The International Journal of African Historical Studies African Historical Studies
THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES
EDITOR Volume 22 1989 Number 4 Norman R. Bennett Boston University Copyrighl 1989 by the Board of Trustees 0/ BO#1JIl Uniwrrsily
EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD ARTICLES Roger Pasquler Daniel F. McCall Universite de Paris Boston University DR. JOHN FARRELL EASMON: MEDICAL PROFESSIONALISM Robert O. Collins AND COLONIAL RACISM IN THE GOLD COAST, 1856-1900, Graham W. Irwin by Adell Patton, Jr, 601 University of California Columbia University Santa Barbara Roy C. Bridges COLONIAL AGRICULTURAL POLICY: THE NON· Creighton Gabel University of Aberdeen DEVELOPMENT OF THE NORTHERN TERRITORIES Boston University OF THE GOLD COAST, by Inez Sutton 637 Marcel Luwel Robert I. Rotberg THE NAnON AS FRONTIER: ETHNICITY AND CLiENTELISM Musee Royal de I'Afrique Centrale Tufts University IN IVORIAN HISTORY, by David A. Chappell 671 Tervuren Donald Crummey THE COLONIAL HERITAGE OF THE CENTRAL Godfrey Murluki University of Illinois AFRICAN REPUBLIC: A LINGUISTIC PERSPECTIVE, University of Nairobi by William 1. Samarin 6'17 Sara Berry George E. Brooks, Jr. Boston University Indiana University Frederick Cooper BOOK REVIEWS Production Editor University of Michigan Margaret Jean Hay Parpart and Staudt. eds. ~Vomert and the State in AfriCa, Production Assistant Research Assistant by SHARON STICHTER 713 Nancy SOyring Anne Brown Hargreaves, Decolonization in Africa; and Gifford and Louis, eds., De-:iJlonization and African Independence: The Transfer of Power, 196(}-1980, by FREDERICK COOPER 715 The editor is grateful to the History Department of Boston University Manning, i'rancophime Sub-Saitaran Africa: 188M985, for its continued support of this publication by RAYMOND F, BETTS Northrup, Beyond the Bend in the River: African Labor in SUBSCRIPTION RATES EtWern Zaire, 1865-1940, by JANET MAcGAFFEY 721 Published quarterly Clayton and KiUingray, Khoki and Blue: Military and Police in $55.00 libraries and institutions British CoionioJ Africa, by CHARLES H, AMBLER 723 $27.00 Individuals Scheven, Bibliographies for Africon Studies 197()'1986, Back·iSsue rates available on request by NANCY J, SCHMIDT 724 Voeltz, German Colonittiism and the SOUIh West Africa Company, Beginning with volume 15, number 1 (1982), the International Journal of 1885-19l4; and Cooper, ed., AlIies in Apartheid - Western Capitalism African Historical Studies has been published by the African Studies in Occupied Namibia, by RENFREW CHRISTIE 7U Center at Boston University. All correspondence concerning subscrip tions from volume 15 on should be directed to the African Studies Center, Hermele, Land Struggles and Social Differentiation in SOUIhern 270 Bay State Road, Boston, MA 02215. Any correspondence concerning Mozambique: A Case Study of Chok..., 1950·l91!7, by MERLE L. BOWEN 729 volumes 1 through 14 should be directed to Aflicana Publishing Co., a division of Holmes and Meier, 30 Irving Place, New Yorl<, N,Y. 10003. I Mirza and Strobel, eds., Three Swahili Women: life Stories from Mornba.ta. Kenya, by CAROL M. EASTMAN 732 RECENT PUBLICATIONS FROM THE Headrick, The Tentacles of Progress: Teclw>logy Transfer in the Age of Imperialism, 1850-1940. by A. G, HOPKINS 734 BOSTON UNIVERSITY AFRICAN STUDIES CEl><"ER Bennoune. The Maldng of Comemporary Algeria, 183()"1987, by TONY SMITH 735 WORKING PAPERS IN AFRICAN STUDIES: Okoko. Socialism and Self-Reliance in Tanzania, by MARJORIE MBILINYI 736 Queens, Prostitutes and Peasants: lfistorical Perspective., on African Wome~ 1971~ 1986, by Margaret Jean Hay, 130 (1988) Harrison. France and lsiam in West Africa, 1861J..1960, A Great Agrarian Cyde? A History of Agricultural Productivity and Demographic by ROBERTA ANN DUNBAR 738 Change in Highland Ethiopia, 1900-1987, by James C. McCann, 131 (1988) Forbes, BkJck Africans and Native Americans: Color, Race aNi Caste Schooling and Access to Management in LDCs: The Case of Kenya. by Irving in the EvoiuJit>1l of Red~Black Peoples; and Broberg, Places and Peoples Gershenberg. 