Facets of Democracy: an Overview
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Civil Society in Uncivil Places: Soft State and Regime Change in Nepal
48 About this Issue Recent Series Publications: Policy Studies 48 Policy Studies Policy This monograph analyzes the role of civil Policy Studies 47 society in the massive political mobilization Supporting Peace in Aceh: Development and upheavals of 2006 in Nepal that swept Agencies and International Involvement away King Gyanendra’s direct rule and dra- Patrick Barron, World Bank Indonesia matically altered the structure and character Adam Burke, London University of the Nepali state and politics. Although the opposition had become successful due to a Policy Studies 46 strategic alliance between the seven parlia- Peace Accords in Northeast India: mentary parties and the Maoist rebels, civil Journey over Milestones Places in Uncivil Society Civil society was catapulted into prominence dur- Swarna Rajagopalan, Political Analyst, ing the historic protests as a result of nation- Chennai, India al and international activities in opposition to the king’s government. This process offers Policy Studies 45 new insights into the role of civil society in The Karen Revolution in Burma: Civil Society in the developing world. Diverse Voices, Uncertain Ends By focusing on the momentous events of Ardeth Maung Thawnghmung, University of the nineteen-day general strike from April Massachusetts, Lowell 6–24, 2006, that brought down the 400- Uncivil Places: year-old Nepali royal dynasty, the study high- Policy Studies 44 lights the implications of civil society action Economy of the Conflict Region within the larger political arena involving con- in Sri Lanka: From Embargo to Repression ventional actors such as political parties, trade Soft State and Regime Muttukrishna Sarvananthan, Point Pedro unions, armed rebels, and foreign actors. -
Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY. -
Ethnic Conflicts & the Informational Dividend of Democracy
ETHNIC CONFLICTS & THE INFORMATIONAL DIVIDEND OF DEMOCRACY∗ Jeremy Laurent-Lucchettiy Dominic Rohnerz Mathias Thoenig§ November 2019 Abstract Prevailing explanations view democracy as an institutional arrangement that solves a class conflict between a rich elite and the rest of population. We study the logic of democratic transition when ethnic tensions are more salient than the poor/rich divide. We build a simple theory where (i) ethnic groups negotiate over allocating the economic surplus and (ii) both military and political mobiliza- tions rest on the unobserved strength of ethnic identity. By eliciting information on mobilization, free and fair elections restore inter-ethnic bargaining efficiency and prevent conflict outbreak. We show that democratic transition can be rationally chosen by autocrats, even if it involves a risk of losing power, as elections reduce the informational rent of the opposition, allowing the legitimately elected ruler to grab more economic surplus. Our setup generates new predictions on the nature of political regime, government tenure, ethnic favoritism and social unrest for ethnically divided countries - all consistent with novel country-level and ethnic group-level panel evidence on democratization in the post-decolonization period. JEL classification: C72, D02, D72, D74, D82, P16. Keywords: Democracy, Elections, Conflict, Asymmetric Information, Ethnic Identity, Institutions, Government Tenure, Political Regime, Ethnic Favoritism. ∗We thank Brendan Berthold and Pascal Zumbühl for excellent research assistance. -
Feasibility Study of Kailash Sacred Landscape
Kailash Sacred Landscape Conservation Initiative Feasability Assessment Report - Nepal Central Department of Botany Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Nepal June 2010 Contributors, Advisors, Consultants Core group contributors • Chaudhary, Ram P., Professor, Central Department of Botany, Tribhuvan University; National Coordinator, KSLCI-Nepal • Shrestha, Krishna K., Head, Central Department of Botany • Jha, Pramod K., Professor, Central Department of Botany • Bhatta, Kuber P., Consultant, Kailash Sacred Landscape Project, Nepal Contributors • Acharya, M., Department of Forest, Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation (MFSC) • Bajracharya, B., International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) • Basnet, G., Independent Consultant, Environmental Anthropologist • Basnet, T., Tribhuvan University • Belbase, N., Legal expert • Bhatta, S., Department of National Park and Wildlife Conservation • Bhusal, Y. R. Secretary, Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation • Das, A. N., Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation • Ghimire, S. K., Tribhuvan University • Joshi, S. P., Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation • Khanal, S., Independent Contributor • Maharjan, R., Department of Forest • Paudel, K. C., Department of Plant Resources • Rajbhandari, K.R., Expert, Plant Biodiversity • Rimal, S., Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation • Sah, R.N., Department of Forest • Sharma, K., Department of Hydrology • Shrestha, S. M., Department of Forest • Siwakoti, M., Tribhuvan University • Upadhyaya, M.P., National Agricultural Research Council -
