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East Asian Strategic Review 2001 Runoff Election
Chapter 7 Russia ussia entered upon the new century with an energetic young Rleader Vladimir Putin. He seems to be aiming at rebuilding a strong Russia by resolutely facing up to the reality in Russia and by solving problems facing Russia one by one. Nearly ten years under President Boris Yeltsin were a transi- tional period from the old regime of the Communist Party dictator- ship to a new regime based on democracy and market economy. In the sense that he had demolished the old regime, President Yeltsin had made a great success. However, he failed to resolve the confu- sion that had arisen in the course of transition to the new regime and was unable to alleviate the sufferings of the people. What the Russian people expect President Putin to do first is to end the polit- ical and social confusion, and stabilize their livelihood. Putin considers solving domestic problems the top priority of his administration and believes that a strong Russia could not be re- vived without solving these domestic problems. In foreign policy, he stressed that Russia will favor a pragmatic approach for overcom- ing domestic difficulties, and has indicated his willingness to steer clear of troubles that could impair economic relations with the West. In the field of defense and security, he attaches priority to adapting Russia’s military to the country’s needs and economic po- tential. Since he took office President Putin has revised basic documents on diplomacy, national defense and security: Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation, National Security Concept of the Russian Federation and Military Doctrine. -
Putin: Russia's Choice, Second Edition
Putin The second edition of this extremely well-received political biography of Vladimir Putin builds on the strengths of the previous edition to provide the most detailed and nuanced account of the man, his politics and his pro- found influence on Russian politics, foreign policy and society. New to this edition: Analysis of Putin’s second term as President. More biographical information in the light of recent research. Detailed discussion of changes to the policy process and the elites around Putin. Developments in state–society relations including the conflicts with oli- garchs such as Khodorkovsky. Review of changes affecting the party system and electoral legislation, including the development of federalism in Russia. Details on economic performance under Putin, including more discus- sion of the energy sector and pipeline politics. Russia’s relationship with Nato after the ‘big-bang’ enlargement, EU– Russian relations after enlargement and Russia’s relations with other post- Soviet states. The conclusion brings us up to date with debates over the question of democracy in Russia today, and the nature of Putin’s leadership and his place in the world. Putin: Russia’s choice is essential reading for all scholars and students of Russian politics. Richard Sakwa is Professor of Politics at the University of Kent, UK. Putin Russia’s choice Second edition Richard Sakwa First edition published 2004 Second edition, 2008 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2007. -
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
N°66 - November 22 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-4 Politics & Government c KREMLIN The highly-orchestrated launching into orbit cThe highly-orchestrated launching into orbit of of the «national leader» the «national leader» Only a few days away from the legislative elections, the political climate in Russia grew particu- STORCHAK AFFAIR larly heavy with the announcement of the arrest of the assistant to the Finance minister Alexey Ku- c Kudrin in the line of fire of drin (read page 2). Sergey Storchak is accused of attempting to divert several dozen million dol- the Patrushev-Sechin clan lars in connection with the settlement of the Algerian debt to Russia. The clan wars in the close DUMA guard of Vladimir Putin which confront the Igor Sechin/Nikolay Patrushev duo against a compet- cUnited Russia, electoral ing «Petersburg» group based around Viktor Cherkesov, overflows the limits of the «power struc- home for Russia’s big ture» where it was contained up until now to affect the entire Russian political power complex. business WAR OF THE SERVICES The electoral campaign itself is unfolding without too much tension, involving men, parties, fac- cThe KGB old guard appeals for calm tions that support President Putin. They are no longer legislative elections but a sort of plebicite campaign, to which the Russian president lends himself without excessive good humour. The objec- PROFILE cValentina Matvienko, the tive is not even to know if the presidential party United Russia will be victorious, but if the final score “czarina” of Saint Petersburg passes the 60% threshhold. -
