DOCSLIB.ORG

Russia's Uncertain Economic Future

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Russia's Uncertain Economic Future 1 107TH CONGRESS "!S. PRT. 1st Session JOINT COMMITTEE PRINT 107–50 RUSSIA’S UNCERTAIN ECONOMIC FUTURE COMPENDIUM OF PAPERS SUBMITTED TO THE JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES DECEMBER 2001 Printed for the use of the Joint Economic Committee U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 76–171 CC WASHINGTON : 2002 VerDate 19-JUN-2001 09:18 Jun 12, 2002 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00005 Fmt 5012 Sfmt 5012 D:\DOCS\RUSSIA\76171.000 CRS1 PsN: CRS1 congress.#13 VerDate 19-JUN-2001 09:18 Jun 12, 2002 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00006 Fmt 5012 Sfmt 5012 D:\DOCS\RUSSIA\76171.000 CRS1 PsN: CRS1 congress.#13 FOREWORD By Senator Robert F. Bennett Russia’s economy has rebounded significantly since the crisis of 1998. Economic growth has resumed, unemployment has fallen, and production, consumption, and investment have all expanded. At the same time, Russia has initiated a series of promising eco- nomic reforms, including strengthening its banking system and en- acting fundamental tax reform. These improvements illustrate Russia’s potential for a strong eco- nomic future. At the same time, memories of past economic difficul- ties demonstrate the risks that Russia faces if its reforms do not succeed. Russia’s economic future is of great importance to the United States. To assist American citizens and policymakers in thinking about that future, I asked the Congressional Research Service to commission a collection of expert reports on the Russian economy. The resulting reports review the recent history of the Russian econ- omy, analyze current policy issues, and consider possible futures. The reports were prepared by experts—in academia, the private sector, and government—who represent a wide diversity of profes- sional perspectives on the Russian economy. The reports thus re- flect a broad range of opinions on the challenges and opportunities before Russia. The views and conclusions in these reports are those of their authors, not those of the Joint Economic Committee or any of its individual members. I hope that these reports will contribute to our ongoing efforts to understand the Russian economy. I thank the Congressional Re- search Service for its efforts and the authors for sharing their ex- pertise. (iii) VerDate 19-JUN-2001 09:18 Jun 12, 2002 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00007 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6601 D:\DOCS\RUSSIA\76171.000 CRS1 PsN: CRS1 VerDate 19-JUN-2001 09:18 Jun 12, 2002 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00008 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6601 D:\DOCS\RUSSIA\76171.000 CRS1 PsN: CRS1 C O N T E N T S Page Foreword, by Senator Robert F. Bennett ............................................................... iii Historical Note ......................................................................................................... vii Highlights, by John Hardt ...................................................................................... ix Overview, by John Hardt ........................................................................................ xi PAST ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE AND INSIGHTS FOR FUTURE PROSPECTS Russia’s Economic Performance: Entering the 21st Century, by William H. Cooper ................................................................................................................... 3 RUSSIA’S ECONOMIC CHALLENGES Removing Barriers and Providing an Incentive System ........................... 25 The Russian Economy: How Far from Sustainable Growth?, by Ben Slay ........ 25 Unlocking Economic Growth in Russia, by Vincent Palmeda and Bill Lewis .... 47 Administration and Reform of the Russian Economy, by Paul Gregory and Wolfram Schrettl .................................................................................................. 81 Russian Crime and Corruption in an Era of Globalization: Implications for the United States, by Jonathan M. Winer and Phil Williams ......................... 97 Financial Reform: Taxes, Budgets and Banks .............................................. 125 Tax Reform in Russia, by Z. Blake Marshall ........................................................ 125 Putin’s Dilemma: Austere Budgeting in a Poor State, by James A. Duran, Jr. .......................................................................................................................... 141 Russian Defense Spending, by Christopher J. Hill ............................................... 161 Russian Financial Transition: The Development of Institutions and Markets for Growth, by David M. Kemme ........................................................................ 183 Breakup of Monopolies: Energy, Transportation and Agriculture ......... 213 The Russian Energy Sector: Current Conditions and Long-Term Outlook, by Matthew J. Sagers .......................................................................................... 