Defensive Democracy': a Cross-National Assessment of Formal-Legal Defensiveness in 8 Advanced European Democracies

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Defensive Democracy': a Cross-National Assessment of Formal-Legal Defensiveness in 8 Advanced European Democracies A comparative analysis of 'Defensive Democracy': a cross-national assessment of formal-legal defensiveness in 8 advanced European democracies Submitted by Beimenbetov Serik to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In December 2014 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. 1 ABSTRACT This dissertation addresses the question how democracies defend themselves from political parties and groups which profess antidemocratic values and use violence as one of the means to achieve their goals. In particular this dissertation analyses the range of formal-legal measures and provisions that democracies have at their disposal to constrain their non-democratic groups and political parties, looking at eight advanced European democracies Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. These measures and provisions are identified in constitutional documents, civil law, criminal law, in electoral laws, and other pertinent legal sources passed by the legislature and issued by courts of these countries, pertaining to the regulation of political freedoms, public order, and homeland security. On this basis, the thesis provides an encompassing and systematic assessment of differences and similarities between these democracies and thereby assesses their relative formal-legal democratic defensiveness. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS List of tables 8 List of abbreviations 9 1 Introduction 1.1 Setting the problem and developing the research questions 11 1.2 Organisation of the thesis 17 2 The concept of defensive democracy: the theoretical background and prior research 2.1 Introduction 20 2.2 Origins of defensive democracy 20 2.3 Distinguishing strategies of defensive democracy 23 2.3.1 Party-based strategies to defend democracy 26 2.3.2 Cultural-societal strategies to defend democracy 30 2.3.3 Formal-legal strategies to defend democracy 36 2.4 Conclusion 50 3 Toward systematic assessment of variations between democracies in formal-legal democratic defensiveness: developing an analytical framework 3.1 Introduction 53 3.2 Defining and broadening the scope of formal-legal measures 54 3.2.1 Rules on the ballot access as de facto constraint against non-democratic parties 57 3.2.2 The role of electoral threshold in constraining non-democratic parties 59 3.2.3 The role of rules constraining the access of non-democratic parties to direct state funding 62 3.3 Developing the analytical framework: distinguishing three types of legal mechanisms 63 3.4 Methodology: Coding procedure to assess variations in formal-legal democratic defensiveness 71 3.5 Sources 77 3.6 Basic rationale of the country selection 80 3 3.7 A first overview of formal-legal defensiveness between eight European democracies 81 3.8 Conclusion 84 4 Systematic assessment of variations between democracies in the presence of legal party and group ban 4.1 Introduction 85 4.2 Democracies with high defensiveness in the category of legal ban 86 4.2.1 Legal ban in Austria 86 4.2.2 Legal ban in France 87 4.2.3 Legal ban in Germany 89 4.3 Democracies with medium defensiveness in the category of legal ban 92 4.3.1 Legal ban in the Netherlands 92 4.3.2 Legal ban in Belgium 94 4.3.3 Legal ban in the United Kingdom 95 4.3.4 Legal ban in Denmark 97 4.3.5 Legal ban in Sweden 98 4.4 Evaluation of findings 98 5 Systematic assessment of variations between democracies in the presence of freedom constraints 5.1 Introduction 101 5.2 Democracies with high defensiveness within the freedom constraints category 102 5.2.1 Freedom constraints in Germany 103 5.2.2 Freedom constraints in Austria 107 5.2.3 Freedom constraints in France 110 5.2.4 Freedom constraints in Belgium 114 5.3 Democracies with medium defensiveness within the freedom constraints category 117 5.3.1 Freedom constraints in the United Kingdom 118 5.3.2 Freedom constraints in the Netherlands 121 5.3.3 Freedom constraints in Denmark 124 4 5.3.4 Freedom constraints in Sweden 126 5.4 Evaluation of findings 129 6 Systematic assessment of variations in the presence of operational constraints 6.1 Introduction 131 6.2 Systematic assessment of variations across operational constraints 132 6.2.1 Democracies with high defensiveness in operational constraints 133 6.2.1.1 Operational constraints in Germany 133 6.2.1.2 Operational constraints in the Netherlands 137 6.2.1.3 Operational constraints in Austria 140 6.2.1.4 Operational constraints in Belgium 144 6.2.2 Democracies with medium defensiveness within the operational constraints category 147 6.2.2.1 Operational constraints in the