South Korea: Legal and Political Overtones of Defensive Democracy in a Divided Country South Korea Has Already Passed Samuel
South Korea: Legal and Political Overtones of Defensive Democracy in a Divided Country KWANGSUP KIM South Korea has already passed Samuel Huntington’s two-turnover test for democratic consolidation, which occurred with the peaceful transitions of power in 1992 and 1996. This occurred despite the enduring military tension on the divided Korean peninsula. Huntington said that when a nation transitions from an “emergent democracy” to a “stable democracy,” its ruling parties must undergo two democratic and peaceful turnovers.1 However, there still exists heated controversy over whether the executive power violates democratic rule and human rights in the name of national security. This is despite the fact that the military authoritarian regime perished in 1987 and subsequent civilian governments have accomplished democratic reform. On November 6, 2013, the Ministry of Justice in South Korea petitioned to the Constitutional Court to rule on dissolving the minor Unified Progressive Party (UPP) for violating the “basic rules of democracy.”2 The ministry’s filing comes after the prosecution of indicted lawmaker, Lee Seok-ki of the UPP on September 5, 2013, on charges of conspiracy to stage a rebellion, incitement and sympathizing with North Korea, and infringement of the Kwangsup Kim is a Ph.D. Fellow at Center for Constitutional Democracy of Indiana University Maurer School of Law, an academic director and vice chairperson of the Committee of Women’s Rights at the Human Rights & Welfare Institution of Korea., and a Member of the Board of Directors at The Correction Welfare Society of Korea. 1 Samuel P. Huntington, “The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century.” Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 14 (1991): 26. -
Round Table on “Fight Against Terrorism: Challenges For
Strasbourg, 15 September 2009 CDL(2009)142 Or. It. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) in co-operation with European University Institute of Fiesole (Italy) in collaboration with the Sub-Committee on Crime Problems and the Fight against Terrorism (of the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe). ROUND TABLE ON “FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM: CHALLENGES FOR THE JUDICIARY” Fiesole (Italy), 18-19 September 2009 (Refettorio Room, European University Institute, Badia Fiesolana, Via dei Roccettini 9 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole; Tel: +39 055 4685 399) REPORT by Mr Guido NEPPI MODONA (Professor, University of Torino, Substitute Member, Italy) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL(2009)142 - 2 - Panel I – The rights of the accused 1. – The relationship between the right of the accused and the role of the judiciary in the fight against terrorism recalls the essential aim of the different forms of defensive democracy: that of protecting national security (and democracy itself) from terror organisations and attacks through democratic means. It is often believed that, in order to fight terrorism, limitations to certain fundamental human rights are allowed. The possibility of restricting or suspending the enjoyment of human rights in situations of emergency may even be provided by the Constitution with the aim of bringing the emergency back into the legal realm. Thus there exist constitutional provisions and laws which allow restricting, for example, personal security, freedom of movement, the right of defence, the principles of a fair trial, of humanity of punishment, of equality before the law. -
DIALOGUE BETWEEN JUDGES 2016 Dialogue Between Judges 2016 Dialogue Between Judges 2016
“International and national courts confronting large-scale violations of human rights” DIALOGUE BETWEEN JUDGES 2016 Dialogue between judges 2016 Dialogue between judges 2016 Dialogue between judges Proceedings of the Seminar 29 January 2016 “International and national courts confronting large-scale violations of human rights” All or part of this document may be freely reproduced with acknowledgment of the source“Dialogue between judges, European Court of Human Rights, Council of Europe, 2016” Strasbourg, January 2016 © European Court of Human Rights, 2016 © Photo: Council of Europe 2 3 Dialogue between judges 2016 Table of contents Dialogue between judges 2016 Guido Raimondi TABLE OF CONTENTS President Proceedings of the Seminar of the European Court of Human