213 Agricultural Reform: Major Commodity Restructuring but Little Institutional Change, by William Liefert ................................................................................. 253 Human Capital and the Social Contract ........................................................ 283 Russia’s Demographic and Health Meltdown, by Murray Feshbach ................... 283 Social Welfare: A Social Contract, by Judyth L. Twigg ........................................ 307 LONG-TERM PROSPECTS FOR RUSSIA’S ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE Long-run Prospects for the Russian Economy, James R. Millar ......................... 329 Russia’s Evolution as a Predatory State, by Peter J. Stavrakis .......................... 347 RUSSIA’S ECONOMIC FUTURE AND U.S. INTERESTS U.S. Bilateral Assistance to Russia, 1992–2001, by Curt Tarnoff ....................... 369 Arms Exports and Russia’s Defense Industries: Issues for the U.S. Congress, by Kevin P. O’Prey ............................................................................................... 385 U.S.-Russian Trade and Investment: Policy and Performance, by Inga Litvinsky, Matt London, and Tanya Shuster .................................................... 411 Russia and the International Financial Institutions: From Special Case to a Normal Country, by Jonathan E. Sanford ...................................................... 425 (v) VerDate 19-JUN-2001 09:18 Jun 12, 2002 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00009 Fmt 5905 Sfmt 5905 D:\DOCS\RUSSIA\76171.000 CRS1 PsN: CRS1 VerDate 19-JUN-2001 09:18 Jun 12, 2002 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00010 Fmt 5905 Sfmt 5905 D:\DOCS\RUSSIA\76171.000 CRS1 PsN: CRS1 HISTORICAL NOTE This study belongs to the series of committee prints for the Joint Economic Committee by the Congressional Research Service and its predecessor, the Legislative Reference Service, dating back to the 1950s, on the economies of the Soviet Union and successor states, the People’s Republic of China, and Central Eastern Europe. In No- vember 1959, the Joint Economic Committee held a week of hear- ings that highlighted the publication entitled Comparisons of the United States and Soviet Economies. These hearings were a con- tinuation of the committee’s past interest in this subject that had resulted in the publication of two studies prepared for the commit- tee by the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Con- gress—one, in 1955, entitled Trends in Economic Growth: A Com- parison of the Western Powers and the Soviet Bloc, and the other, in 1957, entitled Soviet Economic Growth: A Comparison with the United States. The first study on the People’s Republic of China, An Economic Profile of Mainland China, was released in 1966, after the initi- ation of the Cultural Revolution. The first volume on Central East- ern Europe, Economic Development in Countries of Eastern Europe, was released in 1970, following the Soviet invasion of Czecho- slovakia. Other studies followed at regular intervals. The most recent study in this long series was China’s Economic Future: Challenges to the U.S. Policy, released in 1996. The most recent study on Eastern Europe was East-Central European Econo- mies in Transition, released in 1994, which was preceded by a two- volume study, The Former Soviet Economies in Transition, released in 1993. (vii) VerDate 19-JUN-2001 09:18 Jun 12, 2002 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00011 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6601 D:\DOCS\RUSSIA\76171.000 CRS1 PsN: CRS1 VerDate 19-JUN-2001 09:18 Jun 12, 2002 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00012 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6601 D:\DOCS\RUSSIA\76171.000 CRS1 PsN: CRS1 HIGHLIGHTS By John Hardt 1 The authors in this volume analyze the present state of the Rus- sian economy and its future possibilities. Vladimir Putin has com- mitted himself to economic reform in his 2 years as Russia’s presi- dent. The opportunity for a transition to a democratic market econ- omy is more likely now than at any previous time in Russian his- tory. This volume explores the opportunities offered by this transi- tion and the obstacles it faces, with particular reference to Putin’s reform agenda. The main findings of the volume are as follows: • Sustained economic growth will be crucial to all reform efforts. Russia’s recent performance since its financial crisis in 1998 has been positive in terms of both its annual growth of gross domestic product (GDP) and its balance of payments. Whether this recent performance represents a new trend line of sus- tained growth or is a part of a cyclical pattern of prosperity and crisis remains unknown. • Putin’s unfinished reform agenda features changes critical to the development of a pluralistic market system under the rule of law, such as the establishment of market-friendly adminis- trative and judicial systems and the introduction of an effective banking system. Bureaucratic
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Russia You Never Met
    The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya.
