Russia Intelligence

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Russia Intelligence N°73 - March 13 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-3 Politics & Government c KREMLIN A change of course in Moscow ? c A change of course in Elected to the presidency on March 2 with 70,28% of the votes, Dmitry Medvedev will have to wait Moscow ? until May 7 to officially take over the office of head of state. Vladimir Putin will then leave the Krem- JUSTICE lin for the White house, the seat of the Russian government, for a co-habitation that will be at the same c When the long arm of the time unprecedented and surrounded by numerous uncertainties (read notably the editorial of Russia Russian law reaches to Latin Intelligence n°72 of February 28 2008). But without waiting this changeover, the major political ma- America noeuvers have already begun in Moscow. And, as we already indicated in our previous dispatches, some FOCUS surprises are awaited. There was one insight in the long interview between Vladimir Putin and the head c Some lessons to be drawn from the “ Forbes” listing of the Yabloko party, Grigory Yavlinsky, a historical figure in the Russian opposition, March 11 in the Kremlin. According to information collected by Russia Intelligence in Moscow, Vladimir Putin may have ALERTS c Kadyrov c New Governors the intention to take inspiration from the “opening” of Nicolas Sarkozy in France by inviting into the government certain opponents who are known and credible to Western eyes. In this context, we offer to our readers a rapid overview of the networks of Dmitry Medvedev and the centres of power to be espe- P. 4-7 Business & Networks cially watched in anticipation of the new nominations. OLIGARCHS c The battle intensifies for control of Norilsk and Polyus The new Russian president’s networks. As we underlined in our edition of December 20, Dmitry ALERT Medvedev, beneath his guise of the ideal son-in-law, is in reality not the “newborn bird in the nest”. From c OAK-EADS the law faculty in Leningrad to the Saint Petersburg municipality, then the presidential administra- ENERGY tion, the government and with Gazprom – where he has managed the supervisory council since 2002 – c Gazprom again strengthens the future tenant of the Kremlin has known how to patiently weave his networks. They should provide its presence in the European the base for the teams the new president will seek to install during the coming months. electricity sector ALERTS A lawyer by training, Dmitry Medvedev has naturally set up a “hard-core” of relations in these cir- c Fortum c Bogdanchikov cles. His first circle includes notably Anton Ivanov, whom he had named to the presidency of the Supreme DEFENCE INDUSTIES Court of arbitration in early 2005. Nikolay Vinnichenko, who has managed since 2004 the Federal ju- c Chemezov and Ivanov dicial services and provides the liaison between Dmitry Medvedev and the boss of the Federal anti-nar- cross swords again cotics service Viktor Cherkesov, but also Oleg Kutafin, the president of the Moscow legal academy. ALERT Nikolay Egorov – the boss of the law firm of Egorov, Puginsky, Afanasev & co– Mikhail Krotov who rep- c Yakunin/TGK-14 resents the president before the Constitutional court – and Yuri Petrov, the chief of the Federal state FOCUS property fund (RFFI),complete the picture. Dmitry Medvedev also disposes of solid support in the busi- c Is Iran Tupolev’s escape ness world. Among others, should be mentioned, Yuri Kovalchuk, the boss of the Rossia bank, whose hatch ? son Boris works close to the “president-elect” since March 2006, as well as Alisher Usmanov. The boss BEHIND THE SCENE of GazpromInvestHolding, of the Kommersant publishing house and of Gazmetall especially has the c India hot and cold wind in his sails since he plays – with the assent of Dmitry Medvedev – the role of the “white knight” in P. 8 Regions & CIS the delicate Norilsk Nickel affair (read article page 4). Concerning the “power structure”, Dmitry Medvedev knows he can count on the support of Generals Yevgeny Murov and Viktor Zolotov, respec- KALMYKIA c President Kirsan tively director of the federal protection service (FSO) and chief of the personal guard of Vladimir Putin. Ilyumzhinov challenged The “president-elect” is also close to the new vice Interior minister, Yevgeny Shkolov (Russia Intelli- ABKHAZIA gence n°67 of December 8), the Prosector general Yuri Chayka and the n°2 of the federal customs serv- c A first reply from Moscow ice, Igor Zavrazhnov. Finally, Sergey Stepashin, the president of the court of accounts, should be men- tioned. SUBSCRIPTION Print Edition (23 issues, airmailed overseas) Matters are, however, less clear concerning the governors since up to now Dmitry Medvedev was not €770 TTC in a position to appoint his men. We know, however, that the special representative of the president in the district of Volga-Urals, Alexandre Konovalov, should soon gain in rank. Various sources also indi- The Web Pack (Print Edition cate that it will be through the capital, Moscow, that Dmitry Medvedev could begin his conquest of power + PDF + archives acess) at the regional level. In our edition of February 14, we indicated that Sergey Sobyanin, the boss of the € 880 TTC presidential administration and ex-director of Dmitry Medvedev’s campaign, could see himself replac- ing Yuri Luzhkov, who seems certain not to continue to the end of his term in office in 2011. He is not The Premium the only one in line : the names of Vladimir Kozhin, the boss of the Kremlin general services (biographic Subscription (Print Edition + PDF + access profile in Russia Intelligence n°60 of August 30 2007), Dmitry Kozak, and more surprising, Sergey to all the website contents) Ivanov, are actively circulating in the corridors of power. € 1200 TTC d d d Continue page 2 www.russia-intelligence.fr RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government d d d From page 1 Presidential administration, government, of adviser to Vladimir Putin. According to our information, Dmitry Gazprom : the nominations to come. It will be the nominations Medvedev and Vladimir Putin would have reached agreement to that Dmitry Medvedev and Vladimir Putin will make by next sum- renew quite substantially the government. Pavel Krasheninnikov, mer that will provide the most precious indications about the true another close associate of Medvedev, should be named to the Jus- balance of power, as well as the strategy decided by the two heads tice ministry in place of Vladimir Ustinov. There is also hardly of the executive. According to information obtained by Russia In- any doubt that Alexandre Voloshin – very much in view in re- telligence, Vladimir Putin would have proposed an economic min- cent times, as well in Moscow and in Western capitals – will find istry to Grigory Yavlinksy during their interview on March 11. More an important post. Especially since the national electricity com- surprising, he would also have sounded out the boss of Yabloko pany RAO EES Rossii, where he presides the supervisory coun- about a possible nomination for Alexey Arbatov to the Foreign af- cil, will disappear next July 1 in the framework of the major re- fairs ministry. Son of the diplomatic council to Leonid Brezhnev, form of the electricity sector. According to our sources, Nikolay Georgy Arbatov, Alexey – who is a specialist in military nuclear Patrushev, the boss of the FSB, as well as Alexandre Bastyrkin matters and international security – has long been a deputy in the – the boss of the Investigations committe of the Prosecutor’s of- State Duma before joining the Carnegie centre in Moscow then fice, in repeated conflicts with Yuri Chayka – has received per- the Institute of world economy and international relations (IMEMO), sonal guarantees fromPutin. where he would have been associated with a certain Yevgeny Pri- makov in the early 1980s. From worthy sources, Vladimir Putin Finally, we will have to follow with lots of attention the energy would have implicitly linked the liberation of Maksim Reznik – sector. Concerning Gazprom, it is known that the Prime minister head of Yabloko in Saint Petersburg arrested last weekend for of- Viktor Zubkov will take over the supervisory council, replacing fense to a policeman – to the acceptance by Yavlinksy to enter the Dmitry Medvedev. This appointment is seen positively by the other government. It is not known what the latter’s reply will be, since actors in the energy sector (notably Rosneft), since the current he has refused on numerous occasions all “compromise” with power, head of government is reputed to be “neutral” in these matters. but the approach by Vladimir Potine seems quite clever. It cuts the The main question concerns the executive presidency of Gazprom. grass from under the feet of Westerners by removing arguments The health problems of Alexey Miller in the summer of 2007 fed about the “authoritarian drift in Russian power”. In parallel, the a number of rumours about his departure, that seem less current outgoing president also takes the lead over his successor. In fact, today. It remains that Konstantin Chuychenko, a former class- from a good source, it was Dmitry Medvedev who a few weeks ago mate of Medvedev, member of the directorate at Gazprom and had suggested a “Russian-style opening”. Concerning power cir- administrator of RosUkrEnergo, hopes certaintly to have a pro- cles in Moscow, it is the presidential administation, the govern- motion. In this light, the Energy and Natural resources ministries ment, but also the energy sector which arouse the most questions – today occupied respectively by Viktor Khristenko and Yuri and desires. Vladislav Surkov strongly hopes that Sergey Sobyanin Trutnev – could be sought after. On the other hand, it is unlikely will be “shifted” to the Moscow mayor’s office to at last take over that these realignments affect the interests of the state oligarchs the reigns of the presidential administation.
