Chechnya Weekly: Volume 9, Issue 19 (May 16, 2008)
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Business Quarterly (Summer 2017)
Summer 2017 Regional Development With AEB updates on: #investment climate in Russia, #localisation in the Russian regions, #discovering Krasnodar Region, #St. Petersburg investment legislation, #AEB news, #Committee activities, #member news, and #new members. | Introduction AEB Business Quarterly | Summer 2017 Dear readers, Welcome to the summer issue of the AEB Business Quarterly! The Association of European Businesses represents the interests of foreign investors in Russia and sup- ports foreign companies operating on the Russian market. Far more than 50% of foreign direct invest- ments originate from the European Union, so the country’s investment attractiveness is of vital impor- tance for the AEB. The AEB is focused on engaging with the Russian regions. We have two Regional Committees: the North-Western and the Southern ones with the offices in Saint Petersburg and Krasnodar correspondingly. They actively cooperate with the regional and local authorities and take part in the work of the investment councils of the governments of the Krasnodar and Leningrad regions, and the city of St. Petersburg. On 1 June 2017, the AEB signed an Agreement on Cooperation with Leningrad region within the framework of the St.Petersburg International Forum. The AEB regularly holds presentations of the investment potential of the regions in Moscow. Thus, recently we have hosted several events on the investment potential of the Altai and Sakhalin regions, the North Caucasus and the Chuvash Republic. The Association regularly organises business missions to the Russian regions and meetings with the regional governors, enabling companies to get acquainted with the investment opportunities of the given region as well as the terms of co- operation and development. -
Russia: CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 to FEBRUARY 1995
Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Issue Paper RUSSIA CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 TO FEBRUARY 1995 July 1995 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures Political Leaders 1. INTRODUCTION 2. CHRONOLOGY 1993 1994 1995 3. APPENDICES TABLE 1: SEAT DISTRIBUTION IN THE STATE DUMA TABLE 2: REPUBLICS AND REGIONS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION MAP 1: RUSSIA 1 of 58 9/17/2013 9:13 AM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... MAP 2: THE NORTH CAUCASUS NOTES ON SELECTED SOURCES REFERENCES GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures [This glossary is included for easy reference to organizations which either appear more than once in the text of the chronology or which are known to have been formed in the period covered by the chronology. The list is not exhaustive.] All-Russia Democratic Alternative Party. Established in February 1995 by Grigorii Yavlinsky.( OMRI 15 Feb. -
THE CASES of RUSSIA and TURKEY a Master's Thesis By
STATE’S RESPONSE TO TRANSNATIONAL HUMAN TRAFFICKING: THE CASES OF RUSSIA AND TURKEY A Master’s Thesis by TATIANA ZHIDKOVA Department of International Relations İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University Ankara July 2011 STATE’S RESPONSE TO TRANSNATIONAL HUMAN TRAFFICKING: THE CASES OF RUSSIA AND TURKEY Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences of İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University by TATIANA ZHIDKOVA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS İHSAN DOĞRAMACI BİLKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA July 2011 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. Assoc. Prof. Ersel AYDINLI Supervisor I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. Assistant Prof. Özgür ÖZDAMAR Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. Assistant Prof. Zeki SARIGİL Examining Committee Member Approval of the Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Erdal EREL Director ABSTRACT STATE’S RESPONSE TO TRANSNATIONAL HUMAN TRAFFICKING: THE CASES OF RUSSIA AND TURKEY Zhidkova, Tatiana M.A., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Ersel Aydınlı July 2011 In the aftermath of globalization, it has become increasingly easier for non-state actors to develop in transnational networks, thus jeopardizing domestic security and political stability of states. -
Econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Kästner, Antje Working Paper From chaos to pragmatism? The domestic dimension of Russian foreign policy 1991-2008 Discussion Paper, No. 19/2008 Provided in Cooperation with: German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), Bonn Suggested Citation: Kästner, Antje (2008) : From chaos to pragmatism? The domestic dimension of Russian foreign policy 1991-2008, Discussion Paper, No. 19/2008, ISBN 978-3-88985-409-4, Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), Bonn This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/199304 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen -
