2010); Dar tion of wealth and interest, turn into a dialectical stage for spatial Er Salaam (Brown et al., 2010); Nairobi (Lyons & Snoxell, 2005). And conflicts (Bromley & Mackie, 2009; Widjajanti, 2016). One of the most in Latin America, Mexico City (Cross, 1998; Crossa, 2016; De la Garza common expressions of these dialectics have been the various processes Toledo, 2011; Meneses, 2013; Ortiz Murillo, 2002; Peña, 1999, 2000; of gentrification led by local governments, who with a more social Silva Londoño, 2010); Puebla (Jones & Varley, 1999; Staudt, 1996); hygienic viewpoint have carried out mass displacements of street ven- Ciudad de Juárez (Middleton, 2003); Morelia (Cabrales Barajas, dors from historical centres to the urban periphery (Bromley & Mackie, 2005); Bogotá (Borja, Barreto, & Sánchez, 2008; Carbonell, 2011; 2009; Huang et al., 2014; Jou et al., 2016; Roever, 2010; Widjajanti, Donovan, 2008; Hunt, 2009; Muñoz, 2018; Rocha, Sánchez, & García, 2016). Roever (2010) states that these displacements and/or processes 2009); Medellín (Saldarriaga Díaz, Vélez-Zapata, & Betancur Ramírez, of spatial clearing from historical centres, has had a positive effect on 2016); Cali (Martínez et al., 2017); Quito (Bromley, 1998; Middleton, the restoration of order and cleanliness of the space, yet on a more 2003); Lima (Roever, 2005, 2006; Seppänen, 1998), Cuzco (Bromley & negative note have caused low income street vendors with no invest- Mackie, 2009; Steel, 2012); La Paz (Hummel, 2017); Belo Horizonte ment capital to abandon relocation projects. Turner & Schoenberger (Pádua & Benevides, 2011); Río de Janeiro (Freeman, 2002); Sao state that “Modernist and revanchist municipal policies in the global South Paulo (Itikawa, 2006); Santiago de Chile (Palacios, 2016). often posit street vendors against state visions for urban development, leaving Scientific evidence from these studies shows that in large cities them with few rights and limited options for physical relocation and liveli- throughout the Global South, street vending is one of the most explicit hood security” (1031:2012). and/or visual expressions or elements of urban informality (Bromley, It is from this perspective of socio-spatial conflicts over public space 2000; Brown et al., 2010; Crossa, 2016; Donovan, 2008; Huang et al., that some authors have analyzed the collective actions of street ven- 2017; Martínez et al., 2017; Roever & Skinner, 2016), expressed dors, defining some as “strategies of evasion or resistance”(Cross, 1998; through the location and appropriation of traditional and/or frequented Hummel, 2017), or “struggles over the right to the City”(Swider, 2015). In public spaces in cities, “Centrality is a key rationale for informal traders to regards to street vending, literature coincides with the current demo- locate in the city centre. The existence of a range of other urban functions, nization of the phenomena by the elite (Bromley, 2000; Li et al., 2018; the concentration of public transport links and the density of pedestrian Peña, 2000; Turner & Schoenberger, 2012), and that, in the majority of movement are integral to the pull of centrality”(Bromley & Mackie, 2009: countries, political authorities point out that social organizations of 1486). street vendors are mafias operating on the margins of the law(Peña, When faced with the informal appropriation of public space, of 2000). This political discourse contradicts evidence found in a number historic centres, and commercial areas of the city, governments of the of investigations conducted, for example, in the City of Mexico, which Global South have acted with a dichotomous view of the informal- show that street vending is politicized and co-opted by political parties formal economy (Crossa, 2016), losing sight of the fact that street (Cross, 1998;De la Garza Toledo, 2011; Peña, 1999). Other research sets vending is a mechanism of spatial management and control that reacts forth that street vendor organizations negotiate the use and perma- to confusing and/or contradictory laws and regulations (Meneses & nency of public space with local political authorities (De la Garza Caballero, 2014), and many times it is a space that presents economic Toledo, 2011; Peña, 1999), and yet another research shows how local opportunities for more vulnerable sectors and lower income citizens political authorities give economic incentives, driving the creation of that tend to complement and/or combine the informal with the formal unions and co-operative organizations among street vendors (Hummel, economy, leading to a significant contribution to the local economy. Yet 2017; Roever, 2016). Turner and Schoenberger (2012), quoting Ker- globally, the relationship between street vendors and the formal kvliet, note four different relationships between street vendors and the economy has been that of exclusion rather than inclusion (Roever & State: 1-conformity, 2-support, 3-modification and evasion, and 4-resistance. Therefore, scientific evidence reveals that the forms of social organization among street vendors are diverse and the forms of reg- 1 In Chile the “48,9% of the entrepreneur population (911.623) are informal” ulation adopted by local authorities depend on the local reality of each and the 10.4% of the country's informal workers are street vendors (Ministerio country and/or city. What is certain is that street vending is an intrinsic de Economía Fomento y Turismo, 2016: 2) part of the Latinamerican urban space. Lindell points out that “there are