Recommended publications
  • Presentation Is Made, Or by Reading the Presentation Slides, You Agree to the Following
    AEROFLOT GROUP Q3 & 9M 2020 IFRS R ESULTS 1 December 2020 Speakers: Andrey Chikhanchin – Deputy CEO for Commerce and Finance Andrey Panov – Deputy CEO for Strategy, Service and Marketing Ivan Batanov – Head of Revenue Management Disclaimer This document has been prepared by PJSC “Aeroflot” (the “Company”). By attending the meeting where the presentation is made, or by reading the presentation slides, you agree to the following. This document does not constitute or form part of any advertisement of securities, any offer or invitation to sell or issue or any solicitation of any offer to purchase or subscribe for, any securities of the Company in any jurisdiction, nor shall it or any part of it nor the fact of its presentation or distribution form the basis of, or be relied on in connection with, any contract or investment decision. No reliance may be placed for any purpose whatsoever on the information contained in this document or on assumptions made as to its completeness. No representation or warranty, express or implied, is given by the Company, its subsidiaries or any of their respective advisers, officers, employees or agents, as to the accuracy of the information or opinions or for any loss howsoever arising, directly or indirectly, from any use of this presentation or its contents. This document may include forward-looking statements. These forward-looking statements include matters that are not historical facts or statements regarding the Company’s intentions, beliefs or current expectations concerning, among other things, the Company’s results of operations, financial condition, liquidity, prospects, growth, strategies, and the market in which the Company operates.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russia You Never Met
    The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya.
    [Show full text]
  • Natural-Gas Trade Between Russia, Turkmenistan, and Ukraine
    Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Reports Editorial Board Birgit N. Schlyter (Editor-in-chief) Merrick Tabor (Associate editor) Mirja Juntunen (Associate editor) Johan Fresk (Assistant) International Advisory Board Prof. Ishtiaq Ahmed (Stockholm University, Sweden) Dr. Bayram Balcı (Inst. français d’étude sur l’Asie centrale, Uzbekistan) Dr. Ooi Kee Beng (Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore) Datuk Prof. Dr. Shamsul A.B. (Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia) The Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Group A plethora of state- and nation-building programmes are being developed in present- day Asia, where governments have to consider the regionality of old ethno-cultural identities. While the cohesive power of traditions must be put into use within a particular nation, that same power challenges its national boundaries. To soften this contradiction, economic and/or political regionalism, in contrast to isolationism and globalism, becomes a solution, suggesting new and exciting routes to modernity. In studies conducted by the Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Group at Stockholm University, sociolinguistic and culture-relativistic perspectives are applied with the support of epistemological considerations from the field of political science. Department of Oriental Languages Stockholm University SE-106 91 Stockholm E-mail: [email protected] ISSN 1651-0666 ISBN 978-91-976907-2-0 Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Report No. 15 Natural-Gas Trade between Russia, Turkmenistan, and Ukraine Agreements and Disputes by Michael Fredholm Department of South and Central Asian Studies Stockholm University Editorial Note The author has written extensively on the history, defence and security policies, and energy sector developments of Eurasia. He also heads the business research company Team Ippeki.
    [Show full text]
  • QUARTERLY ACTIVITY REPORT 2013 by Nils Muižnieks
    Strasbourg, 18 September 2013 CommDH(2013)16 2ND QUARTERLY ACTIVITY REPORT 2013 by Nils Muižnieks Commissioner for Human Rights 1 April to 30 June 2013 Presented to the Committee of Ministers and the Parliamentary Assembly CommDH(2013)16 CONTENTS 1. Overview ....................................................................................................... 3 2. Missions and Visits ....................................................................................... 4 3. Reports and continuous dialogue................................................................ 10 4. Themes ....................................................................................................... 14 5. Other Meetings ........................................................................................... 17 6. Human rights defenders .............................................................................. 18 7. Communication and Information work ......................................................... 19 8. Next three months ....................................................................................... 21 9. Observations and reflections ...................................................................... 22 2 CommDH(2013)16 1. Overview In the second quarter of 2013, I touched upon issues related to police misconduct in a number of country visits, reports and media interventions pertaining to Greece, Russia, Spain, Azerbaijan and Turkey. News reports suggest that the issue is not confined to these countries, but is widespread throughout
    [Show full text]
  • Security Aspects of the South Stream Project
    BRIEFING PAPER Policy Department External Policies SECURITY ASPECTS OF THE SOUTH STREAM PROJECT FOREIGN AFFAIRS October 2008 JANUARY 2004 EN This briefing paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs. It is published in the following language: English Author: Zeyno Baran, Director Center for Eurasian Policy (CEP), Hudson Institute www.hudson.org The author is grateful for the support of CEP Research Associates Onur Sazak and Emmet C. Tuohy as well as former CEP Research Assistant Rob A. Smith. Responsible Official: Levente Császi Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union Policy Department BD4 06 M 55 rue Wiertz B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] Publisher European Parliament Manuscript completed on 23 October 2008. The briefing paper is available on the Internet at http://www.europarl.europa.eu/activities/committees/studies.do?language=EN If you are unable to download the information you require, please request a paper copy by e-mail : [email protected] Brussels: European Parliament, 2008. Any opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. © European Communities, 2008. Reproduction and translation, except for commercial purposes, are authorised, provided the source is acknowledged and provided the publisher is given prior notice and supplied with a copy of the publication. EXPO/B/AFET/2008/30 October 2008 PE 388.962 EN CONTENTS SECURITY ASPECTS OF THE SOUTH STREAM PROJECT ................................ ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .............................................................................................iii 1. INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................... 1 2. THE RUSSIAN CHALLENGE................................................................................... 2 2.1.