Rights International and national courts confronting large-scale violations of human rights Welcome speech 1. Genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes 2. Terrorism Guido Raimondi 5 President of the European Court of Human Rights Dear Presidents, Ladies and gentlemen, Dear friends, First of all, let me say how pleased I am to see so many of you gathered here for this seminar Julia Laffranque 7 which traditionally precedes the ceremony marking the start of the Court’s judicial year. Judge of the European Court of Human Rights Your presence here is a reflection of your interest in this meeting between the European Court of Human Rights and European supreme courts. Among us there are high-level academics and Government Agents before the Court, and I am convinced that the presence of all of you will Juge Piotr Hofmański 9 contribute to the value of this afternoon’s discussions. -
Is Spain Becoming a Militant Democracy Empirical Evidence From
IS SPAIN BECOMING A MILITANT DEMOCRACY? EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FROM FREEDOM HOUSE REPORTS1 PrzemysłAW OSIEWICZ Adam Mickiewicz University [email protected] MACIEJ SKRZYPEK Adam Mickiewicz University [email protected] ABSTRACT: Militant democracy can be seen as a useful theoretical category. Its main ob- jective is to preserve the regime by eliminating its opponents through the legal means. They may affect fundamental civil rights and freedoms including free- dom of the press. There are two objectives of the article. The first is to determi- ne the differences between the declaratory level, based on national legislation and legal acts adopted between 2008-2017, and actual level of freedom of the press in Spain, based on press freedom status presented in reports of Freedom House. This comparison will provide an answer to the question if Spain is be- coming a militant democracy or not. The second objective is to explain the reasons for these differences as well as to formulate conclusions related to the adoption of the attributes of militant democracies by Spain with special refe- rence to freedom of the press. 1 This research paper is a result of the research project Contentious Politics and Neo-Militant Democracy. It was financially supported by the National Science Centre, Poland (grant number 2018/31/B/ HS5/01410). Przemyslaw Osiewicz es profesor asociado en la Universidad Adam Mickiewicz, Poznan (Polonia). Especializado en las políticas de la Unión Europea en Oriente Medio y norte de África, política exterior de Irán y Turquía. Es académico del Middle East Institute, Washington D.C. y entre 2016 y 2017 fue Fulbright Senior Award Visiting Scholar en la Universidad de Georgetown. -
Annual Report-2019 Youth Advocacy Nepal (YAN)
Annual Report-2019 Youth Advocacy Nepal (YAN) Address Anamangar-29, Kathmandu, Nepal Phone Number: +977-1-4770053 Website: www.yan.org.np Email: [email protected] Introduction Youth Advocacy Nepal (YAN) is a campaign-based human rights organization dedicated to protect and promote the human rights and fundamental freedoms. Initiated by a group of energetic and active young people, it was registered in District Administration Office (DAO), Kathmandu and affiliated in Social Welfare Council (SWC) in 2013. Being the right-based approach organization, it empowers the young people to claim and exercise their rights to live a dignified life. It also encourages and engages young people in the protection and promotion of human rights of all. Broadly, it works in the field of Human Rights, Democracy, Peace and Sustainable Development. It includes Youth Development as a cross-cutting area. Under these working areas, the major functions of this organization are awareness raising, knowledge generation, capacity building, networking and policy advocacy. Since its inception, it has been focusing its activities throughout the Nepal as a National NGO. Vision YAN envisions a society where human rights and fundamental freedoms of all are respected, protected, promoted and fully implemented everywhere without any discrimination. Mission YAN contributes in protection and promotion of human rights, strengthening democracy, peace and sustainable development through youth engagement. Objectives A) To generate the knowledge on human rights, democracy, peace and sustainable development through research and publication. B) To build the capacity of young people and engage them in protection and promotion of human rights. C) To advocate and lobby for the protection and promotion of human rights, strengthen the democracy, peace and sustainable development in Nepal. -
The Philosophy of Democracy and the Paradoxes of Majority Rule