132 (1988) of the World: Barbados, by RODERICK A. McDONALD 740 Pi~ The Democratic Philosophers of the Medieval Sndan, by Jay Spaulding and J. L Spaulding, 134 (1989) Fardon, Raiders (#t(j Refugees: Trends in CluJmba Political Africa Beyond the Famine: The case for Hope, by Maurice F. Strong, 135 (1989) DevelopmenJ.1750-1950, by MICHAEL MASON 742 Women in Government Service in Colonial Nigeria, by LaRay Denzer, 136 (1989) Jones and Mitchell, eds., Sierra U:ON! Studies at Birmingham, 1985, Epidemi()logis~ Social Scientists and the Structure of Medical Research on AIDS in by JANE J, MARTIN 743 Africa, by Randall M. Packard, 137 (1989) Edwards, ed.. The life of Olaudah Equiano. by CHRISTOPHER FYFE 744 Frontier Agriculture, Food Supply, and Conjuncture: A Revolution in Dura on Ethiopia's Mazega, 1898~1930, by James C. McCann, 138 (1989) Ray. Ghana: Politics. Economics and SOciety, by NAOMI CHAZAN 74(i The Outlook for Liberalization in Zaire: Evidence from Kisangani's Rice Trade, b't Mattera, Gone with the Twilight,· A Story of SophitJlown, Diane Russell. 139 (1989) by DAVID NORTHRUP 748 Politics, Class, and Gender in African Resource Management: Examining the Conneaio.s in Rural Kenya, by Barbara P. Thomas-Slayter. 140 (1989) Newman, Black Power aNi Black Religion: Essays aNi Reviews. Coping with Confusion: African Farmers' Responses to Economic Instability in the by GEORGE SHEPPERSON 749 1970. and 19l1Os, by Sara Berry, 141 (1989) Sankara. Thomes SanJulTG Speaks: The Burkina Faso RevolUlion, 1983-87, Choosing Between African and French Destinations: Family and Community Factors in by RENE OTAYEK 750 Migration from the Senegal River Valley, by Sally E. Findley, 142 (1989) The Earth Shall Give Judgment: Land. Leadership and Political Legitimacy in Berger and Godsell, eds., A FuJure SoU/h Africa: Visions, Strategies Highland Cameroon, by Miriam Goheen, 143 (1989) and Realities, by KENNETH A. HEARD 751 Pawns, Porters and Petty Traders: Women in the Transition to Export Agriculture in Azevedo, ed., Cameroon aNi Chad in Hisrorical aNi Conumpvrary Ghana, by Beverly Grier, 144 (1989) Perspectives, by FREDERICK QUINN 753 Offermann, Angola Zwischen den Fromen: 1nte.rnationales Umfeld, SOZioO/rolWmiSCMS Umfeltt, Innenpalilik, by JON BRIDGMAN 754 DISCUSSION PAPERS IN THE AFRICAN HUMANITIES Patterns from ·Without, Meaning from Within: European-Styie Military Dress and Maclennan, A Proper Degree ofTerror: John Graiwm and t~ German Colonial Politics in the Barnum Kingdom, by Christraud Geary, 1 (1989) Cape's Eastern Frontier, by NORMAN ETHERINGTON 755 Western Clothing and African Identity: Changing Consumption PaUerns Among the Stein, The French Sugar Business in the EightulUh Ce.ntury! Luo, by Margaret Jean Hay, 2 (1989) by DAVID RICHARDSON 756 African Art in Movement: Traders, Networks, and Obje<:ts in the "Vest African Art Market, by Christopher B. Steiner. 3 (1989) Transformalions in lIorin:: Actions and Artefacts Speak Louder Tban W()r~ by Ann NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS 758 O'Hear, 4 (1989)
INDEX TO VOLUME II (J!l89) 759 Working Papers and Discussion Papers cost $4 each; they are available for classroom use (5 or mure copies of the same title) at $3 each. Please add 10 percent for postage and handling costs. Order from: Publications. African Studies Center Boston UniversitY1 210 Bay State Road, t:.1 DR. JOHN FARRELL EASMON: THE ECONOMICS OF RACE AND CRIME MEDICAL PROFESSIONALISM S_IL. /IIyenI. Jr. lind IlJarglll8/ C. Simms, edlttmJ New and AND COLONIAL RACISM IN The re1afionships between crime and the economy has reooJVed 100 itttle attention. This volume resurrects dassiC writings by and THE GOLD COAST, 1856-1900· Rec. about bJacks. lIS new contributions from the frontier or reSearch f:t~ t!! emerging tensions in scholarship on race and crime, . ~738·75S·1 (paper) 220 pp. $16.95 8y Adell Patton, Jr. Books in RACE, RADICALISM, AND REFORM SElECTEO PAPERS OF ABRAM L. HARRIS Eellied wnh lin /ntroCluct/on by WIll/SlIt DBtIty. Jr. Pseudo~scientific racism permeated the colonial service in West Africa near the Black end of the nineteenth century. Africans and West Indians had held high Pre$~nts maJor themes addressed by this dstinguished black Ameocan economist (1899-1963), regarded as a foremost expert administrative positions earlier in the so-called "open phase" in the colonial on comparative analysis in economics. The editor assesses serviee. In pioneering studies on medical history in West Africa. Raymond E. Studies Hani~:. life and ~rIOOiions, affordIng Insight into important Dumett and K. David Patterson show the