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Fig. 1. Cartography of the coastal plain of Valparaíso with the four sectors studied and the street vendors (formal and informal). Source: authors. growing calls for looking upon local informal economic practices not as a 1989). merely marginal, acted upon, as manifestations of chaos and decay or as However, this argument focuses on the socio-economic dimension deviations from Western normative ideal, but as providing the basis for social of street vending and rarely analyzes spatiality. It is under this per- economies from which a different kind of urbanism can be envisioned” spective that recent research on street vending and public space has (2010: 2). started analyzing the daily life of street vendors (Li et al., 2018; Martínez et al., 2018; Onodugo et al., 2016; Roever & Skinner, 2016; Turner & Schoenberger, 2012). These investigations have focused on 1.2. Socio-spatial appropriation in street vending characterizing street vendors as subjects that intervene in public space, modifying said space through various spatial strategies (Huang et al., As previously established, the economic and political elite of the 2017; Palacios, 2016) and is what Li et al. (2018) has denominated cities of the Global South have tended to hold on to a negative and/or “space transformation”. In addition, there are several studies that show pejorative outlook of this phenomena, which they see, perceive, and how street vendors have developed collective tactics to evade public catalogue as if it were a plague (Bromley, 2000; Li et al., 2018; Turner & authorities by mobilizing and/or withdrawing from sales points (Li Schoenberger, 2012) and/or pre-modern socioeconomic manifesta- et al., 2018), implicitly showing the importance that these selling tions, sustained in a hygienic and modern view of society that has spaces have in the daily life of street vendors. However, there are very generated systematic policies of exclusion, segregation and spatial few studies that have revealed and analyzed the spatiality created by prohibition, and/or relocation (Crossa, 2016; Martínez et al., 2017; street vendors when appropriating urban space within the city (Li et al., Roever & Skinner, 2016). What is evident is that research agrees in that 2018). Latin American urban informality is a form of development that has shaped the day-to-day nature of cities throughout the continent (Hardoy & Satterhwaite, 1987; Roy, 2005), and/or a form of alter resistance to the system and/or standard development model (De Soto,

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Table 1 Characteristic of street vendors interviewed. spaal conﬂicts of street vending 1- Spatial 2- 3- Spatial 4- The 5- Fixed or regulation adverse dispute costs Mistrust- mobile and climatic over place and insecurity- vendor gender age trade zone City municipal conditions setting benefits of fear interviewee permits informal towards code storage the police