Annual-Report-2018 Eng.Pdf
Russian International Affairs Council CONTENTS /01 GENERAL INFORMATION 4 /02 RIAC PROGRAM ACTIVITIES 16 /03 RIAC IN THE MEDIA 58 /04 RIAC WEBSITE 60 /05 FINANCIAL STATEMENTS 62 3 Russian International ANNUAL REPORT 2018 Affairs Council The General Meeting of RIAC members is the The main task of the RIAC Scientific Council is to ABOUT THE COUNCIL supreme governing body of the Partnership. The formulate sound recommendations for strategic key function of the General Meeting is to ensure decisions in RIAC expert, research, and publishing The non-profit partnership Russian compliance with the goals of the Partnership. The activities. General Meeting includes 160 members of the International Affairs Council (NP RIAC) is Council. The Vice-Presidency was introduced to achieve 01 the goals of the Partnership in cooperation with a Russian membership-based non-profit The RIAC Board of Trustees is a supervisory body government bodies and local authorities of the organization. The partnership was established of the Partnership that monitors the activities of Russian Federation and foreign states, the Partnership and their compliance with the international organizations, and Russian and by the resolution of its founders pursuant statutory goals. foreign legal entities. The candidate for Vice- President is approved by the RIAC Presidium for a to Decree No. 59-rp of the President of the The Presidium of the Partnership is a permanent one-year term. Russian Federation “On the Establishment collegial governing body of the Partnership that consists of not less than five and no more than RIAC Corporate Members of the Non-Profit Partnership Russian fifteen members, including the President and According to the Charter, legal citizens of the the Director General of the Partnership, who Russian Federation or entities established in International Affairs Council” dated February 2, have a vote in the decision-making process. -
Russian Actions in Chechnya in 1994 and 1999
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. A Tale of Two Theaters: Russian Actions in Chechnya in 1994 and 1999 by Mr. Timothy L. Thomas Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. This article was previously published in Analysis of Current Events September 2000 Volume 12, Nos. 5-6 Between 1994 and 1996, Russia fought a war to prevent its semi-autonomous republic of Chechnya from breaking away. The Chechens theoretically “won” the war. Chechnya was permitted de facto independence, even though Russian President Boris Yeltsin managed to put off a final agreement on Chechnya’s status until the year 2001. However, Russia’s armed forces never admitted defeat, and began planning operations and conducting training to retake Chechnya almost immediately. Between 1996 and the spring of 1999, events created another opportunity to intervene in Chechnya. These included widespread Chechen hostage-taking, car and cattle theft, and illegal tapping of oil pipelines passing through Chechnya. The Chechen incursion into Dagestan in August 1999, and the suspected Chechen bombing of Russian apartment buildings in the fall of 1999, gave the Russian government the final pretext to conduct the second intervention in Chechnya, in October 1999. The 1999 intervention was executed according to a well-conceived plan. According to the former Minister of Internal Affairs and Yeltsin loyalist Sergei Stepashin, the plan was prepared for execution in March 1999 but was delayed. -
Power Surge? Russia’S Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond
Power Surge? Russia’s Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond PONARS Policy Memo No. 414 Brian D. Taylor Syracuse University December 2006 The “rise of the siloviki ” has become a standard framework for analyzing Russian politics under President Vladimir Putin . According to this view, the main difference between Putin’s rule and that of former president Boris Yeltsin is the triumph of guns (the siloviki ) over money (the oligarchs). This approach has a lot to recommend it, but it also raises sever al important questions . One is the ambiguity embedded in the term siloviki itself . Taken from the Russian phrase for the power ministries ( silovie ministerstva ) or power structures ( silovie strukturi ), the word is sometimes used to refer to those ministrie s and agencies ; sometimes to personnel from those structures ; and sometimes to a specific “clan” in Russian politics centered around the deputy head of the presidential administration, former KGB official Igor Sechin . A second issue , often glossed over in the “rise of the siloviki ” story , is whether the increase in political power of men with guns has necessarily led to the strengthening of the state, Putin’s central policy goal . Finally, as many observers have pointed out, treating the siloviki as a unit – particularly when the term is used to apply to all power ministries or power ministry personnel – seriously overstates the coherence of this group. In this memo, I break down the rise of the siloviki narrative into multiple parts, focusing on three issues . First, I look at change over time, from the early 1990s to the present . -