extent to which the rigid color bar trans!liOO6 in hIS ttunking about radica1lsm and SOdal reform ISBN: 0·88738·210·X (cloth) 500 pp. $49.95 gained momentum in the 1890s and how European personnel began to monopolize top posts. Africans in all branches of the colonial service. many of HEALTH POLICIES AND BLACK AMERICANS whom had been educated in the same schools with their European counterparts, Dav/el P. WI/Us, editor now found their careers blocked by rising racism.1 The Easnton episode is perhaps the case that best illustrates this development in the Colonial Medical Eighteen Ie~ researchers analyze health gains made by black ~r1cans in thiS comprehensive review. Service, ~ undoublodly wi. beCome a ciassic in Ihe field" - l..Iwa E The Gold Coast rose to prominence in Anglophone West Africa in the ~nhardl:, Ptinceton University. . 1850s. It received special government status in 1842, and competing European Rigorous yet lalr~minc1ed.. , an exceHent, timely, and uSeful volume'" - PaulO, Stolley, University of Pennsylvania ISBN: ~738-249·5 (paper) 532 pp. . $23.95 "This paper wa. presented stations were annexed in 1871. African studies flourished in the region. with at least sixteen pubHshed works by African and European scholars by 1874. Lagos, which was first under the government of the West African station at Sierra Leone, was transferred to the authority of the Gold Coast in the same year and held this link until 1886, when Lagos became an independent colony,2 Developments in colonial infrastructure, however, created a demand for African personnel. Just as it had earHer in the century, Sierra Leone continued to supply British needs from Freetown, the "Athens of West Africa" - as the center of recruitment and posting across colonial frontlers. K A. B. Jones..Quartey described this "brain drain" in the following manner. for generations in the early days of the opening up of West Africa, involuntary Sierra Leonean expatriates were scnt out to the Gambia. Nigeria, the Gold Coast. Dahomey, Fernando Po, and elsewhere by Government. the Church, and the trading firms; , " . they went as accountants, clerks. teachers. ministers. and even top administrators. without wnom no modern processes or installations in those countries could have been worked.3 The use of quinine against !alciparum malaria allowed for the gradual increase of the European population on the coast, and the Berlin Conference of 1&S4 signaled the end of informal empire. Since the African medicaJ elite held some of the highest posts under incipient colonialism, the African medica} community was the first to experience restraints of mobility under changing forms of domination. As the chief medical officer (C.~f.o.) in the Gold Coast, Dr. John Farrell Easman was the highest~ranking African in the colonial service from 1893 to 1896. His dismissal from high office serves as the most appropriate paradigm for analysis of the changing status of the African medical community in the Gold Coast. This paper will explore this dimension of Ea5mao's experience within the framework of collective biography,4 In the 1880s a new generation of African doctors emerged in West Africa who did not owe their training to the colonial government Dr. James Africanus Beale Horton (MRC.s., L.M.. Eng.; M.D. Edinburgh) and Dr. Broughton Davis (M.D", Fife), Igbo and Yoruba respectively, were born in Sierra Leone. They represented the second generation of doctors of African descent, graduating from abroad in the mjd~nineteentb century, whose training expenses were paid for by the British. The War Office dispensed with the policy of training West African ---~----- lor. W, Asmus, "Law and Policy Relating to The Natives of the Gold Cost and Nigeria," Journal 0/ the African S0d4ty, xu, XLV (October 1912), 19.19, 29; and Asmus, "Law and Poliey ReJating to the N.ativcs of 'J."h,e Gold Coast and. Nigeria," JOU7'fu.d of tite African SOCielY, XII, XLV! (January 1913), 136 164; 1, F. Ade Ajayl and MIchael Crowder, cds.. Histt>ry of West Ajrica, II. 2nd edition (London. 1987). 