F.V 1 M 55 Chucherías 4 Valparaíso X F.V 2 M 57 Chucherías 4 Valparaíso X F.V 3 M 64 Chucherías 4 Valparaíso X F.V 4 M 74 Chucherías 4 Valparaíso X F.V 5 M 72 Chucherías 4 Valparaíso F.V 6 F 40 clothing 4 Valparaíso X F.V 7 F 55 Chucherías 4 Valparaíso XX F.V 8 F 65 Chucherías 4 Valparaíso X F.V 9 F 54 Chucherías 4 Valparaíso X F.V 10 F 44 Chucherías 4 Valparaíso X F.V 11 M 72 Artesanías 1 Valparaíso F.V 12 M 51 Chucherías 1 Valparaíso X M.V 13 F 54 Mobile vendor 1 Valparaíso X F.V 14 F 59 Chucherías 1 Valparaíso X F.V 15 F 48 Street food 1 Valparaíso X F.V 16 F 53 Chucherías 1 Valparaíso F.V 17 F 72 Chucherías 1 Valparaíso X F.V 18 F 58 clothing 1 Valparaíso X X X M.V 19 F 77 Street food 1 Valparaíso X M.V 20 F 72 Street food 1 Valparaíso X F.V 21 F 59 Chucherías 2 Valparaíso XX F.V 22 F 59 Chucherías 2 Valparaíso X F.V 23 F 73 Chucherías 2 Valparaíso X X F.V 24 F 59 Chucherías 2 Valparaíso X XXX F.V 25 M 60 Chucherías 2 Valparaíso X X X F.V 26 M 53 Chucherías 2 Valparaíso X F.V 27 F 56 Chucherías 2 Valparaíso X X F.V 28 M 52 Chucherías 2 Valparaíso X X F.V 29 F 34 Chucherías 2 Valparaíso F.V 30 F 56 Chucherías 2 Valparaíso X F.V 31 M 45 Chucherías 3 Valparaíso X X F.V 32 F 55 Chucherías 3 Valparaíso X F.V 33 M 47 Chucherías 3 Valparaíso X F.V 34 F 62 Chucherías 3 Valparaíso X X F.V 35 F 71 Chucherías 3 Valparaíso X

2. Methodology formal commerce. And finally, a quantitative analysis of implicit social characteristics of a closed survey of 774 street vendors (57% 2.1. Cases of study of the total universe of street vendors of Valparaíso) revealed their social representation of trades and sales strategies. This research contributes by revealing the socio-spatial appropria- 2- Spatial analysis: spaces appropriated, intervened or used by the tion of street vendors from an intermediate city of only 300.000 in- 1357 street vendors were revealed and quantified through a spatial habitants such as Valparaíso, a case study that combines one the highest survey at an approximate scale (scaled to street vendors), estab- rate of informal settlements and unemployment in Chile. lishing four categories of spatial appropriation. In 2015 and 2016 the Municipality of Valparaíso based on the law 18.695 handed out 394 temporary permits to exercise trade along Field work was conducted into eight assignments lasting two weeks public space for the month of January 2016, renewable monthly if the each along the coastal plain of the city where the convergence of street local ordinance was fulfilled. Of these 394 permits, 259 corresponded to vendors was highest. These 4 zones were Bellavista-Plaza Victoria, Av. permits to exercise trade along the coastal plain of the city, representing Pedro Montt, Av. Uruguay, and Av. Argentina. 19% of the 1357 street vendors we have registered on a weekday working along public space, who on average occupy 3.5m2 of public 3- Policy analysis: We have carried out a thorough analysis of the sidewalk. General Ordinance of Urbanism and Constructions, the Constitutional Organic Law of Municipalities, and the Municipal 2.2. Data collection Local Ordinance of Valparaíso for “occupation of national goods of public use to exercise trade”, which has helped to expose the spatial The data collection of this research comes from a combination of regulations of the said policies (Fig. 1). three complementary analyses. Each assignment had four types of methods to gather information. 1- Social analysis: 45 interviews with street vendors revealed the way street vendors perceive and define their work. They also revealed 1. Closed surveys of 774 from a total of 1357 street vendors and 45 organizational relations inside informal street vending and with deep interviews of street vendors.

