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Introduction NOTES Introduction 1. “By the end of Elizabeth’s reign the number of aliens in London had swelled to upwards of ten thousand, in a population that has been estimated at somewhere between one hundred and fifty and two hundred thousand.” James Shapiro, Shake- speare and the Jews (New York: Columbia University Press), 75. 2. Very useful on the historiographical views of Elizabeth are C. H. Williams, “In Search of the Queen,” in Elizabethan Government and Society: Essays Presented to Sir John Neale, ed. S. T. Bindoff, Joel Hurstfield, and C. H. Willliams (London: The Athlone Press, 1961), 1–20; Richard L. Greaves, ed., Elizabeth I, Queen of England (Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath and Co., 1974); Joseph Levine, ed., Elizabeth I (Engle- wood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1969). 3. William Allen, A True, Sincere, and Modest Defense of English Catholics, ed. Robert M. Kingdon (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1965). Nicholas Sander, The Rise and Growth of the Anglican Schism. pub A. D. 1585, with a continuation of the History, by the Rev. Edward Rishton, trans. and ed. David Lewis (London: Burns and Oates, 1877). 4. John Lingard, The History of England from the First Invasion by the Romans to the Accession of William and Mary in 1688, 6th edn (London: C. Dolman, 1854); James Froude, The History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada (New York: C. Scribner and Co., 1870–73). 5. John Neale, Queen Elizabeth I (1934; rpt. Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1957); Queen Elizabeth and Her Parliaments, 1559–1581 (London: Jonathan Cape, 1953); Queen Elizabeth and Her Parliaments, 1584–1601 (London: Jonathan Cape, 1957). 6. For example, see Wallace T. MacCaffrey, Elizabeth I: War and Politics, 1588–1603 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992) and Elizabeth I (London and New York: E. Arnold, 1993); Susan Doran, Elizabeth I and Religion, 1558–1603 (London and New York: Routledge, 1994) and Monarchy & Matrimony: The Court- ships of Elizabeth I (London and New York: Routledge, 1996); Anne Somerset, Elizabeth I (New York: St. Martin’s Press – now Palgrave, 1992); Susan Frye, Eliza- beth I: The Competition for Representation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Helen Hackett, Virgin Mother, Maiden Queen: Elizabeth I and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (London: Macmillan – now Palgrave, 1995); Susan Bassnett, Elizabeth I: A Feminist Perspective (Oxford: Berg, 1988); Christopher Haigh, Elizabeth I (London and New York: Longman, 1988); Rosalind Kay Marshall, Elizabeth I (London: HMSO, 1991); Geffrey Regan, Elizabeth I: Documents and Commentary (Cambridge: 123 124 Notes Cambridge University Press, 1988); Jasper Ridley, Elizabeth (London: Constable, 1987). Elizabeth I: Collected Works, ed. Leah S. Marcus, Janel Mueller, and Mary Beth Rose (Chicago, IL: the University of Chicago Press, 2000). Interpretations by the various historians who have written about Elizabeth will be addressed through- out the book. 1 Overview of Elizabeth’s Life and Reign 1. As Retha Warnicke points out. “Family and kinship relations at the Henrician court,” in Tudor Political Culture, ed. Dale Hoak (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 31. [essay runs from 31–53] 2. Elizabeth and her parliaments will be discussed throughout the text. For more specific sources on this issue, the classic work is Neale, Queen Elizabeth and Her Parliaments, 1559–1581 and Queen Elizabeth and Her Parliaments, 1584–1601. For modifications and critiques, see T. E. Hartley, Elizabeth’s Parliaments: Queen, Lords, and Commons, 1559–1601 (Manchester: Manchester University Press,, 1992); D. M. Dean and N. L. Jones, eds, The Parliaments of Elizabethan England (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990); D. M. Dean, Law-Making and Society in Elizabethan England: The Parliament of England, 1584–1601 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); G. R. Elton, The Parliament of England, 1559–1581 (Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); Michael A. R. Graves, Elizabethan Parliaments, 1559–1601 (London, New York: Longman, 1987). 3. David Starkey, Elizabeth: Apprenticeship (London: Chatto and Windus, 2000), 42. 4. James McConica and John N. King argue that Katherine’s concern for learning and religion were important lessons for Elizabeth, and had a great impact on her development both at the time and later when she was Queen. Maria Dowling, however, counters that Parr’s own ability, and thus her impact on Elizabeth, have been overstated. King, “Patronage and Piety: The Influence of Catherine Parr,” in Margaret P. Hannay, ed., Silent But for the Word: Tudor Women as Patrons, Transla- tors, and Writers of Religious Works (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1985), 43–60; James McConica, English Humanists and Reformation Politics under Henry VIII and Edward VI (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), 7, 215–17; Maria Dowling, Humanism in the Age of Henry VIII (London: Croom Helm, 1986), 235. 5. Neale, Elizabeth and her Parliaments, I, 149; Somerset, Elizabeth, 11; 6. As Starkey points out. Elizabeth: Apprenticeship. 