    [Show full text]
  • Atlantic Countries' Voting Patterns on Human Rights and Human
    12 Atlantic countries’ voting patterns on human rights and human security at the United Nations: the cases of Côte d’Ivoire, Haiti, Iran and Syria Susanne Gratius Associate Research Fellow, FRIDE ABSTRACT An analysis of the voting patterns at the United Nations (UN) on human rights and human security helps identify points of convergence or divergence among the countries of the Atlantic basin with regard to values and approaches to international crises. This paper explores if such countries, or groups of countries within the Atlantic basin, share political concepts and values. Based on four case studies – Iran, Syria, Haiti and Côte d’Ivoire – the paper assesses the similarities and differences regarding conflict resolution and responses to massive human rights violations. The first section reviews the current debate over the UN principle of “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P), notably in relation to the Brazilian concept of “Responsibility while Protecting” (RwP). It looks at the perceptions of Atlantic countries, groups and alliances on issues of national sovereignty, sanctions and military interventions authorized by the UN Security Council (UNSC). The second section focuses on the initiatives and positions of Atlantic countries and regional organizations and their alignments at the UN Security Council, the UN General Assembly, and the UN Human Rights Council (HRC). The section concentrates on their voting patterns concerning four cases in particular: two outside the Atlantic space (Syria and Iran) and two inside (Haiti and Côte d’Ivoire). These four countries have been selected because they represent different types of conflicts: Iran and Syria are international hotspots and suppose, albeit for very different reasons, potential threats for regional peace and global stability; Haiti and Côte d’Ivoire rank high on the list of fragile states and the international community has been highly engaged in crisis management and stabilization in these countries.
    [Show full text]
  • UNITED NATIONS Governing Council of the United Nations Environment
    UNITED NATIONS EP UNEP/GCSS.IX/11 Distr.: General Governing Council 16 March 2006 of the United Nations Environment Programme Original: English Ninth special session of the Governing Council/ Global Ministerial Environment Forum Dubai, 7–9 February 2006 Proceedings of the Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum at its ninth special session Introduction The ninth special session of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum was held at the Dubai International Convention Centre in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, from 7 to 9 February 2006. It was convened in pursuance of paragraph 1 (g) of Governing Council decision 20/17 of 5 February 1999, entitled “Views of the Governing Council on the report of the Secretary-General on environment and human settlements”; Governing Council decision 23/12 of 7 April 2005, entitled “Provisional agendas, dates and venues of the ninth special session of the Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum and the twenty-fourth session of the Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum”, paragraph 6 of General Assembly resolution 53/242 of 28 July 1999, entitled “Report of the Secretary-General on environment and human settlements”; and paragraph 5 of General Assembly resolution 40/243 of 18 December 1985, entitled “Pattern of conferences”; and in accordance with rules 5 and 6 of the rules of procedure of the Governing Council. I. Opening of the session A. Ceremonial opening 1. The ceremonial opening of the ninth special session of the UNEP Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum was held on Monday, 6 February 2006, in conjunction with the award ceremony for the third Zayed International Prize for the Environment.