Russian Regional Report (Vol. 9, No. 1, 3 February 2004)
Russian Regional Report (Vol. 9, No. 1, 3 February 2004) A bi-weekly publication jointly produced by the Center for Security Studies at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH) Zurich (http://www.isn.ethz.ch) and the Transnational Crime and Corruption Center (TraCCC) at American University, Washington, DC (http://www.American.edu/traccc) TABLE OF CONTENTS TraCCC Yaroslavl Conference Crime Groups Increasing Ties to Authorities Gubernatorial Elections Sakhalin Elects New Governor Center-Periphery Relations Tyumen Oblast, Okrugs Resume Conflict Electoral Violations Khabarovsk Court Jails Election Worker Procurator Files Criminal Cases in Kalmykiya Elections Advertisements Russia: All 89 Regions Trade and Investment Guide Dynamics of Russian Politics: Putin's Reform of Federal-Regional Relations ***RRR on-line (with archives) - http://www.isn.ethz.ch/researchpub/publihouse/rrr/ TRACCC YAROSLAVL CONFERENCE CRIME GROUPS INCREASING TIES TO AUTHORITIES. Crime groups are increasingly working with public officials in Russia at the regional, and local levels, making it difficult for those seeking to enact and enforce laws combating organized crime, according to many of the criminologists who participated in a conference addressing organized crime hosted by Yaroslavl State University and sponsored by TraCCC, with support from the US Department of Justice on 20-21 January. The current laws on organized crime are largely a result of Russia's inability to deal with this problem, according to Natalia Lopashenko, head of the TraCCC program in Saratov. Almost the only area of agreement among the scholars, law enforcement agents, and judges was that the level of organized crime is rising. Figures from the Interior Ministry suggest that the number of economic crimes, in particular, is shooting upward. -
Geopolitics Or Geoeconomics?
China-Russia Relations: One Year Later: Geopolitics or Geoeconomics? by Yu Bin Associate Professor, Wittenberg University Two one-year anniversaries – the Russia-China friendship treaty and the Sept. 11 attacks – were very much in the minds of Russian and Chinese leaders during the third quarter of 2002. Both China and Russia publicly expressed satisfaction with the historic treaty that “legalizes” bilateral interactions. Beyond that, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s Bismarckian diplomatic dexterity seemed to make Russia not only an eagerly sought member of the major power club, but also to position it in a crucial point between the West and the so-called “axis of evil” states (Iraq, Iran, and North Korea). Meanwhile, Beijing’s strategic and diplomatic constraints were somewhat alleviated by the country’s sustained economic growth. Between China and Russia, the much alluded to friendship treaty appeared only to offer another round of strategic maneuvering and mutual adjustment at the dawn of a new U.S. military doctrine of preemption that would displace deterrence. Premiers’ Tough Talk: Profit First, Friendship Second The quarter began with Russian Security Council Secretary Vladimir Rushailo’s visit to China on July 15-20 to celebrate the one-year anniversary of the friendship treaty. Rushailo met with almost all top Chinese leaders (President Jiang Zemin, Vice Premier Qian Qichen, Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan, Defense Minister Chi Haotian, acting State Security Minister Gen Huichang, and Public Security Minister Jia Chunwang). The seventh regular prime ministers’ meeting between Zhu Rongji and Mikhail Kasyanov in Shanghai on Aug. 21-23 was the most substantial high-level interaction for the third quarter. -
The Russian Chronologies July - September 2009 Dr Mark a Smith