7. MacCaffrey, Elizabeth I, 11; John Foxe, Acts and Monuments, ed. Stephen Reed Catt- ley (London: R. B. Seeley and W. Burnside, 1838), VIII, 603. 8. Letter to Johann Sturm, April 4, 1550, Letters of Roger Ascham, trans. Maurice Hatch and Alvin Vos, ed. Alvin Vos (New York: Peter Lang, 1989), 165. 9. Dale Hoak believes the “scheme to alter the succession originated in Northumber- land’s camp and not in King Edward’s brain,” “Rehabilitating the Duke of North- umberland,” in The Mid-Tudor Polity, c. 1540–1560, ed. Robert Tittler and Jennifer Loach (Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1980), 48. D. M. Loades, however, convincingly argues that W. K. Jordan was right, that the idea to subvert the succes- sion was Edward’s, and “that the king’s obsessive determination presented [Northum- Notes 125 berland] with a gambler’s opportunity.” John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, 1504–1553 (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 241. Diar- maid MacCulloch calls Northumberland’s failure “one of the greatest surprises of sixteenth-century English politics.” He attributes Mary’s success to the wide appeal of legitimism and the careful avoidance of religious issues as Mary fought for her rights. The Later Reformation in England, 1547–1603 (New York: St. Martin’s Press – now Palgrave, 1990), 19, 20. 10. MacCaffrey, Elizabeth I, 18. 11. Foxe, Acts and Monuments, VIII, 609. 12. John Guy, “Tudor Monarch and Political Culture,” in John Morrill, ed., The Oxford Illustrated History of Tudor & Stuart Britain (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 234. According to Gerry Bowler, the anonymous tract, Certain Questions Demanded and asked by the Noble Realm of England, of her True Nat- ural Children and Subjects of the Same, published in Wesel spring 1555, was the first of the exile works to claim that no woman could legitimately rule. “Marian Prot- estants and the Idea of violent Resistance,” in Peter Lake and Maria Dowling, eds, Protestantism and the National Church in Sixteenth-Century England (London: Croom Helm, 1987), 128. For the early part of the reign, see Wallace MacCaffrey, The Shaping of the Elizabethan Regime (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1968); Norman Jones, The Birth of the Elizabethan Age: England in the 1560s (Oxford: Black- well, 1993). 13. Loades, John Dudley, 284. 14. John Guy, “The 1590s? The Second Reign of Elizabeth I,” in John Guy, ed., The Reign of Elizabeth I: Court and Culture in the Last Decade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, published in association with the Folger Institute, Washington DC, 1995), 13. 15. As pointed out by R. B. Wernham, The Making of Elizabethan Foreign Policy, 1558–1603 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 10. 16. For more on the development of the Privy Council, see Penry Williams, The Later Tudors: England, 1547–1603 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 131–5. 17. Haigh, Elizabeth I, 36. It is important to note, however, as John Guy points out, the numbers of the working Privy Councillors who regularly attended meetings was about 19 in Mary’s reign. Mary had appointed a number of men as a means of reward for loyalty, but they did not often attend. Guy, “Tudor Monarch and Political Culture,” 231. 18. Cited in Williams, The Later Tudors, 135. 19. Williams, The Later Tudors, 137. 20. MacCaffrey, Queen Elizabeth and the making of Policy, 1572–1588 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981), 343; Haigh, Elizabeth I, 123. 21. Haigh suggests that the pressure on Elizabeth to marry came not from the belief that the men around Elizabeth thought that women were incapable, but from the need for an heir, suggesting if that were the case, they would want to rule for her themselves, not get a king. “They sought not a consort for the Queen but a father for her son – not a sovereign, but a stud.” Elizabeth I, 10–11. But they did try at the beginning to rule for her, and the rhetoric they used about Elizabeth marrying and having a child was very different from that used toward a male sovereign. For a more thorough discussion of the difference in rhetoric, see Carole Levin, “‘We shall never have a merry world while the Queene lyveth’: 126 Notes Gender, Monarchy, and the Power of Seditious Words,” in Julia Walker, ed., Dissing Elizabeth: Negative Representations of Gloriana (Durham, NC: Duke Uni- versity Press, 1998), 77–95. As Lacey Baldwin Smith points out, there was a degree of anger and desperation in the comments made. Elizabeth Tudor: Portrait of a Queen (Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1975), 120–2. 22. Jones, The Birth of the Elizabethan Age, 132. 23. On 8 September 1560, she was found dead with her neck broken at the bottom of some stairs in the country house where she was living. Though there was a strong popular belief that Robert had had her killed, it seems more likely that she either committed suicide or, indeed, may have simply died accidentally, her spine so brittle from metastasized cancer from which she was suffering that even the act of walking down stairs – especially if she stumbled could have caused her neck to snap.
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