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2. Measuring of pedestrian flows in all four zones of analysis, through a third party or a boss. Some street vendors mentioned that working manual counters classifying between pedestrians, buyers, and street without pressure makes it possible for them to work in a more relaxed vendors. environment and to socialize with clients and colleagues. Some street 3. Block by block analysis of ground use of the entire coastal plain of vendors state that the benefit of being an apprenticeship trade allows Valparaíso, recording and measuring of the surface use of each street one to pursue certain trades that are only possible through street vendor's urban appropriation and their respective geo-location. vending (mainly artisanal work). And finally, those that state liberty of 4. Orthophotogrammetric analysis through the use of a high precision work hours in street vending mainly refer to the end of the workday, drone since the beginning of the work day is very difficult because of the disputes at the moment of occupying spaces. 3. Results e- Logic of offer and demand. 3.1. Social appropriation by street vendors Street vendors specify the importance of offering high quality pro- To reveal the social dynamics of street vendors, we conducted a ducts at affordable prices, which, with time, becomes highly valued by thematic analysis of 45 interviews of street vendors in four areas of their clients. Also, they go on about the customer loyalty associated to study, as well as a closed survey, to characterize the social definitions of personalized quality service as opposed to large commercial chains that trades. only offer an impersonal low-quality service.

3.1.1. Thematic analysis f- Social organization of street vendors. The thematic analysis of in-depth interviews revealed seven relevant themes: a- reasons behind working on the street, b- attachment The comradeship – group cohesion – appears when they build to street work, c- prejudice behind street work, d- benefits of street friendships and social bonds with other street vendors, implying a series work, e- logic of offer and demand, f- social organization of street of mutual benefits with no cost associated. This implies that labor un- vendors, and g- spatial conflicts (Table 1). ions are formed, which is one of the most effective ways to obtain a municipal permit. As an opposite phenomenon, street vendors also re- a- Reasons behind working on the street. veal that there is tension and unfair competition causing social and spatial disputes, both for the individual and the collective; an example When street vendors explain their reasons for working on the given by street vendors reveals the presence of people that offer stolen streets, most of them say that it is because that is their only possible goods at prices that are impossible to compete with. occupation, meaning that it is a tradition which has been passed down. In most cases, the people interviewed pointed out that they started g- Spatial conflicts. street vending when they were very young. They would accompany their parents, and therefore they became street vendors themselves and Street vendors often state how obtaining a permit can influence the with no reason to leave or stop street vending. Another reason why ordering of public space since it could suggest and/or propose rules and these people work on the streets is related to job discrimination which norms associated to the renovation of said permits. The ordering of generally refers to people aged over 40 that have lost their jobs and that public space is related to one of the most controversial topics that ap- because of their age they cannot reinsert themselves into formal work. peared during the interviews: spatial disputes caused when trying to Finally, there are street vendors who indicated that they work on the obtain a space with goods sales. This means that most vendors arrive at street due to bad remunerations and bad working conditions that 6 am and 7 am, operating with friends and family networks. Also, many formal jobs offer. street vendors refer to how adverse weather conditions can bring det- rimental effects for street vendors since those who do not have appro- b- Attachment to street work. priate stalls, cannot work on rainy days. Another spatial conflict relates to the storage of their goods and stalls. This is because most street The first type of attachment to street work is due to the perception vendors resort to informal storage in local shops and/or formal res- of job success, highlighting the fact that street vending has allowed taurants, noting the very high renting costs, but also stating how they them to achieve financial stability, and even providing enough money have no other alternative. The relationships with public force have two for school education and food for the family. And the second kind of looks, the first perceives public forces as the enemy from which they attachment to street work might be related to the development of a must escape to avoid fines, while the second defines it as apassive sense of belonging towards the street; as expressed by those that have relationship that only acts on occasions when there are high tensions. been working all their life as street vendors, and that define their work Finally, street vendors point out how there are external factors that can as a passion and even as part of their blood. affect sales such as thieves that take advantage of crowds, andreduced spaces that increase the social stigma of how street vending acts outside c- Prejudice behind street work. of the law.