Russia and Asia: the Emerging Security Agenda
Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent international institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed mainly by the Swedish Parliament. The staff and the Governing Board are international. The Institute also has an Advisory Committee as an international consultative body. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Professor Daniel Tarschys, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Oscar Arias Sánchez (Costa Rica) Dr Willem F. van Eekelen (Netherlands) Sir Marrack Goulding (United Kingdom) Dr Catherine Kelleher (United States) Dr Lothar Rühl (Germany) Professor Ronald G. Sutherland (Canada) Dr Abdullah Toukan (Jordan) The Director Director Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld (Poland) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Signalistg. 9, S-1769 70 Solna, Sweden Cable: SIPRI Telephone: 46 8/655 97 00 Telefax: 46 8/655 97 33 E-mail: [email protected] Internet URL: http://www.sipri.se Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Edited by Gennady Chufrin OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1999 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Athens -
Russia Yello Rdy 4 Py
The Kremlin wants to tackle long-festering problems, and painful reform can’t be avoided much longer. Russia’s Military Retrenchment AP photo/Murad Sezer Agent of change. Russian President Vladimir Putin launched the cut-and- reshape campaign to revitalize Russia’s forces. In this June photo, the By Stewart M. Powell Kremlin leader reviews Russian peacekeeping troops at Pristina airport in Kosovo. USSIA’S military, tapped by the scope and magnitude of which of valuable equipment for sale to President Vladimir Putin for can be glimpsed in a random sam- criminal gangs. a thorough revitalization, is pling of problems: Now, the Kremlin, for the first under pressure to clean up Fighter pilots get 14 hours of time since collapse of the Soviet R its own act. flying time per year. Union a decade ago, seems serious Even staunch advocates of in- Murder claims 500 troops per about tackling problems besetting creased support for Russia’s soldiers, year—18 times the number in US the force. Fueled by humiliating set- sailors, and airmen are turning their armed forces. backs in Chechnya and the disas- guns on the waste and mismanage- Ground station fires knock out trous loss last summer of the subma- ment that have weakened the force ground military communications rine Kursk with all hands, Putin’s in recent years. They say that spend- systems and communications with planned revitalization aims to in- ing more on the military as presently satellites. crease the resources and prestige of constituted will only feed its pen- Commanders sometimes seize the armed forces. -
Chechen War: Motivator for Military Reform?
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Information Warfare in the Second (1999-Present) Chechen War: Motivator for Military Reform? by Timothy L. Thomas, Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS., 2002. This article was previously published in Russian Military Reform 1992-2002 Published by Frank Cass Publishers, 2003 Chapter 11, Page 209-233 During the past ten years, the Russian military has attentively studied the subject of information war (IW). The main catalyst for this interest was the successful use of IW by coalition forces during Operation Desert Storm. Russian military theorists watched coalition planes bomb Iraqi targets in real time with precision and understood that warfare had entered a new phase, one dominated by information-based equipment and resources. Two further motivators were the poor use of IW by the Russian armed forces during the first Russian-Chechen war (1994-1996), which contributed to the loss of Russian morale, and the successful use of IW by NATO during the conflict over Kosovo. The success of the coalition forces in both Desert Storm and Kosovo indicated that military reform would be bankrupt if the technical aspect of reform did not include information-based technologies. These technologies must be imbedded into new military equipment, from sensors and radars to jet fighters and cruise missiles. However, Russia was also concerned about the impact of information technologies on the brain and consequently morale. -
Background Information on Chechnya