    [Show full text]
  • The North Caucasus: the Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law
    The North Caucasus: The Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law Europe Report N°226 | 6 September 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Russia between Decentralisation and the “Vertical of Power” ....................................... 3 A. Federative Relations Today ....................................................................................... 4 B. Local Government ...................................................................................................... 6 C. Funding and budgets ................................................................................................. 6 III. Elections ........................................................................................................................... 9 A. State Duma Elections 2011 ........................................................................................ 9 B. Presidential Elections 2012 ......................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Russia and Saudi Arabia: Old Disenchantments, New Challenges by John W
    STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 35 Russia and Saudi Arabia: Old Disenchantments, New Challenges by John W. Parker and Thomas F. Lynch III Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, and Center for the Study of Weapons of Mass Destruction. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified combatant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Vladimir Putin presented an artifact made of mammoth tusk to Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman Al Saud in Riyadh, October 14–15, 2019 (President of Russia Web site) Russia and Saudi Arabia Russia and Saudia Arabia: Old Disenchantments, New Challenges By John W. Parker and Thomas F. Lynch III Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 35 Series Editor: Denise Natali National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2021 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government.
    [Show full text]
  • East Asian Strategic Review 2001 Runoff Election
    Chapter 7 Russia ussia entered upon the new century with an energetic young Rleader Vladimir Putin. He seems to be aiming at rebuilding a strong Russia by resolutely facing up to the reality in Russia and by solving problems facing Russia one by one. Nearly ten years under President Boris Yeltsin were a transi- tional period from the old regime of the Communist Party dictator- ship to a new regime based on democracy and market economy. In the sense that he had demolished the old regime, President Yeltsin had made a great success. However, he failed to resolve the confu- sion that had arisen in the course of transition to the new regime and was unable to alleviate the sufferings of the people. What the Russian people expect President Putin to do first is to end the polit- ical and social confusion, and stabilize their livelihood. Putin considers solving domestic problems the top priority of his administration and believes that a strong Russia could not be re- vived without solving these domestic problems. In foreign policy, he stressed that Russia will favor a pragmatic approach for overcom- ing domestic difficulties, and has indicated his willingness to steer clear of troubles that could impair economic relations with the West. In the field of defense and security, he attaches priority to adapting Russia’s military to the country’s needs and economic po- tential. Since he took office President Putin has revised basic documents on diplomacy, national defense and security: Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation, National Security Concept of the Russian Federation and Military Doctrine.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia Intelligence
    N°70 - January 31 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS SPOTLIGHT P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Medvedev’s Last Battle Before Kremlin Debut SPOTLIGHT c Medvedev’s Last Battle The arrest of Semyon Mogilevich in Moscow on Jan. 23 is a considerable development on Russia’s cur- Before Kremlin Debut rent political landscape. His profile is altogether singular: linked to a crime gang known as “solntsevo” and PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS sought in the United States for money-laundering and fraud, Mogilevich lived an apparently peaceful exis- c Final Stretch for tence in Moscow in the renowned Rublyovka road residential neighborhood in which government figures « Operation Succession » and businessmen rub shoulders. In truth, however, he was involved in at least two types of business. One c Kirillov, Shestakov, was the sale of perfume and cosmetic goods through the firm Arbat Prestige, whose manager and leading Potekhin: the New St. “official” shareholder is Vladimir Nekrasov who was arrested at the same time as Mogilevich as the two left Petersburg Crew in Moscow a restaurant at which they had lunched. The charge that led to their incarceration was evading taxes worth DIPLOMACY around 1.5 million euros and involving companies linked to Arbat Prestige. c Balkans : Putin’s Gets His Revenge The other business to which Mogilevich’s name has been linked since at least 2003 concerns trading in P. 4-7 Business & Networks gas. As Russia Intelligence regularly reported in previous issues, Mogilevich was reportedly the driving force behind the creation of two commercial entities that played a leading role in gas relations between Russia, BEHIND THE SCENE Turkmenistan and Ukraine: EuralTransGaz first and then RosUkrEnergo later.