3K,. A a lonea-Quartey, "Sierra Leone's: Role in the Development of Ghana, 182!J..I930: Sierra Le surgeons after Horton and Davis. The doctors of the 18S0s~ like the earlier ones, influential man, he ensconced himself with the affairs of interior rulers and all took the road (0 Freetown for study in the secondary schools and at Fourah treaty negotiations for the governor. He returned to Britain in 1S64~ and died in Bay College. but their merchant parents and relatives of means usuaHy paid for London in 1866. of their medical training in England. Scotland, and Brussells. Sierra Leone and John Farrell Easmon matriculated first at the Roman Catholic Primary Nigeria continued to supply most of the doctors for the nineteenth century School in Freetown and attended the Grammar School under James Quaker in because the Liberated Africans were the first to be sponsored by the Church 1868 for his secondary education. There, some of his peers were Drs.. Wi11iam Missionary Society for medical education. Thus only two doctors came from the Awooner~Renner, Obadiah Johnson, Joseph Smith, and John Randle, and such Gold Coast in the latter nineteenth century. Save Horton and Davis, aU of the future barristers as Abraham and Jabez Hebron, Peter Awooner~Renner. and other pioneer doctors of Nigerian descent returned to Nigeria) and indicative of others such as Principal Moore, Solomon Farmer and Matthew 1. Marke.. Dr. fervent nationalism, some dropped their English names for Yoruba ones.s Joseph Smith was the first in Sierra Leone to obtain tbe FRC.S,E, (the highest Sierra Leone doctors of Nova Scotian descent introduced yet another specialist surgery degree in the United Kingdom), and under his tutelage, Easmon dimension: criricaJ thinking. Deprived of the land promised to them by the was allowed to serve as apprentice dispenser and nurse in the Colonial Hospital British for their 10yaJty in the American War for Independence, the Nova The late John McCormack had kept his grandchildren in Africa in mind; upon Scot~ans pa~sed on to their progeny a tradition of independent thought.6 Dr. the settlement of his estate, Easmon inherited ;(400 and abruptly departed for Davuison Nicol sums up some of the salient characteristics of the early Nova medical study in London in 1876. Scotians: Easmon enrolled in the University College on Gower Strcet with a self imposed allowance of ;{8. 6s. 8d per month. Qualification required four years of Their social exclusivity from the Maroons, the Liberated stUdy, and in 1879, he earned the M.R.cs. (a routine basic degree in surgery at Africans and the indigenous communities alienated them; they The Royal College of Surgeons, England) with a distinguished student career. In were largely snubbed by the Europeans.... By the middle of the final year Easmon took six gold and silver medaJs. The Sierra Leone papers the nineteenth century when they started intermarrying with accorded him numerous accolades. After London he studied in Ireland, earning the others, they appeared to have lost their social and the LM (a post-graduate certification in obstetrics and gynecology [midwiferYD economic dominance to the Liberated Africans... , But their and L.K.Q.C.P. (Hcensing for permission to practice medicine in Ireland). and on political influence of radicalism and of fighting against white to BrusseJts for the M.D. with distinction. supremacy and whatever they considered to be unjust. Opportunity beckoned again from a distant cousin of [he Irish branch of remained.' the McCormack family. Surgeon Sir Wmiam McCormack, president of the Royal CoUege of Surgeons., senior surgeon at St. George's HospitaJ, and surgeon to Dr. John Farrell Easmon, Who distinguished himself in the world of medical Queen Victoria, perhaps the most decorated physjcian in Europe at the time. scholarship, proved to be the most formidabJe representative of the Nova Scotian heard of his cousin's success, and offered Easmon an appointment at St. George's tradition in the new generation of African doctors. as his House Surgeon, ultimately leading up to an assistantship to him. This was John Farren Easmon was born on 30 June 1856 of a Nova Scotian settler the first such appointment ever offered to a West African. For reasons unknown family in Freetown, Sierra Leone, who had first arrived from the United States to the writer, Easmon spurned the offer as Harley Street surgical consuJtan~ via Nova Scotia in 1792 There were 1,131 in their settler group. But Easmon had a including its wealth and fame, and returned to Freetown instead. second genealogical side. Walter Richard Easmon married three times. and John In Freetown Dr. Easmon