The social stigma noted by street vendors tends to come from the 3.1.2. Social definitions trades demonized viewpoint expressed by the media and politics, which sees The closed survey identified the social representation of trades used street vendors as illegal trade and/or delinquents, people state that by street vendors, age ranges, time spent working on the street, the many even see them as a plague. number of hours a day dedicated to working on the street, where workers stored their products, and their place of residence. d- Benefits of street work. The results showed us that 17% correspond to people above 60 years old, 51% to people between 40 and 59, 15% to people between The first benefit associated to street work that street vendors re- 31 and 39, and 14% to people aged between 18 and 30. Only 3% were ferred to was job independence, expressing that they were their own minors. patrón (boss), of their own business, and that they are not under the In addition, we identified that 39% have been working on the street orders of anybody. This job independence allows a daily salary which for less than 5 years, and that 27% have been doing so for 5 to 15 years, implies that they can work without the pressure of obtaining a profit for while 34% have been working on the streets for over 15 years. When

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Table 2 Table of social representation of trades and sales strategies. Source: authors. Fixed Mobile Mobile 10 20 30 40 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 500 550 600 vendors goods services street food vendors 225 16.6% 65 160

521 36 Chuchería 557 41%

clothing 150 41 vendors 191 14%

mobile 225 16.6% 195 30 vendors

parking 65 4.8% 18 47 enforcers

cardboard 5 collectors 5 0.4%

hole 10 0.7% 10 ﬁllers

16 and can 16 1.2% collectors Types of sales strategies Types Tiradores 22 1.6% 22

Sapos 9 0.7% 9 of buses Urban 8 0.6% 8 jugglers

Storage 1.8% 24 services 24

Total universe of street vendors 1357 788 432 137 crossing both fields, we discovered that 45% of people older than40 3.2. Spatial appropriations of street vendors have been working on the streets for over 15 years and that 68% of informal workers between 18 and 30 years old have been in the same Field work for spatial characterization of street vendors revealed situation for 1 to 5 years. That is, tendencies show that those where their spatial components (Figs. 2 and 3), and based on this, we have start at an early age working on the street end up working almost their defined the following four categories of spatial appropriations: entire life under these conditions (Table 2). The social representations of trades of street vendors revealed that Self-supporting: they are spatialities that require little time to be there are 12 trades, there are street food vendors that usually offer one deployed and/or installed, the most common are carriage and/or of three types of food products. There are also “chucherías” vendors platforms with wheels and mechanical thrust. being vendors that offer on average over 20 different products, clothing Adherent: they are spatialities that adhere to elements and/or ex- vendors offering either new or used clothes, mobile vendors, defined as isting urban furnishings to be established, such as bars, poles, a person that sells sporadically one or two seasonal products, informal benches, sidewalks. That is, they depend on the environment to parking enforcers that usually accompany parking enforcement officers spatialize. offering cleaning services for vehicles, the“cartoneros” who are card- Superimposed: they are spatialities that, through a light structure, board collectors that later sell collected items to external companies, build a support that is complemented by some existing structure. Its the “rellenadores de hoyos” (hole fillers) who are people that dedicate most common expressions are awnings and shelves that hang out their time to collecting tips for filling holes in roads, the bottles and can from formal stores. collectors, who as the cartoneros are people that collect bottles and cans Intervenors: they are spaces modified by some type of permanent for third parties, the “tiradores de buses y restaurantes” who are people intervention, such as for example the application of fixations, planar that invite pedestrians to use a bus service or enter a particular res- or three-dimensional delimitations, or directly the construction of taurant by explaining the advantages and offers available, the “sapos de elements of great spatial scope. buses” who are people dedicated to collecting tips from public transport drivers by delivering a frequency analysis between buses from different Through the flow measurements analysis of two zones (Fig. 4), we trajectories, jugglers who are people that do acrobatics or juggle at could confirm that the spatial appropriations of street vendors aredi- traffic lights for tips, and finally, “servicios de bodegajes” (storage ser- rectly related to the type of social interaction of the territorial zone, that vice) who are people that offer street vendors storage services for their is, the Bellavista-Plaza Victoria zone is an area of public and private products at established stores of formal commerce. With this informa- offices, meaning the times with highest commercial interaction be- tion, we conducted an analysis matrix, crossing sale strategy, spatial tween vendors and customers tended to be towards the end of the work categorisations and social representation of trade, discovering that day (17:30 to 20:00 h.). Contrary to the Bellavista-Plaza Victoria zone, street food vendors represent the most versatile trade, followed by the Uruguay, Pedro Montt and Argentina zones area primarily a com- chucherías. Therefore, these are the trades that have the highest spatial mercials area, meaning that the times with highest commercial inter- impact on public space. action between street vendors and customers tends to be during