Research & Assessment Branch The Russian Chronologies July - September 2009 Dr Mark A Smith 09/13 RUSSIAN DOMESTIC CHRONOLOGY JULY 2009 – SEPTEMBER 2009 1 July 2009 The head of the commission for the Caucasus and first deputy speaker of the Federation Council, Aleksandr Torshin, criticises the assessment of the situation in the North Caucasus made by the human rights organization Amnesty International. 1 July 2009 President Dmitry Medvedev speaks at a state reception for graduates of military educational institutions in the Kremlin. He discusses military reform. 1 July 2009 Deputy Prime Minister Sergey Ivanov discusses with Vladimir Putin the development of seaport construction. Ivanov states: In 1998-99, of the total volume of import and export operations, 75 per cent of our cargoes were shipped through foreign ports, mostly Ukrainian and Baltic ones, and only 25 per cent through Russian ports. Now the proportion is as follows: 87 per cent of all cargoes are already shipped and processed through Russian ports, and only 13 per cent through foreign ports. I think that's fairly good dynamics, and in the foreseeable future we will completely get rid of dependence on foreign ports. This is very important from the economic point of view, and of course additional jobs. 1 July 2009 The head of the Rosnano state corporation Anatoly Chubays addresses the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs innovation policy committee. He discusses the need to develop an innovative economy in the Russian Federation. 1 July 2009 Interior Minister Rashid Nurgaliyev says that alcohol abuse or poisoning causes each fifth death in Russia. -
Defining and Identifying Russia's Elite Groups
Defining and identifying Russia’s elite groups Siloviki representation during Putin’s third term Master’s Thesis Russian and Eurasian Studies Leiden University, The Netherlands 23 January 2017 Sam Broekman Student Number: 1605062 Word Count: 18,005 Supervisor: Dr. M. Frear Table of contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 2 Introducing the siloviki ......................................................................................................................... 2 General research gaps ......................................................................................................................... 2 Research question ............................................................................................................................... 3 Methodology ....................................................................................................................................... 4 Chapter overview ................................................................................................................................. 4 Section 1: Rise of the siloviki..................................................................................................................... 6 1.1 The Politburo 2.0 ........................................................................................................................... 6 1.2 Putin’s return to the presidency ................................................................................................. -
Thesis Full Manuscript Revised 2011V2
Regime Transition and Foreign Policy: The Case of Russia’s Approach to Central Asia (1991-2008) Glen Hazelton A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand June 2011 Abstract In 1991, Russian embarked on an ambitious regime transition to transform the country from communism to democracy. This would be a massive transformation, demanding economic, political, institutional, and social change. It was also expected that the transition would result in significant foreign policy adaptation, as Russia’s identity, direction and fundamental basis for policy-making was transformed. However, it was an unknown quantity how transition in the domestic environment would interact with foreign policy and what the nature of these changes would be. This thesis examines the relationship between regime transition and Russia’s foreign policy. It begins with an examination of literature on regime transition and the types of changes that potentially impact policy-making in a democratising state. It then moves to examining the policy environment and its impact on the contours of policy in each of the Yeltsin and Putin periods, drawing links between domestic changes and their expression in foreign policy. How these changes were expressed specifically is demonstrated through a case study of Russia’s approach to Central Asia through the Yeltsin and Putin periods. The thesis finds clearly that a domestic transitional politics was a determining factor in the nature, substance and style of Russia’s foreign relations. Under Yeltsin, sustained economic decline, contested visions of what Russia’s future should be and where its interests lay, as well as huge institutional flux, competition, an unstructured expansion of interests, conflict, and the inability to function effectively led to an environment of policy politicisation, inconsistency, and turmoil.