Background Information on Chechnya A study by Alexander Iskandarian This study was commissioned by UNHCR. The views expressed in this study by the author, Director of the Moscow-based Centre for Studies on the Caucasus, do not necessarily represent those of UNHCR. Moscow, December 2000 1. Background information on Chechnya Under Article 65 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Republic of Chechnya is mentioned as one of the 89 subjects of the Federation. Chechnya officially calls itself the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. It is situated in the east of the Northern Caucasus, with an area of around 15,100 square kilometres (borders with the Republic of Ingushetia have not been delimited; in the USSR, both republics were part of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Republic). According to the Russian State Committee on Statistics, as of January 1993, Chechnya had a population of around 1,100,000. There are no reliable data concerning the current population of Chechnya. Chechens are the largest autochthonous nation of the Northern Caucasus. By the last Soviet census of 1989, there were 958,309 Chechens in the USSR, 899,000 of them in the SSR of Russia, including 734,500 in Checheno-Ingushetia and 58,000 in adjacent Dagestan where Chechens live in a compact community.1 The largest Chechen diaspora outside Russia used to be those in Kazakhstan (49,500 people) and Jordan (around 5,000). One can expect the diaspora to have changed dramatically as a result of mass migrations. Chechnya has always had a very high population growth rate, a high birth rate and one of the lowest percentages of city dwellers in Russia. -
Defining and Identifying Russia's Elite Groups
Defining and identifying Russia’s elite groups Siloviki representation during Putin’s third term Master’s Thesis Russian and Eurasian Studies Leiden University, The Netherlands 23 January 2017 Sam Broekman Student Number: 1605062 Word Count: 18,005 Supervisor: Dr. M. Frear Table of contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 2 Introducing the siloviki ......................................................................................................................... 2 General research gaps ......................................................................................................................... 2 Research question ............................................................................................................................... 3 Methodology ....................................................................................................................................... 4 Chapter overview ................................................................................................................................. 4 Section 1: Rise of the siloviki..................................................................................................................... 6 1.1 The Politburo 2.0 ........................................................................................................................... 6 1.2 Putin’s return to the presidency ................................................................................................. -
7 Dagestan: Power in the Balance
7 Dagestan: Power in the balance Enver Kisriev Community in the mountains of Dagestan PHOTO: ANNA MATVEEVA Summary In Dagestan, an autonomous republic of the Russian Federation, there is a strong ‘gun culture’,and many people kept arms even in Soviet times. Arms are now very widespread. The main source of weapons currently appears to be Chechnya. In the early 1990s, Dagestan developed unique political institutions to suit its ethnic diversity. These institutions, combined with the influence of traditional clan communities known as jama’ats, were successful in preventing tensions in the region escalating into war. Recently, Moscow’s influence in the area has increased, prompting fears that interference from the centre could undermine this stability. There are four federal brigades on Dagestani territory, and also Border Guard troops. Yet there are also a number of informal para- military groups who are loyal to individual politicians and leaders and a number of Chechen militants in the republic. The Dagestani government has at times undertaken attempts to collect weapons and disarm informal groups, but these are generally perceived as attempts by one political faction to disarm another faction, rather than initiatives that will benefit the whole society. 2 THE CAUCASUS: ARMED AND DIVIDED · DAGESTAN Introduction Dagestan is the largest republic in the Russian part of the Caucasus both in area (50,300 km2) and population (in 2002 the registered population reached 2,200,000). It is a frontier republic of the Russian Federation, whose borders cover more than 1200 km, of which more than 350 km are on dry land (with Azerbaijan and Georgia) and 850 km are at sea (with Iran, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan). -
Putin's War in Chechnya