put up his plate at No.2 East Street and was Farrell Easmon was the son of Mary Ann McCormack, the second wife, Born in quickJy surrounded by elderly settlers in need of medical treatment. Observers L?ndonderry in 1794, Mary Ann was the daughter of John MCCormack, a "wild" noted his dress in the proper English medical attire: a silk top hat, a frock coat, Inshman of a renowned Northern Irish medical family. He arrived in West and striped trousers, Thus, John Farrell Easmon became the representative scion A~rjea in 1813, and d:veloped a th:iving timber business for export, Which, it is of a tradition in which other family members of subsequent generations likewise saId, was the first major export bUSIness from the Crown Colony of Sierra Leone. pursued the medical art (see Figure 1),8 The medical family tradition) however, McCormack went on to hoJd several offices in the Colony government; an was not the only route to distinction in West African social history. Similar to Krio profeSSionals of earlier years in general, Dr. Easmon and , other Sierra Leone elites inherited an elite-validated status and passed it on M. C. F. Easmon. "Sierra Leone Doctors,," Si('rra Leone Studies N. S. No. Ii (1936), 81-96; A. 1. 0, W}'$e. through endogamy to future generations. Through time his success aUowed f.er ~Seatchlight OQ the Krio of Sierra l..eolle: An. Ethnography Study of a West Atrlcan PeopJe,P InstItute of the concentration of diverse resources in the hands of a smaH range of eltte African Studies. Fourait Bay College, <:kcasional Paper No. 3 (1980), 1-42; Adelola Adc!oye. Ajrlc411 Pioneers of ModeTfJ Medtd1'U! (Ibadan.198S). families.. It brought together couples with the best education, those familiar with liyellll Ludlda Huntef', Road to Freedom (Ibadan. 1982), 13-14. 80r. M. C. r. Easmon. "A Nova Scotian Family," EmilUlII Sinra lAoM(1I'I& (in tM Ninetl!t!flth 'Dr. Davidson Nicol. ~Braril, Canada, Nova Scotia ao.d the Guinea Coast A Literary and Hi.rtoricaJ CentlD'"y). Arraoged by Dr. M. C. F. Estmoo, aasisted by Or. Davidton Nicol (Freetown, 1961), 57~ 9U also O ...erview of the African Diaspora." Presence Ajr/caiM (paris, 1984), 17. Arthur T. Porter, Creohdom: A Study of the [)eyeiopmem of Freetown Society (L.mdoD. 1963). 806 ADEll PATTON, JR. OR. JOHN FARREll EASMON e07 colonial rulers and their institutions and culture, and those individuals pragmatic enough to recognize the significance of consolidating non-material assets, In addition the web of relationships - conjugal and affinal - entailed extensive networking of alliances in schools, education abroad, jobs, acquisition of credit, bureaucratic influence, and land acquisition, Even further, as Kristin Mann has shown, individuals who in the precolonial era had been part of extensive lineages of corporate descent, transformed their allegiance to a different type of corporate group, united by a common identity and goals, and based on the elite invention of new tradition.9 Hence, Dr. Easmon had an array of affinal connections with prominent families along the West African coast - in Bathhurst (Banjul1 Freetown, Cape Coast, Lagos, the Calabars, Cameroons, Fernando Po, and Gabon - useful for status recognition and class mobility (see Figure 2).10 Dr. Easmon decided to leave his private practice in Sierra Leone and applied for a job in the Gold Coast Medical Service some time in 1880. The need to increase his emoluments may have been behind the move. On orders from the secretary of state for the colonie~ the Government House of Sierra Leone informed Governor H. J. Ussher in the Gold Coast of Dr. Easmon's appointment as assistant colonial surgeon on 10 September 188(}, Easmon was to receive salary of £400, rising by triennial increments of £50 to l500 a year; free quarters or an aUowance for said purpose; and the right to private practice. On 9 October 1880 Easmon received an advance of £50 and proceeded by steamer to the Gold Coast.l1 From 1880 to 18S2, Easmon was posted at Kwitta, Awuna District, in Ewe territory and temporarily placed in the general charge of the District, where he had the non-medical assignment of suppressing smugglers at Affonhoo. He received a commendation from the secretary of state for a job wen done. From 1882 to 1883 Easmon was in Accra; and in 1883 Lagos; and back to Accra in the same year, where Dr. Jeans. the colonial