Eerik Lagerspetz The Philosophy of Democracy and the Paradoxes of Majority Rule Introduction fter forty years of intensive theoretical research, the rela- tionship between social choice and traditional political Aphilosophy is still unclear. For some theorists of democracy, the Arrow theorem and the related results are conclusive proofs that our democratic institutions are deeply defective. Thus, R.P. Wolff uses the results in his A Defence of Anarchism as a part of his general attack on the legitimacy of democratic institutions and as a part of his defence of anarchic consensualism (Wolff 1976, 58-67), while Daniel Bell, in The Coming of Post-Industrial Society, tries to derive a justification for technocratic elitism from the same re- sults (Bell 1974, 305-13). Such dramatic conclusions are, however, uncommon. Like many welfare economists (cf. Johansen 1987, 439), most normative theorists of democracy have, while perhaps men- tioning the results in a footnote, simply ignored them (cf. Dummett 1984, 295-6). 95 Some theorists of democracy have claimed that the Arrow im- possibility theorem and its relatives (among which the most impor- tant are the Gibbard-Satterthwaite theorem on the universality of strategic possibilities and the McKelvey theorem on agenda-setters’ power) are just mathematical curiosities. This claim has been made several times (see Dahl & Lindblom 1953, 422; Plamenatz 1973, 183-4; Tullock 1967; Spitz 1984, 24-5). However, such a rebuttal implies that some of the postulates used in the theorems are false or meaningless when applied to real democratic procedures. An out- right rejection of the relevance of the theorems should be based on a criticism of some specific, identifiable suppositions1. -
Chronology of Major Political Events in Contemporary Nepal
Chronology of major political events in contemporary Nepal 1846–1951 1962 Nepal is ruled by hereditary prime ministers from the Rana clan Mahendra introduces the Partyless Panchayat System under with Shah kings as figureheads. Prime Minister Padma Shamsher a new constitution which places the monarch at the apex of power. promulgates the country’s first constitution, the Government of Nepal The CPN separates into pro-Moscow and pro-Beijing factions, Act, in 1948 but it is never implemented. beginning the pattern of splits and mergers that has continued to the present. 1951 1963 An armed movement led by the Nepali Congress (NC) party, founded in India, ends Rana rule and restores the primacy of the Shah The 1854 Muluki Ain (Law of the Land) is replaced by the new monarchy. King Tribhuvan announces the election to a constituent Muluki Ain. The old Muluki Ain had stratified the society into a rigid assembly and introduces the Interim Government of Nepal Act 1951. caste hierarchy and regulated all social interactions. The most notable feature was in punishment – the lower one’s position in the hierarchy 1951–59 the higher the punishment for the same crime. Governments form and fall as political parties tussle among 1972 themselves and with an increasingly assertive palace. Tribhuvan’s son, Mahendra, ascends to the throne in 1955 and begins Following Mahendra’s death, Birendra becomes king. consolidating power. 1974 1959 A faction of the CPN announces the formation The first parliamentary election is held under the new Constitution of CPN–Fourth Congress. of the Kingdom of Nepal, drafted by the palace. -
TESTING TIMES for DEMOCRACY in NEPAL Relevant For: International Relations | Topic: India - Nepal
Source : www.idsa.in Date : 2021-06-18 TESTING TIMES FOR DEMOCRACY IN NEPAL Relevant for: International Relations | Topic: India - Nepal More from the author The President of Nepal, Bidya Devi Bhandari, on May 22, exercising her power under Article 76(7) on the advice of Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli, dissolved the House of Representatives or the Lower House of the Nepal Parliament and announced fresh elections. This decision was taken after political parties failed to form a new government under Article 76(5) of the constitution. The president’s office in a statement said: “While considering the fact that same members have been counted on both sides [K.P. Sharma Oli and Sher Bahadur Deuba], members have supported one another against the party decision and request from the concerned party to disregard their support … both the claims to obtain vote of confidence of the House of Representatives as per the Article 76(5) of the Constitution to be appointed as the Prime Minister do not stand valid.”1 Therefore, neither of them could form a new government by May 21 (9:00 pm), as per the deadline set by the President a day before. This is the second time the House has been dissolved in last five months. Previously, it was dissolved in December 2020. The Supreme Court, however, had reinstated the House on February 23, 2021, after hearing over a dozen writ petitions questioning the decision to dissolve the House. Like last year, this time too, the decision to dissolve the House was met with overwhelming resistance from across the Nepali society and the opposition parties.