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Fig. 2. Type of spatial appropriations of the fixed Street Vendors and the elements that compose them. Source: authors. business hours (8:30 to 17:30). 97%, 98% and 100% respectively). The fact that most opt for a fixed These different peaks of spatial appropriation are a form of spatial goods & services strategy, is related to the products offered, which tend dispute over occupying a specific space to install a sales stall. For this, to be smaller and bought in large quantities, which in turn, hinders the street vendors resort to two different strategies: 1- syndical, as ina ability to adequately exhibit all their products while also complicating collective agreement that determines the use and disposition of sales mobility. stalls based on the criteria of seniority and union affiliation. These Among the 191 street vendors of used clothes, the most common agreements mean that free spaces or less favourable spaces are destined spatial typologies are adherent (104 SV) and superimposed (87 SV), to newer street vendors. 2- family, in the sense that a street vendor while the majority hop for a fixed goods & services strategy (150 SV). occupies two or more sales spaces or stalls at the same time, reserving 61% of adherent typologies and 39% mobile goods, while of the su- said space for family members, and marking or delimiting the space perimposed spatiality's 100% are fixed goods & services, associated to with a distinctive object to impede and/or inconvenience the appro- the exhibition of products, which requires a larger spatial display to priation of said space by a third party (Fig. 5). assure that the clothes on sale are visible (Table 3). Below we have itemised according to trade, allowing us to cross Among the 225 mobile vendors, the dominant spatial typology is sales strategies with spatiality. Of the 225 street vendors, self-supported self-supporting (188 SV). In addition, the majority opt for a mobile spatial typology is the most common (143 SV), while mobile goods goods sales strategy (195 SV). Of those that are self-supporting, 88% are represented the most common sales strategy (160 SV). When crossing mobile goods while 12% are mobile services. Therefore, the tendency is spatial typology with types of sales strategies, 58% of self-supporting that mobile vendors are people that sell goods autonomously. This is spatial typologies are mobile goods, while 42% are fixed goods & ser- mainly due to the products that are being sold, which tend to be candy, vices. This is closely related to the fact that high concentrations of street ice popsicles, and small products such as pens or stationary. Cardboard food consumers tend to depend on their work schedule (lunch time, collectors and bottle collectors, tiradores, sapos de buses and jugglers beginning and end of the work day). In regard to chucherías vendors, coincide in that they all represent self-supporting spatialities with a there is a more balanced mix of spatial typologies, where 143 street mobile service sales strategy. This is due to the fact that the majority vendors are self-supported, 110 street vendors are adherent, 175 are provide a service that requires little spatial display, requiring instead a super-positioned, and 52 are interventions. Of the four spatial typolo- high level of urban mobility, to catch potential clients. gies, the dominant sales strategies are fixed goods & services (86%, With informal parking enforcers (65 SV), the number with

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Fig. 3. Type of spatial appropriations of the mobile Street Vendors and the elements that compose them. Source: authors.