surgeon, had hjm administer the Medical Department in his absence, Akim was his next assignment, with service on the Assinee Boundary Commission from 1883 to 1&'14. One may stop to ponder how such doctors - Drs. Horton and Dr. Oguntola Odunbaku Sapara,12 for example came to do any research with the constant rotation, but their achievements must have come when Ihey were more permanently assigned, This was certainly the case with E~smon. Christopher Fyfe reported that Easmon produced the first original eontribution to European medical science ever written by a West African "Kristin. Mann. MDTrying Well: Marriage, StilJlAS ilfUJ Social Clumge Among the EducdJed Elite in Colmtial LAgos (CJmbridge, 1985), 82, 98-too.. lOSee Cabet1, The PolUies 0/ EliU Cullwe. 60·75; Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger. eds.., The InventiQff. oj TrlfdiliQn (CambrIdge, 1984)- UPuhlic Archives Sierra Leone (hereafter referred as PASL}, Letters to the Gold Coast t81 ....1887, 4th September 1814 to 1st July 1887 (with [ndu), 12L.RCP., LAcs.. Edinburgh; LF.Ps..,. Gl..asgow. 608 ADELL PATTON, JR. OR. JOHN FARREll EASMON - physicia.n,13 This assessment requires qualification because of Dr. Horton's earlier scientific studies. His magnum opus was The Diseases of Tropical Climates and ,heir Trealrneru: (1874), based on more than a decade of medical experiments in the region. In regard to this study, Adelola Adeioye recently conduded that "Horton did not merely give an account of the different modes of treatment recommended by various writers, but he ultimately drew his own conclusions from the whole.',14 Hence. this excellent 669-page work also presented the views of other authors. On tbe other band, T. S. Gale sbows the uniqueness of Easmon's contribution, which supports Fyfe and the archival data. Gale notes that 'The term 'blackwater fever' was coined by Dr. 1. FarreH Easmon in the Gold Coast in 1884 and thereafter it became the local name for hemoglobinuric fever. At this time Easmon wrote the first clinical analysis of the symptoms of the disease in Engli'h [J. Ea,mon, BlackwatltT Fever, London 1ll84]."'" Easmon wrote this while administering the Medical Department for ten consecutive months in 1884.16 This innovation requires some review. In Easmon's time, hemoglobinuric fever was the most severe and yet least-defined eomplication of Jalciparum .SC"C~UIIJ .TkcGG",l».t malaria in West Africa. It struck many Europeans, but it was rare among the .C"S""'''''Z4 indigenous people because of their genetic adaptations to malaria. While it was .NwltCl recognized as a distinct fever in 1864 and received the nomenclature "blackwater fVM9li1s. <0 fever" in 1884, Easmon's analysis showed its most important symptoms as severe i»t~'t.) ~,.,..J," o anemia and eXcess bemoglobin in the urine, It struck people whose constitutions FREETOW .' .\J~ LI~nQ • had been progressively weakened by frequent bouts of Jalciparum malaria; and CO a stal with a sizable dose of quinine as the immediate reciprocating factor, The mortality rate eQuId reach 50 percent. The Gold Coast governor forwarded Basmon's ciinical report to the Colonial Office on 15 December 1888, and on 24 April 1889, The Royal College of Physicians noted receipt of enclosures on "Blackwater Fever," which had been referred earlier to Committee of the Fellows. Tbe Easmon report and those of other observers provided the Colonial Office with comparative data for medical officers in the empireP (IIf't ttl scale) 13Chri&tophef Fyfe. A History of SiC!rra Leoru (Olford, 1962), 423; also sec Fyfe. AfriclUUlS Horton 1835-1883: West African SciC!ntist and PtJlriot (New York., 1m). 14AdelQye, African PionNrs of Mcderl'i Medicine, 34-36; Adel»ye. the 8eCOnd African neutoourgeon Qf Nlgetia, stated that: "Fronl the end Qf the nineteenth century, the great advances in medical scleDO! rendered much of Horton's work obsclete. Ulltmtunately biB eady death fQbbed him ol the opportunity to witness these cltanaes. and to iodude tbem in his IllOl1cgnph," in ''Sorne Early Ni~rian Doctors and theit Contdbution to Modem Medicine in we&t Africa," MC!dical Hi4t01"J.18, 3 (July 1914). 281 FigII'e 2. SitmI L-._ ElCpIIIrie1e Communi!iee-'Q-eoIedo " n 1ST. S. Gate. "Official Medieal Policy in British West Africa 137()'193O;' (PhD. lbesi&, University of Weet Africa in the 19th CtIIIWy-'lInIn Drain' _lim-l London, 1912). 