    [Show full text]
  • Treisman Silovarchs 9 10 06
    Putin’s Silovarchs Daniel Treisman October 2006, Forthcoming in Orbis, Winter 2007 In the late 1990s, many Russians believed their government had been captured by a small group of business magnates known as “the oligarchs”. The most flamboyant, Boris Berezovsky, claimed in 1996 that seven bankers controlled fifty percent of the Russian economy. Having acquired massive oil and metals enterprises in rigged privatizations, these tycoons exploited Yeltsin’s ill-health to meddle in politics and lobby their interests. Two served briefly in government. Another, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, summed up the conventional wisdom of the time in a 1997 interview: “Politics is the most lucrative field of business in Russia. And it will be that way forever.”1 A decade later, most of the original oligarchs have been tripping over each other in their haste to leave the political stage, jettisoning properties as they go. From exile in London, Berezovsky announced in February he was liquidating his last Russian assets. A 1 Quoted in Andrei Piontkovsky, “Modern-Day Rasputin,” The Moscow Times, 12 November, 1997. fellow media magnate, Vladimir Gusinsky, long ago surrendered his television station to the state-controlled gas company Gazprom and now divides his time between Israel and the US. Khodorkovsky is in a Siberian jail, serving an eight-year sentence for fraud and tax evasion. Roman Abramovich, Berezovsky’s former partner, spends much of his time in London, where he bought the Chelsea soccer club in 2003. Rather than exile him to Siberia, the Kremlin merely insists he serve as governor of the depressed Arctic outpost of Chukotka—a sign Russia’s leaders have a sense of humor, albeit of a dark kind.
    [Show full text]
  • RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
    N°66 - November 22 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-4 Politics & Government c KREMLIN The highly-orchestrated launching into orbit cThe highly-orchestrated launching into orbit of of the «national leader» the «national leader» Only a few days away from the legislative elections, the political climate in Russia grew particu- STORCHAK AFFAIR larly heavy with the announcement of the arrest of the assistant to the Finance minister Alexey Ku- c Kudrin in the line of fire of drin (read page 2). Sergey Storchak is accused of attempting to divert several dozen million dol- the Patrushev-Sechin clan lars in connection with the settlement of the Algerian debt to Russia. The clan wars in the close DUMA guard of Vladimir Putin which confront the Igor Sechin/Nikolay Patrushev duo against a compet- cUnited Russia, electoral ing «Petersburg» group based around Viktor Cherkesov, overflows the limits of the «power struc- home for Russia’s big ture» where it was contained up until now to affect the entire Russian political power complex. business WAR OF THE SERVICES The electoral campaign itself is unfolding without too much tension, involving men, parties, fac- cThe KGB old guard appeals for calm tions that support President Putin. They are no longer legislative elections but a sort of plebicite campaign, to which the Russian president lends himself without excessive good humour. The objec- PROFILE cValentina Matvienko, the tive is not even to know if the presidential party United Russia will be victorious, but if the final score “czarina” of Saint Petersburg passes the 60% threshhold.
    [Show full text]
  • Power Surge? Russia’S Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond
    Power Surge? Russia’s Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond PONARS Policy Memo No. 414 Brian D. Taylor Syracuse University December 2006 The “rise of the siloviki ” has become a standard framework for analyzing Russian politics under President Vladimir Putin . According to this view, the main difference between Putin’s rule and that of former president Boris Yeltsin is the triumph of guns (the siloviki ) over money (the oligarchs). This approach has a lot to recommend it, but it also raises sever al important questions . One is the ambiguity embedded in the term siloviki itself . Taken from the Russian phrase for the power ministries ( silovie ministerstva ) or power structures ( silovie strukturi ), the word is sometimes used to refer to those ministrie s and agencies ; sometimes to personnel from those structures ; and sometimes to a specific “clan” in Russian politics centered around the deputy head of the presidential administration, former KGB official Igor Sechin . A second issue , often glossed over in the “rise of the siloviki ” story , is whether the increase in political power of men with guns has necessarily led to the strengthening of the state, Putin’s central policy goal . Finally, as many observers have pointed out, treating the siloviki as a unit – particularly when the term is used to apply to all power ministries or power ministry personnel – seriously overstates the coherence of this group. In this memo, I break down the rise of the siloviki narrative into multiple parts, focusing on three issues . First, I look at change over time, from the early 1990s to the present .
    [Show full text]