Fig. 4. Street plans of street vendors' appropriation of the Bellavista-Plaza Victoria, Av. Uruguay, Av. Pedro Montt and Av. Argentina zones. Source: authors. superimposed spatiality (47 SV) coincides with the number of those State the one that is accountant for its use and ordering. As to public with a mobile service sales strategy (47 SV), and the spatiality of those space of cities, the State delegates this regulatory function to the Mu- that intervene (18 SV) in turn coincides with a fixed goods & services nicipalities through the article 5 of the Constitutional Organic Law of strategy (18 SV). This is a result of the majority of informal parking Municipalities (Ley Orgánica Constitucional de Municipalidades enforcers accompanying official parking operators, while those that L.O.C.M n°18.695) In order to monitor and regulate the national goods intervene, do so by marking public spaces to create parking areas that occupied by street vending, Municipalities establish local ordinance to are not subject to municipal charge. control the private use of public space through the granting of the so- Hole fillers all intervene in space, operating under a fixed goods& called temporary permits2 for the development of street vending services sales strategy, since they must frequent locations where their (Cordero, 2007). It has been estimated that there exist 85.000 street services are needed and where there are damaged roads that impede or vendors with temporary permits nationally, being the 10.4% of the complicate normal transit. country's informal workers (Gobierno de Chile, 2016). Finally, storage providers move between spatial superposition (14 In Valparaiso, the local ordinance for “occupation of national goods SV) and spatial intervention (10 SV), yet all implement a fixed goods & of public use to exercise trade” was modified in 2011, and its aim has services sales strategy (24 SV). With those that fall under spatial su- been to manage the number of street vendors that make use of public perposition provide night storage in restaurants or other types of space and to determine the zones that are authorized to engage in street commercial shops that use hallways and such areas as storage space, vending (Municipalidad de Valparaíso, 2011). This local ordinance es- while with those that spatially intervene, abandoned buildings are used tablished that the permits granting street trading are only valid for a for storage. period of a month and that the vendor's sale stands can only be set between 9.00 a.m. and 20.00 p.m., and exclusively on the zones the 3.3. Public Policies on the public space use for street vending in Chile and Municipality has previously determined. Valparaíso About the spatiality of public space use, the local ordinance pin- points the prohibition of street vending stand installations in less than In Chile, the “Ordenanza General de Urbanismo y Construcciones” 15mts. from the national monuments, in less than 10mts. from fire (General Ordinance of Urbanism and Constructions) refers to the public hydrants and on public transportation stops. It also highlights that the space as “Bien Nacional de Uso Público” (National Good of Public Use) which means that under the light of urban rights the public space is defined as public property (Bien Nacional), this is to say, withthe 2 Law N° 18,695 allows for the exercise of commerce along public space State's domain (Cordero, 2007). This ordinance implies that the reg- under the concept of a “temporary permit”, lasting up to a month, and is given ulations are determined according to the public right and that is the through the corresponding municipality.

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Fig. 5. Street plan of Av. Uruguay, analyzing three different street vendors organization area and it's different type of spatial appropriations. Source: authors. maximum space of the ground used should be of 1.5m2 per street local police. vendor and that each stand, regardless the market, must use a One of the greatest problems found in this ordinance is that it was 1 m × 1 m × 0.80 m table. Besides it prohibits the use of any type of designed without knowing in depth the complete and complex universe merchandise storage device, canopy or tent that could potentially ex- of street vendors which hints that the maximum quantity of permits pand the stand, and cause electric connections. given by the Municipality was thrice less than the street vendors' real The municipal local ordinance establishes a series of penalties due world. First, this has led the majority of street vendors who need per- to a breach of the norms stated by it in the audit ambit. Moreover, it mits to not being able to access this benefit as a result of the specifies that the audit will lie on the municipal workers and/or onthe Municipality granting approximately 400 permits, at the most, per

Table 3 Table crossing social representation of trade versus spatial appropriation and sales strategies. Source author.

Spatial transformations Sales strategies

Social representations of trade of Numbers of Percentage Self-supporting Self-adhering Spaces Stalls that Fixed goods & Mobile Mobile street vendors of Valparaíso street vendors stalls stalls shared intervene services goods services

Street food vendors 225 17% 143 10 72 0 65 160 0 Chuchería 557 41% 220 110 175 52 521 36 0 Clothing vendors 191 14% 0 104 87 0 150 41 0 Mobile vendors 225 17% 188 0 37 0 0 195 30 Cardboard collectors 5 0% 5 0 0 0 0 0 5 Bottles and can collectors 16 1% 16 0 0 0 0 0 16 Tiradores 22 2% 22 0 0 0 0 0 22 Sapos of buses 9 1% 9 0 0 0 0 0 9 Urban jugglers 8 1% 8 0 0 0 0 0 8 Parking enforcers 65 5% 0 0 47 18 0 0 65 Hole fillers 10 1% 0 0 0 10 0 0 10 Storage services 24 2% 0 0 14 10 0 0 24 Total 1357 100% 611 224 432 90 736 432 189 Percentage 45% 17% 32% 7% 54% 32% 14%