    [Show full text]
  • Festschrift for Immanuel Wallerstein Part I
    The Hard-Earned Integration of the East in the World Economic System Silviu Brucan orld socialism was a subsystem of the world-system and as such Wcould not run deeper than the system of which it was a part. Had Lenin realized the workings of the world economic system, he would have concluded that Russia had no chance whatsoever to build an antisystemic economy in the midst of an overpowering world capitalist system. In his earlier writings, Lenin had a glimpse of that reality, hoping that another socialist revolution would break out in Germany, bailing out the Russian one. Instead, as his dream failed to materialize he began a desperate enter- prise: socialism in one country. In retrospective, I venture to say that the pervasive power of the world- system expressed itself in the fact that Lenin and Stalin, unconsciously, conceived both socialist society, as well as the future communist society, within the limits of the industrial system, which historically belongs to the capitalist epoch. This began when Stalin presented industrialization as the goal of socialism (industrialization being essentially a capitalist operation), and ended with Lenin’s defi nition of communism “Soviets plus electrifi cation,”and Stalin’s threshold to communism expressed in terms of millions of tons of pig iron, steel, coal and oil B both indicating the limit of their historical perspective within the industrial system. Never did they formulate a new type of productive forces that would usher in the formation of a postcapitalist society, remaining intellectual prisoners of the industrial system. Silviu Brucan Str. Helesteului 26 Sector 1 71297 Bucuresti Romania journal of world-systems research, vi, 2, summer/fall 2000, 444-453 Special Issue: Festchrift for Immanuel Wallerstein – Part I http://jwsr.ucr.edu issn 1076-156x © 2000 Silviu Brucan 444 445 Silviu Brucan The Hard-Earned Integration of the East in the World Economic System 446 Stalin tried hopelessly to escape from that theoretical framework.
    [Show full text]
  • East Asian Strategic Review 2001 Runoff Election
    Chapter 7 Russia ussia entered upon the new century with an energetic young Rleader Vladimir Putin. He seems to be aiming at rebuilding a strong Russia by resolutely facing up to the reality in Russia and by solving problems facing Russia one by one. Nearly ten years under President Boris Yeltsin were a transi- tional period from the old regime of the Communist Party dictator- ship to a new regime based on democracy and market economy. In the sense that he had demolished the old regime, President Yeltsin had made a great success. However, he failed to resolve the confu- sion that had arisen in the course of transition to the new regime and was unable to alleviate the sufferings of the people. What the Russian people expect President Putin to do first is to end the polit- ical and social confusion, and stabilize their livelihood. Putin considers solving domestic problems the top priority of his administration and believes that a strong Russia could not be re- vived without solving these domestic problems. In foreign policy, he stressed that Russia will favor a pragmatic approach for overcom- ing domestic difficulties, and has indicated his willingness to steer clear of troubles that could impair economic relations with the West. In the field of defense and security, he attaches priority to adapting Russia’s military to the country’s needs and economic po- tential. Since he took office President Putin has revised basic documents on diplomacy, national defense and security: Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation, National Security Concept of the Russian Federation and Military Doctrine.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded from Elgar Online at 09/27/2021 07:35:02AM Via Free Access
    Index Abalkin, L 95 International Accounting Standards Board Abbassi, P 416 and IFRS accounting 316–17, 319, 320, Abbott, K 335 322, 328 Abdelal, R 105 negative equity 321, 324, 330 Abuka, C 221 operating costs 325, 326–7 accountability profit recognition and distribution 328–9 central banks’ policies 520–23, 530, 531–2, quantitative easing (QE) 330 533 realised gains and losses on foreign exchange European System of Central Banks (ESCB) 320–21 158, 159–60, 164, 171–4 revaluation deficits 321 lender of last resort (LOLR) 546–7 securities holdings 321–2, 323, 326, 327 supervisory, and institutional path of central seigniorage 326 bank independence 299–300, 311–13 shareholder distribution and foreign see also transparency exchange 321 accounting 314–32 shareholder value issues and equity 323–4 assets 319–23, 326, 327 