United Kingdom 147 6.2.2.2 Operational constraints in Sweden 152 6.2.2.3 Operational constraints in Denmark 154 6.2.2.4 Operational constraints in France 156 6.3 Summary of findings and conclusion: patterns of formal-legal democratic defensiveness 159 7 Factors shaping formal-legal democratic defensiveness: theoretical perspectives 7.1 Introduction 166 7.2 Theorizing the influence of the type of democratic government on shaping formal-legal democratic defensiveness 169 7.3 Theorizing the relationship between the historical experience with the breakdown and stability of democratic regime and formal-legal democratic defensiveness 176 7.4 Comparing theoretical perspectives with the empirical findings 185 7.4.1 Examining the role of the type of democratic government in shaping formal-legal democratic defensiveness 186 7.4.2 The role of historical experience with the 5 breakdown and stability of democratic regime in shaping formal-legal democratic defensiveness 187 7.5 Conclusion 189 8 Case-study: why the United Kingdom has higher defensiveness than theoretically expected? 8.1 Introduction 191 8.2 British fascism and legal responses to it: advancing defensiveness in legal ban and freedom constraints 194 8.2.1 Far right pro-fascist movements in Britain 194 8.2.2 The enactment of the Public Order Act 1936: advancing defensiveness in group ban 196 8.2.3 The threat of fascism in post-war Britain: advancing defensiveness on banning anti-racist speech 199 8.3 The conflict in Northern Ireland (1968-1998): advancing on key indicators in legal ban dimension 200 8.3.1 Political background of the conflict in Northern Ireland 201 8.3.2 The legal response to the conflict in Northern Ireland: new framework for legal ban of extremist and terrorist groups 204 8.4 The Miners’ strike (1984-1985): advancing democratic defensiveness in freedom constraints category 208 8.4.1 The Public Order Act 1986: push for stricter laws for the control of assemblies and demonstrations 209 8.5 Post-9/11 and 7/7: advancing defensiveness in operational constraints 211 8.5.1 Legal response to terrorism: strengthening operational constraints 213 8.6 Conclusion 217 9 Conclusion 219 9.1 Summary of the main findings and original contribution 219 9.2 Theoretical and empirical implications 223 9.3 Avenues for further research 226 6 10 Appendix 232 11 Bibliography 241 7 LIST OF TABLES 1 Giovanni Capoccia’s model of ‘defensive democracy’ 25 2 Ballot access requirements in selected democracies in Europe 58 3 Formal electoral threshold at national level in eight European democracies 60 4 Three analytical categories of formal-legal democratic defensiveness 65 5 A systematic mapping of differences in formal-legal defensiveness between 8 European democracies 81 6 Systematic assessment of variations in the category of legal ban 85 7 Mapping democracies across freedom constraints 101 8 Overview of configurations among democracies in the category of legal ban and freedom constraints 129 9 Mapping of democracies across operational constraints 132 10 Country configurations across three categories 159 11 Overall pofiles of formal-legal democratic defensiveness among 8 European democracies 161 12 Theoretically expected level of democratic defensiveness of substantive and procedural democracies 173 13 Overview of configurations of experience and nature of democratic breakdown among eight democracies 179 14 Examining the relationship between the type of democratic government and the two main profiles of democratic defensiveness 186 15 The relationship between the historical experience with the breakdown of democracy and the level of democratic defensiveness 187 16 Core legislation in the UK increasing formal-legal defensiveness 193 8 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AIVD Algemene Inlichtingen- en Veiligheidsdienst BfV Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz (Federal Agency for the Protection of the Constitution) BNP British National Party BUF British Union of Fascists BVerfG Bundesverfassungsgericht Cf. confer (Latin for ‘compare’) CPUSA Communist Party of the United States of America DCRG Direction Centrale des Renseignements Généraux DCT Direction du la surveillance du territoire DKP German Communist Party (Deutsche Kommunistische Partei) ECHR European Convention on Human Rights ETA Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (Basque Homeland and Freedom) EU European Union FN National Front (Front Nationale) FPÖ Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs FRG Federal Republic of Germany ICERD International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination ICCPR International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights INLA
Recommended publications
  • Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
    harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY.