Putin’s War in Chechnya: Who steers the course? PONARS Policy Memo 345 Pavel K. Baev International Peace Research Institute, Oslo November 2004 Each time a proposition is raised to resolve the Chechen conflict through negotiation, the Russian authorities respond with a double-riposte: We do not negotiate with terrorists, and there is nobody in Chechnya with whom to negotiate. The hostage tragedy in Beslan on September 1-3, 2004 revealed the real meaning of this rhetoric: no one in Moscow was ready to take responsibility for handling the crisis. The immediate response to the emergency and the following political measures (including the presidential initiative to abandon regional elections) were clearly inadequate. This malfunctioning decisionmaking mechanism raises serious questions about its integrity, the chain of command, and the flow of information. The authorities show little if any interest in addressing these questions and concentrate their efforts on maintaining the façade of impeccably organized executive power. This paper attempts to examine the evolution of the decisionmaking system on Chechnya, while admitting that the answers provided here are not informed by any insight and are derived from speculative secondary sources, scarce official information, and observable cadre rotation. Style is substance Putin’s secretive style of managing state affairs has remained remarkably consistent since his arrival in the Kremlin on New Year’s Eve 2000. His style reflects a general mistrust of public politics and the lack of previous leadership experience of any kind. Departing from the traditions of Yeltsin’s court, Putin has sharply reduced media access to his administration and exterminated leaks altogether. -
Russian Regional Report (Vol. 8, No. 1, 16 January 2003)
Russian Regional Report (Vol. 8, No. 1, 16 January 2003) A bi-weekly publication jointly produced by the Center for Security Studies at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH) Zurich (http://www.isn.ethz.ch) and the Transnational Crime and Corruption Center (TraCCC) at American University, Washington, DC (http://www.American.edu/traccc) TABLE OF CONTENTS The Power Ministries Police, FSB Reforms in the Central Federal District Russian Far East Political Struggle Spurs More Contract Killings Center-Periphery Relations Bashkortostan Adopts New Constitution Under Federal Pressure St. Petersburg Elections Constituent Services Strengthen Incumbents Transparent Budgets Seminar Examines Key Issues in Promoting Oversight Business and Politics Rostov Leadership Consolidates Relations with Business Elite THE POWER MINISTRIES The following article is an extract from a forthcoming book entitled "Putin's Federal Reforms: Success or Failure?" edited by Peter Reddaway and Robert Orttung and scheduled for publication by November 2003 from Rowman & Littlefield. The focus of the book is the seven federal districts Putin established in May 2000. POLICE, FSB REFORMS IN THE CENTRAL FEDERAL DISTRICT By Nikolai Petrov, Center for Political-Geographic Research, Moscow Judging by the career backgrounds of his top assistants, working with Russia's power ministries is Presidential Envoy Georgii Poltavchenko's main priority. Unfortunately for outside observers, however, most of this work goes on behind closed doors and it is possible to judge the measures taken only through small bits and pieces of evidence. It is well known, for example, that the okrug has a Collegium on Cooperation with Law Enforcement Agencies and Power Ministries. Its members include Chairman of the Council of FSB regional branches in the Central Federal Okrug V. -
The Power of Impossible Ideas
he Power of TImpossible Ideas Ordinary Citizens’ Extraordinary Efforts to Avert International Crisis by Sharon Tennison Odenwald Press 55369_Obsession i-xviii.indd 1 3/5/12 7:36 AM 2 • THE POWER OF IMPOSSIBLE IDEAS While the author has made every effort to provide accurate and authoritative information at the time of publication, neither the publisher nor the author assumes any responsibility for errors, or for changes that occur after publication. Further the publisher does not have any control over and does not assume any responsibility for author or third party websites or their content. Copyright © 2011 by Sharon Tennison All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, scanned or distributed in any printed or electronic form without written permission from the publisher. Published by Odenwald Press, Temple, Texas Cover design by Mark Hendrick Distributed by CCI, 820 N. Delaware, Suite 405, San Mateo CA 944401 ( ) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Printed in the United States of America 55369_Obsession i-xviii.indd 2 3/5/12 7:36 AM Dedication To my adult children Greg, Mike, Sherry, and Rob Ryan who took the reins of their own lives and completed growing themselves up when I began trying to save the world from nuclear war. o 55369_Obsession i-xviii.indd 3 3/5/12 7:36 AM 55369_Obsession i-xviii.indd 4 3/5/12 7:36 AM Acknowledgments It is impossible to acknowledge all of the extraordinary people who have been vitally important to the Center for Citizen Initiatives (CCI) over these past 30 years—it would take the remainder of the book to mention the names and the roles they have played.