1516 R~. -'.~ 1~blic R«'Q[d5 Office, LondoD (heteafter referred to 411 PRO), C. 0. 961224. Record of Serv~ of Dr. Boaed on; Akin L ~ and Paul RidIa-de in J. F. Ada Ajlyi and J. Farrell Easmon. Assistant Colonial Surgeon. Gold Coan Colony, 2j: JW)C 1892; see PRO, C.O. 961164. Dr. J. Midlael Crowder, ed8. Hiatcryof West Africa VOj 1 ~...... _ D. McCarthy on Eastoon-Io (JQverDor·Easmon application for leave, January 31" 1884, and &clooure: Dr. (1985). p.1t ' '.""""'UUlI Easmoo'~ leiter to c.M,o., January 9. 1885. Eumon'lI library ~ld "betwun 300 and 500 medi~1 workll . , . difficult to tratlllpott from station to station.~ 17pRO, CD. 879131,. Report of CommiUee Q!I: ''Blackwater Fever,~ 28 March 1889. Dumett cites "Report on Blackwater F<:ver (lBs4), ern:l;)sed in Royal College of PhyaicilllU and Surgeons to CO., 24 Aptill8fW; CO. %/206." in "The Campaign Agsinst Mawia,~ 156, fn. 15. 610 ADELL PATTON, JR" OR" JOHN FARRELL EAtMON 611 Proper aCknowledgement for Easmo > , , • coming; this may be due to 1 n s role 10 thIS dlScovery was long in services in the hospital no doubt stabilized the attendance pattern during Easmon proved the relations~ivpe~~t reason"Bs. First" although the data shows that Easmon's stay,n .A" I ~ ween Jackwater Fev r" d " ro~lca researchers might have l.. -e I e an malaria, other With regard to sanitary reform in the 188Os, K. David Patterson reports th . lit:: n Care ess in the" I"t ereb y miSsed the Easmon stud . Second IT I erature scans and that government gave only seant attention to drains, dust bins. and reduction of ahead of his time, or obviously res!archers: ~r~ps E~m~n was just too far pigs in Accra - and hence Easmon, who would describe Accra in 18% as "a sink other. Nevertheless in Tropical M d" (;e dlScoVenes mdependent of each of filth:a4 would have had little impact on sanitary reform in the 18805. Even Castellani and Cha'mbers m d fe Icme ~ second edition~ the authors '"bl a e re erenee to Easmo) f" more. the government had Easmon in almost constant rotation. Apparently, he ackwater fever,,18 But" " n S lIst use of the term f moved next to Akim in charge of the Medical Department for an additional six reported the pres~nce of ~.nbI:Pk1te °t th lS citation and tbe fact that Easmon had h " C wa er lever" in Afd months in 1885, and became president of the Executive Comlnittee of the aut ontIes refused to accept its v I'd't ' cans. many Colonial medical a y tll Colonial and Indian Exhibition, Gold Coast Seetion, which involved collecting, to substantiate this position, Dr E ~l wund aroun~ World War 1,19 Even more packaging, and transmitting the Gold Coast exhibits to England. Easmon's duties D If" " " 00 -Mason qualil" d I h 0.: or 0 Medicine on the thes'1S "Th R ' , Ie Or t e degree of for the rema)nder of the 1880s into the early lSS()s formed a Htany of Malaria" at the University 01 Ab de e elatlOoshlp of Blaekwater Fever to ' er en, ca. 1917' in it ' responsibilities: 181Ji to 1881, Accra, Salaga and Winnebat medical officer and and 10 the bibliography there f' s revIew of the literature district commissioner, 1888, Cape Coast and Accra, acting chief medical officer, Bet ~ are no re erence to Eas • h " ween 1917 and 1m or thereabouts th W ad mon spat hnding work. 0 accompanied Governor W. Branford Griffiths on both inspection tours of Colonial Office to Sierra Leone f' ,e 1 . -Mason thesis was sent out by the Windward Districts and Akim/Sarteh Expeditions; l8S9, four and one~half months AI" M d or ctrcu ahon among m k_ f !lcan e kal Staff. Ignoring earlie f' d' D emvo.;;fS 0 the West leave of absence; 1889-18W, acting chief medical officer; l891, acting Medical Medical Officer made the foIl . r In lngs., r. E. H. Tweedv,21 the Prindpal , owmg remarks on th W ' officer, Honorary Secretary Agricultural, Commercial and Mineralogical Society memo to the colonial secretary in October 1917: e ood-Mason thesis in a of the Gold Coast Colony; and secretaryJpresident of the Census Committee25 of the country's first Census of 1890.26 I have carefully read this essa h' In his thirteenth year of practice, with twelve in the Gold Coast, Easmon credit on the Author and h y: lch reflects the greatest heard that Dr. Ronald Ross, who had arrived in Sierra Leone in 1885 and would t thorough grasp of this m~s~~s t at ,Dr, Wood-Mason has a later