    [Show full text]
  • Facets of Democracy: an Overview
    Molung Educational Frontier 15 Facets of Democracy: An Overview Aswasthama Bhakta Kharel, PhD* Abstract Democracy allows the expression of political preferences of citizens in a state. It advocates the rule of law, constraints on executive’s power, and guarantees the provision of civil liberties. It also manages to ensure human rights and fundamental freedoms of people. In democracy, people are supposed to exercise their freely expressed will. Ordinary people hold the political power of the state and rule directly or through elected representatives inside a democratic form of government. Democracy is a participatory and liberal way of governing a country. Different countries in the world have been practicing various models of democracy. There remains the participation of people in government and policy-making of the state under democracy. But when the majority can pull the strings of the society without there being legislation for protecting the rights of the minority, it may create a severe risk of oppression. Many countries of the world at the present time are facing democratic deficits. In several countries, the democratic practices are not adequately regulated and governed, as a result, the rise of violations of rules of law is observed. Even a few countries practicing democracy are not living peacefully. This situation has put a significant question about the need and sustainability of democracy. Democracy is a widely used system of governance beyond having several challenges. Here the concept, origin, models, dimensions, practices, challenges, solutions, and future of democracy are dealt to understand the structure of ideal democracy. Keywords: democracy, human rights, rule of law, sustainable development, election Methodology The methodology applied in maintaining this research paper includes documentary analysis qualitatively where different journals, public documents, organizational reports, articles, and books are referred, and their factual data are considered.
    [Show full text]
  • South Korea: Legal and Political Overtones of Defensive Democracy in a Divided Country South Korea Has Already Passed Samuel
    South Korea: Legal and Political Overtones of Defensive Democracy in a Divided Country KWANGSUP KIM South Korea has already passed Samuel Huntington’s two-turnover test for democratic consolidation, which occurred with the peaceful transitions of power in 1992 and 1996. This occurred despite the enduring military tension on the divided Korean peninsula. Huntington said that when a nation transitions from an “emergent democracy” to a “stable democracy,” its ruling parties must undergo two democratic and peaceful turnovers.1 However, there still exists heated controversy over whether the executive power violates democratic rule and human rights in the name of national security. This is despite the fact that the military authoritarian regime perished in 1987 and subsequent civilian governments have accomplished democratic reform. On November 6, 2013, the Ministry of Justice in South Korea petitioned to the Constitutional Court to rule on dissolving the minor Unified Progressive Party (UPP) for violating the “basic rules of democracy.”2 The ministry’s filing comes after the prosecution of indicted lawmaker, Lee Seok-ki of the UPP on September 5, 2013, on charges of conspiracy to stage a rebellion, incitement and sympathizing with North Korea, and infringement of the Kwangsup Kim is a Ph.D. Fellow at Center for Constitutional Democracy of Indiana University Maurer School of Law, an academic director and vice chairperson of the Committee of Women’s Rights at the Human Rights & Welfare Institution of Korea., and a Member of the Board of Directors at The Correction Welfare Society of Korea. 1 Samuel P. Huntington, “The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century.” Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 14 (1991): 26.