10 L. Ojeda and A. Pino Cities 95 (2019) 102275 month. Second, the insufficiency of permits given has resulted in public determined places caused by the vagueness with which each street spaces, where street vendors, with and without permits, establish vendor locates him/herself on the streets, since the ordinance estab- themselves, to have a usage overload that is difficult to regulate. lishes only the allowed zones for street vending, and not the specific It is within this context that this article shows the relationship be- place for each street vendor. Finally, the local ordinance provides that tween social appropriation and spatial appropriation of street vending street vendors are the only responsible for the maintenance and and how the combined study of these two dimensions can contribute cleaning of the used area; nevertheless, the public space where most towards understanding the different forms of spatial disputes of public street vendors locate is not equipped with either any form of garbage space. discharge space, or cleaning equipment. Related to the public space design, not considering the street 4. Conclusion vending presence implies that the public space might not be equipped for the basic needs that street vending may encompass; for example, the As many authors have pointed out, street vending continues to be a existence of public restrooms and/or garbage discharge stalls, muni- vital part of the economy in cities of the Global South, and in the case of cipal depots to store the merchandise, the carts and/or mobile stands, intermediate cities with policies and economies such as Chile. The drinking water dispensers, and electricity. street vending is even more important for citizens who frequent and buy from these informal markets, since they are a convenient alter- 6. Policy recommendations native for the family budget. It is within this context that public space becomes a scenario for social, spatial, and economic interactions that After analyzing the heterogeneity of the spatial and social appro- have a dual benefit, both for those that use public space to work, and priations performed by street vendors, this study reveals that the those that buy from them at lower prices. management of the public space use cannot be based on a simple zonal The results obtained from the social, spatial, and public policies localization uniquely, on the contrary it is necessary to create an or- analysis of street vending in Valparaiso, has brought to light that the dering plan for street vending which provides specific locations for each sociospatial disputes over public space are closely associated with the and every street vendor, and whose design considers the spatial het- size and form of the street vending stalls and their respective locations. erogeneity of every kind of business and the peak hours of use of public In the case study this is due to the fact that 81% of street vendors are space. not registered which generates an overload in the use of the public This street vending arrangement plan should be associated to a space that, until now, has been regulated by the street vendors them- loading plan about public space use which presents a spatial typology selves. Simultaneously, street vendors have manifested the importance for every kind of street vendor market. Likewise, this arrangement plan that the size and form of the vending stalls has for appropriately ex- would facilitate the fixation of the monetary cost of the public space use hibiting their products, which potentially leads to improving the sales. permits associated to the spatiality types of each vending stand, the Hence, the spatial appropriation is one of the most relevant aspects place where they are located, the types of incomes, the kind of orga- when establishing oneself in the streets, and if it were to be spatially nization or association, the family connections, and the economic si- violated, it could trigger social conflicts among street vendors and/or tuation of each street vendor. with the Public Force. The public space design should consider the spatial display of street vending making possible a proper linkage between the permanent 5. Policy implications support present in the public space and the transitory supports of each vending stand; therefore, in order to reduce speculation and excessive By witnessing organizations and/or family networks of street ven- charging from the informal storage rooms operators' part, the con- dors that regulate public space for commercial use, we can prove that struction of municipal depots to keep street vendors merchandise social and spatial disputes over these spaces are a result of various should be deeply considered. complementary factors associated to the inadequate design of the mu- This arrangement plan, due to its social and spatial focus, will be nicipal ordinance norms. The municipal audit of street vending only able to generate a street vending coproduction network, involving labor concentrates in the zones that the local ordinance forbids and does not organizations, familiar networks, and local governments, which would carry out any kind of control in the allowed zones, originating the help diminish the socio-spatial conflicts of street vending, the dereg- disregard of the zones that are most congested by street vendors (Av. ulation of public space use, and the expansion of the stolen products Uruguay and Bellavista). The standardization of the stand size to a illegal market that hides in the socio-spatial precariousness of street unique one (1 m × 1 m × 0.80 m) does not take into consideration the vending. spatial versatility that each trade requires to appropriately display the merchandise or goods; this could trigger conflicts among street vendors Acknowledgement because of the unequal use of the space available. 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