shareholders, financial ‘buffers’ and balance sheet 317–24, 331 potential losses 329 bank notes as liabilities 318–19 unrealised valuation gains 320 bank reserves 330 valuation using current values 322 brand/reputation as asset 323 see also balance sheet policies central bank currency swaps (CBCS) 330–31 Acemoglu, D 366 cost-based accounting 322 Adam, C 3, 208–28 credit risks and equity financing 324 Adler, G 324 digital currency development 330 Africa, sub-Saharan see sub-Saharan Africa, equity 323–4, 330 monetary policy European System of Central Banks (ESCB) Ahamed, L 16 160, 317, 322 Ahmed, S 432 exchange rate movements and foreign Aikman, D 375 currency reserves 320, 328 Ainslie, G 368 expected loss approach to impairments
    [Show full text]
  • Putin: Russia's Choice, Second Edition
    Putin The second edition of this extremely well-received political biography of Vladimir Putin builds on the strengths of the previous edition to provide the most detailed and nuanced account of the man, his politics and his pro- found influence on Russian politics, foreign policy and society. New to this edition: Analysis of Putin’s second term as President. More biographical information in the light of recent research. Detailed discussion of changes to the policy process and the elites around Putin. Developments in state–society relations including the conflicts with oli- garchs such as Khodorkovsky. Review of changes affecting the party system and electoral legislation, including the development of federalism in Russia. Details on economic performance under Putin, including more discus- sion of the energy sector and pipeline politics. Russia’s relationship with Nato after the ‘big-bang’ enlargement, EU– Russian relations after enlargement and Russia’s relations with other post- Soviet states. The conclusion brings us up to date with debates over the question of democracy in Russia today, and the nature of Putin’s leadership and his place in the world. Putin: Russia’s choice is essential reading for all scholars and students of Russian politics. Richard Sakwa is Professor of Politics at the University of Kent, UK. Putin Russia’s choice Second edition Richard Sakwa First edition published 2004 Second edition, 2008 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2007.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian Default and the Contagion to Brazil
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Baig, Taimur; Goldfajn, Ilan Working Paper The Russian default and the contagion to Brazil Texto para discussão, No. 420 Provided in Cooperation with: Departamento de Economia, Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro Suggested Citation: Baig, Taimur; Goldfajn, Ilan (2000) : The Russian default and the contagion to Brazil, Texto para discussão, No. 420, Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio), Departamento de Economia, Rio de Janeiro This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/186664 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der
    [Show full text]
  • RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
    N°66 - November 22 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-4 Politics & Government c KREMLIN The highly-orchestrated launching into orbit cThe highly-orchestrated launching into orbit of of the «national leader» the «national leader» Only a few days away from the legislative elections, the political climate in Russia grew particu- STORCHAK AFFAIR larly heavy with the announcement of the arrest of the assistant to the Finance minister Alexey Ku- c Kudrin in the line of fire of drin (read page 2). Sergey Storchak is accused of attempting to divert several dozen million dol- the Patrushev-Sechin clan lars in connection with the settlement of the Algerian debt to Russia. The clan wars in the close DUMA guard of Vladimir Putin which confront the Igor Sechin/Nikolay Patrushev duo against a compet- cUnited Russia, electoral ing «Petersburg» group based around Viktor Cherkesov, overflows the limits of the «power struc- home for Russia’s big ture» where it was contained up until now to affect the entire Russian political power complex. business WAR OF THE SERVICES The electoral campaign itself is unfolding without too much tension, involving men, parties, fac- cThe KGB old guard appeals for calm tions that support President Putin. They are no longer legislative elections but a sort of plebicite campaign, to which the Russian president lends himself without excessive good humour. The objec- PROFILE cValentina Matvienko, the tive is not even to know if the presidential party United Russia will be victorious, but if the final score “czarina” of Saint Petersburg passes the 60% threshhold.