    [Show full text]
  • Round Table on “Fight Against Terrorism: Challenges For
    Strasbourg, 15 September 2009 CDL(2009)142 Or. It. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) in co-operation with European University Institute of Fiesole (Italy) in collaboration with the Sub-Committee on Crime Problems and the Fight against Terrorism (of the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe). ROUND TABLE ON “FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM: CHALLENGES FOR THE JUDICIARY” Fiesole (Italy), 18-19 September 2009 (Refettorio Room, European University Institute, Badia Fiesolana, Via dei Roccettini 9 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole; Tel: +39 055 4685 399) REPORT by Mr Guido NEPPI MODONA (Professor, University of Torino, Substitute Member, Italy) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL(2009)142 - 2 - Panel I – The rights of the accused 1. – The relationship between the right of the accused and the role of the judiciary in the fight against terrorism recalls the essential aim of the different forms of defensive democracy: that of protecting national security (and democracy itself) from terror organisations and attacks through democratic means. It is often believed that, in order to fight terrorism, limitations to certain fundamental human rights are allowed. The possibility of restricting or suspending the enjoyment of human rights in situations of emergency may even be provided by the Constitution with the aim of bringing the emergency back into the legal realm. Thus there exist constitutional provisions and laws which allow restricting, for example, personal security, freedom of movement, the right of defence, the principles of a fair trial, of humanity of punishment, of equality before the law.
    [Show full text]
  • DIALOGUE BETWEEN JUDGES 2016 Dialogue Between Judges 2016 Dialogue Between Judges 2016
    “International and national courts confronting large-scale violations of human rights” DIALOGUE BETWEEN JUDGES 2016 Dialogue between judges 2016 Dialogue between judges 2016 Dialogue between judges Proceedings of the Seminar 29 January 2016 “International and national courts confronting large-scale violations of human rights” All or part of this document may be freely reproduced with acknowledgment of the source“Dialogue between judges, European Court of Human Rights, Council of Europe, 2016” Strasbourg, January 2016 © European Court of Human Rights, 2016 © Photo: Council of Europe 2 3 Dialogue between judges 2016 Table of contents Dialogue between judges 2016 Guido Raimondi TABLE OF CONTENTS President Proceedings of the Seminar of the European Court of Human Rights International and national courts confronting large-scale violations of human rights Welcome speech 1. Genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes 2. Terrorism Guido Raimondi 5 President of the European Court of Human Rights Dear Presidents, Ladies and gentlemen, Dear friends, First of all, let me say how pleased I am to see so many of you gathered here for this seminar Julia Laffranque 7 which traditionally precedes the ceremony marking the start of the Court’s judicial year. Judge of the European Court of Human Rights Your presence here is a reflection of your interest in this meeting between the European Court of Human Rights and European supreme courts. Among us there are high-level academics and Government Agents before the Court, and I am convinced that the presence of all of you will Juge Piotr Hofmański 9 contribute to the value of this afternoon’s discussions.
    [Show full text]
  • Is Spain Becoming a Militant Democracy Empirical Evidence From
    IS SPAIN BECOMING A MILITANT DEMOCRACY? EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FROM FREEDOM HOUSE REPORTS1 PrzemysłAW OSIEWICZ Adam Mickiewicz University [email protected] MACIEJ SKRZYPEK Adam Mickiewicz University [email protected] ABSTRACT: Militant democracy can be seen as a useful theoretical category. Its main ob- jective is to preserve the regime by eliminating its opponents through the legal means. They may affect fundamental civil rights and freedoms including free- dom of the press. There are two objectives of the article. The first is to determi- ne the differences between the declaratory level, based on national legislation and legal acts adopted between 2008-2017, and actual level of freedom of the press in Spain, based on press freedom status presented in reports of Freedom House. This comparison will provide an answer to the question if Spain is be- coming a militant democracy or not. The second objective is to explain the reasons for these differences as well as to formulate conclusions related to the adoption of the attributes of militant democracies by Spain with special refe- rence to freedom of the press. 1 This research paper is a result of the research project Contentious Politics and Neo-Militant Democracy. It was financially supported by the National Science Centre, Poland (grant number 2018/31/B/ HS5/01410). Przemyslaw Osiewicz es profesor asociado en la Universidad Adam Mickiewicz, Poznan (Polonia). Especializado en las políticas de la Unión Europea en Oriente Medio y norte de África, política exterior de Irán y Turquía. Es académico del Middle East Institute, Washington D.C. y entre 2016 y 2017 fue Fulbright Senior Award Visiting Scholar en la Universidad de Georgetown.
    [Show full text]
  • The Model of Ethnic Democracy
    THE MODEL OF ETHNIC DEMOCRACY Sammy SMOOHA ECMI Working Paper # 13 October 2001 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor Building) D-24939 Flensburg Germany +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ecmi.de ECMI Working Paper # 13 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Marc Weller © European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) 2001. ISSN 1435-9812 The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of inter-ethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethno- political tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Working Paper # 13 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) © ECMI 2001 CONTENTS 1. About the Author......................................................................................................3
    [Show full text]
  • Diplomarbeit
    Diplomarbeit Zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades einer Magistra der Rechtswissenschaften an der Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz Das Verbotsgesetz - Die rechtspolitische Dimension eines viel diskutierten Verfassungsgesetzes Vorgelegt von Hannah MAUTNER Beurteiler: O.Univ.-Prof. DDr. phil. et iur. Peter KOLLER am Institut für Rechtsphilosophie, Rechtssoziologie und Rechtsinformatik Graz, 2015 Inhalt I. Einleitung ......................................................................................................................................... 1 II. Dogmatische Grundlagen ................................................................................................................ 2 1. Verbotsgesetz .............................................................................................................................. 2 1.1. Geschichte ........................................................................................................................... 2 1.2. Novelle 1992 ........................................................................................................................ 5 1.3. Inhalt .................................................................................................................................... 7 1.4. Abgrenzungen ................................................................................................................... 21 2. Meinungsfreiheit ....................................................................................................................... 23 2.1. Geschichte
    [Show full text]
  • Denying Genocide Or Denying Free Speech? a Case Study of the Application of Rwanda’S Genocide Denial Laws Yakaré-Oulé (Nani) Jansen
    Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 12 | Issue 2 Article 3 Spring 2014 Denying Genocide or Denying Free Speech? A Case Study of the Application of Rwanda’s Genocide Denial Laws Yakaré-Oulé (Nani) Jansen Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Yakaré-Oulé (Nani) Jansen, Denying Genocide or Denying Free Speech? A Case Study of the Application of Rwanda’s Genocide Denial Laws, 12 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 191 (2014). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol12/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Vol. 12:2] Yakaré-Oulé Jansen Denying Genocide or Denying Free Speech? A Case Study of the Application of Rwanda’s Genocide Denial Laws Yakaré-Oulé (Nani) Jansen * I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Rwanda is widely considered a poster child for post conflict development. Since the 1994 genocide, in which an estimated 800,000 people lost their lives, 1 the country has gone through a rapid process of socio-economic development. In the last 10 years, Rwanda’s GDP growth has averaged 7.4 %, nearly double the regional average. 2 Rwanda is the only country in Sub-Saharan Africa that is on track to meet its health related millennium development goals 3 and the only country in the world where women hold a majority of seats in the national legislature.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy, Identity and Security in Israel's Ethnic Democracy
    DEMOCRACY, IDENTITY AND SECURITY IN ISRAEL’S ETHNIC DEMOCRACY: THE IDEATIONAL UNDERPINNINGS OF INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE By Dubi Kanengisser A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Dubi Kanengisser, 2016 Democracy, Identity and Security in Israel’s Ethnic Democracy: The Ideational Underpinnings of Institutional Change, Doctor of Philosophy, 2016, Dubi Kanengisser, Graduate Department of Political Science, University of Toronto Abstract This work expands on the growing ideational institutionalist literature by proposing that institutional change and stability are influenced most substantially by changes to the underlying ideational network which link core societal ideas. These core ideas create the framework on which institutions are built and in which form they are fashioned. Changes to the ideational network lead to adaptive changes in institutions, but the difficulty in completely removing core ideas from these networks protects the institutions from substantial change. The theory is demonstrated using the case of the surprising stability of ethnic democracy in Israel in the wake of the substantial changes to the country’s economic and security realities. Small adaptive changes in the institution of ethnic democracy are traced back to changes in the balance between three core ideas: democracy, Jewish identity, and security. The overall stability of the institution, however, is linked to the enduring linkages of the three core ideas even as they experienced changes in their individual meanings. ii Too many years the Israeli left also accepted the separation between Jews and Arabs. First by looking away, then through submission, and finally wholeheartedly, it adopted the racist world view that the Arabs are not part of the political game.