    [Show full text]
  • The Prague Summit and Nato's Transformation
    THE PRAGUE SUMMIT AND NATO’S TRANSFORMATION NATO PUBLIC DIPLOMACY DIVISION 1110 Brussels - Belgium Web site: www.nato.int E-mail: [email protected] A READER’S GUIDE THE PRAGUE SUMMIT AND NATO’S TRANSFORMATION SUMMIT AND NATO’S THE PRAGUE PRARGENG0403 A READER’S GUIDE TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE 3 I THE SUMMIT DECISIONS 9 II KEY ISSUES 19 New members: Expanding the zone of security 20 New capabilities: Adapting to modern challenges 26 New relationships: Practical cooperation and dialogue 34 After Prague: The road ahead 67 © NATO 2003 NATO INVITEES Country* Capital Population GDP Defence Active Troop *Data based on (million) (billion expenditures Strength national sources Euros) (million Euros) Bulgaria (25) Sofia 7.8 16.9 494 (2.9% GDP) 52 630 Estonia (27) Tallin 1.4 6.8 130 (1.9% GDP) 4 783 Latvia (33) Riga 2.3 8.8 156 (1.8% GDP) 9 526 Lithuania (34) Vilnius 3.5 14.5 290 (2.0% GDP) 17 474 Romania (36) Bucharest 22.3 47.9 1117 (2.3% GDP) 99 674 Slovakia (38) Bratislava 5.4 24.9 493 (2.0% GDP) 29 071 ★ Slovenia (39) Ljubljana 2.0 22.4 344 (1.5% GDP) 7 927 III DOCUMENTATION 71 Prague Summit Declaration – 21 November 2002 72 Prague Summit Statement on Iraq – 21 November 2002 78 Announcement on Enlargement – 21 November 2002 79 Report on the Comprehensive Review of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and Partnership for Peace - 21 November 2002 80 Partnership Action Plan Against Terrorism - 21 November 2002 87 Chairman’s Summary of the Meeting of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council at Summit Level – 22 November 2002 94 Statement by NATO
    [Show full text]
  • William R. Spiegelberger the Foreign Policy Research Institute Thanks the Carnegie Corporation for Its Support of the Russia Political Economy Project
    Russia Political Economy Project William R. Spiegelberger The Foreign Policy Research Institute thanks the Carnegie Corporation for its support of the Russia Political Economy Project. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: William R. Spiegelberger Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Edited by: Thomas J. Shattuck Designed by: Natalia Kopytnik © 2019 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute April 2019 COVER: Designed by Natalia Kopytnik. Photography: Oleg Deripaska (World Economic Forum); St. Basil’s Cathedral (Adob Stock); Ruble (Adobe Stock); Vladimir Putin (kremlin.ru); Rusal logo (rusal.ru); United States Capitol (Adobe Stock; Viktor Vekselberg (Aleshru/Wikimedia Commons); Alumnium rolls (Adobe Stock); Trade War (Adobe Stock). Our Mission The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. It seeks to educate the public, teach teachers, train students, and offer ideas to advance U.S. national interests based on a nonpartisan, geopolitical perspective that illuminates contemporary international affairs through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • RUSSIA WATCH Duncan Deville, Guest Editor Graham T
    RUSSIA WATCH Duncan DeVille, Guest Editor Graham T. Allison, Director Analysis and Commentary Danielle Lussier, Assistant Editor Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project Editorial Staff: Melissa Carr, David John F. Kennedy School of Government Rekhviashvili, Annaliis Abrego, John Harvard University No. 7, March 2002 Grennan Rule of Law in Russia: The Wild East No More? Russian support for U.S. efforts in The new Criminal the war on terrorism has surprised Procedure Code. Long many Western observers. But this advocated by Western legal was not the only recent surprise experts as an important step in the development of the rule of law, from Moscow Western — the new Criminal Procedure Code advocates for the rule of law in will divest power from Russia’s (continued on p. 3) Russia also had much to celebrate in the closing months of 2001. Under IN THIS ISSUE: strong prodding by President Sergei Stepashin, p. 9 Vladimir Putin, the Duma passed several impressive pieces Chairman of the Auditing Chamber of the Russian Federation of reform legislation, including an entirely new Criminal Rule of Law and the Peculiarities of Russia Procedure Code, a potentially revolutionary land reform * law, new shareholder protections in amendments to the Scott Boylan, p. 10 Joint Stock Company Law, and the first post-Soviet Labor Regional Director for Eurasia, U.S. Department of Justice Long Awaited Russian Criminal Procedure Code is Enacted Code. * All of these bills had been stalled in the State Stephen Handleman, p. 13 Duma since the mid-1990s despite — or because of — Time Magazine International former President Boris Yeltsin’s efforts to get them passed.
    [Show full text]