    [Show full text]
  • Defending Against Influence Operations: the Challenges Facing Liberal Democracies
    Defending against Influence Operations: The Challenges Facing Liberal Democracies Gabi Siboni and Pnina Shuker1 Introduction At the end of November 2017, government ministers Gilad Erdan and Ayelet Shaked initiated the “Facebook Law,” according to which the Courts for Administrative Matters may, at the request of the state, issue an order that instructs internet content providers, such as Facebook, Twitter, and Google, to remove inciteful content.2 The bill was tabled after figures involved in the legislation’s proceedings warned that the content of the law was too broad and endangered individual rights and Israeli citizens’ freedom of expression.3 Liberal democracies4 are open to disagreements, political competition, and oppositional organizing. These characteristics, which are the basis of democracy, provide anti-democratic forces and those hostile to the state with a convenient platform to exploit in order to undermine the existing political order.5 While attempts by states to shape the consciousness of the population 1 Dr. Gabi Siboni is the head of the Military and Strategic Affairs Program and the Cyber Security Program at INSS. Pnina Shuker is a Neubauer research associate at INSS and a PhD candidate in the Political Science Department at Bar Ilan University. 2 Rafaella Goichman, “Facebook Law on the Way to Approval – Passes First Reading,” The Marker, January 3, 2017 [in Hebrew]. 3 Uri Berkovitz, “Netanyahu Orders Stop to the Facebook Law – Endangers Freedom of Expression,” Globes, July 18, 2008 [in Hebrew]. 4 A form of government based on free elections, separation of powers, and the limitation of the executive branch through laws and basic values in order to defend civil rights.
    [Show full text]
  • AC07813881.Pdf
    Aus dem Department für Pathobiologie Institut für Anatomie, Histologie und Embryologie der Veterinärmedizinischen Universität Wien Fach: Geschichte der Veterinärmedizin Studien zu Geschichte und politischer Orientierung des Lehrkörpers der Tierärztlichen Hochschule Wiens während der Zeit des »Austrofaschismus« (1933-1938) Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Würde eines DOCTOR MEDICINAE VETERINARIAE der Veterinärmedizinischen Universität Wien vorgelegt von Mag. Theresa Maria Kuen Wien, im März 2012 BETREUER: Ao. Univ.-Prof. Dr. med. vet. Gerhard Forstenpointner Department für Pathobiologie Institut für Anatomie, Histologie und Embryologie Veterinärmedizinische Universität Wien GUTACHTER: Ao. Univ.-Prof. Dr. med. vet. Gerald Weissengruber Department für Pathobiologie Institut für Anatomie, Histologie und Embryologie Veterinärmedizinische Universität Wien FÜR ALEX DANKSAGUNG: Ao. Univ.-Prof. Dr. med. vet. Gerhard Forstenpointner Ao. Univ.-Prof. Dr. med. vet. Gerald Weissengruber Dr. phil. Christa Mache Meine Familie: Gerli, meine Löwenmutter Herbert, der für immer in meinem Herzen mit mir reisen wird. Peter, Alban Maria Risa Sowie: Andreas, Michael, Vanessa, Mia, Winfried, Siegfried und Mag. Ulrike Schuster Inhaltsverzeichnis V Inhaltsverzeichnis 1. Einleitung 1 1.1. Forschungsstand. 2 2. Material und Methodik 4 2.1. Datenbasis . 4 2.2. Methodik . 5 2.2.1. Datenerhebung . .5 2.2.2. Datenanalyse. .8 3. Ergebnisse zur Geschichte 9 3.1. Zeitgeschichtlicher Überblick . 9 3.1.1. Der Untergang der Doppelmonarchie (1918 – 1933). .9 3.1.2. Der Weg zum austrofaschistischen Ständestaat . 10 3.1.3. Der »Anschluss« und der Zweite Weltkrieg (1938 – 1945). 12 3.1.4. Der Ausruf der Zweiten Republik und der folgende Entnazifizierungsprozess . 13 3.2. Exkurs zur Geschichte der Wiener Tierärztlichen Ausbildungsstätte bis 1931. 17 3.2.1.
    [Show full text]