be awarded the Nobel Prize for his discovery of An.ophe~es mosquito as the Mason has put forward a t In erestlng subject Dr. Wood_ " d s rung case and certa' 1 vectors of malaria parasite, was leaving SIerra Leone for Jamaica. Easmon mm has proved that tbere is ad' t ,tnY to my decided to apply for this position as colonial surgeon in 1892. In the Gold Coast two diseases.22 tree connectlOn between the Easmon was only senior assistant surgeon, and Ross, in Sierra Leone, had earlier criticized the medical institutions of that colony and had gone on reeord that "aU If this statement can be perceived as h b' the native Assistant Surgeons should be placed on the same footing,,,27 the African physician could expect I"tall ar mger of the earlier twentieth century "d' 1 e peer respeet f h'" ~, presumably with European medical officers. Hence, Easmon may have thought d1 not dIscourage Easmon from u' , ,or. IS tn.telhgence, But this century. p rSOlng his objectives 10 the nineteenth Easmon's reputation soared in the G d brochure on Black Water Fever and E 01 Coast as a result of his offieial 21>RO. co. 961164, Appt. of Dr. Easmon for spccialleave Privileges: and Permanent retention at Accra, · ,asmonwentontohld h "" Qo'lernot Young to J.:)e(by (CQlonial Office), 9' February 1885. posts. Stahoned at the Accra General H "I' 0 ot er admmlstrative of th "d" ospJta In early 1885 E ' e In 1genous people al"ded l"n d" " "h" • asmon s treatment 24K David Pftttetso~. "Health in Urban Ghana: The Cue of Accra, 1910-1940," Scam ScitflU':e and ~.f' • lIIllDlS mg the"r . , m~lcme. While the herbalists maintained th ' 1 .SUSpiCion toward Western Me.diCiJu:. 13B (1979) 25tw268:; See furtl\« Durneu, "'I"he CampaJstt Agbinst Malaria," 170-172. ~ mliJlf day s check on the attendance of ti t elf attraction for the people, a single eftt'ltts at sanitary reform began in 1893. when he first teromtnended the policy of pcot«'tlllg BU~I)$ frl)m out- patients treated at the hosPitar\~n ~et~rns shOwed 53 in~patients and 106 trullAria and ycllow fever by holving them live in separate res.itie~ from Afriuns. In 001, segtegatiOll , e ea mg effects of the various medical bceamc the official policy. For British admiuion of the inBdequaey of prtviotn wnitary cotHlitktJ15, see G81e, "Official Medical Polley," 1Q9.1l0. Foe ltJOCo em *'.!itary ~foel'l')l., &ee PSltenOll above, and fiilip D. Cnrtitt,. ,. "Medklll Knowledge and Urb that Ross would exercise his influence on a promotion for him in Sierra Leone. Gold Coast confirmed EasmQn's appointment as chief medical officer in June On the, other ha~d. Easmon could have been trying to test his worth for a 1893, Easm~n" outstanding professional skill was again borne out in testimony, promotIon there ~n the Gold, Coas~, wh.cre his SUCcess would be more likely and his salary. now at '600 per annum. rose to £800 with the pro~otion, with because of an elght~year fnendshlp WIth Governor Griffiths. The colonial annual increments of {50 to the ceiling of {1ooo pet annum then enjoyed by Dr. surgeon post in Sierra Leone was ultimately given in 1895 to Dr. William Thomas McCarthy. There were conditions, however. Easrnon was to be debarred ,from P~out,28 who had served in Mauritius and was highly qualified in tropical private practice except "when it may be necessary that he should assist at dIseases, but with less seniority than Easmon. And Easmon at least for the dme 'consuttations",.30 On 17 May 1893 Easman assumed his post. Not since the being, played his cards right ' appointment of Dr, William Fergusson. an Afro~West Ind~an, as principal m~ical Governor Griffiths refused to recommend Easmon who served as his officer and latcr governor of the Sierra Leone Colony tn 1845, had an Afncan p~rsonal physician and confidant, for the appointment as' colonial surgeon in medical officer been so promoted in such an important colony. Slern~. Leone on the basis of his being too valuable to the colony. Dr. Easmon Easmon accepted the appointment in a letter to the colonial secretary on had high ~commendations from the chief medical officer extending back to 1890, June 1893, expressing appreciation to an the officials who supponed him for the and now 10 June 1m the governor wrote in a dispatch that Basmon was indeed position. He did not, however, agree to all the conditions. "With the referenc.e to merit~rious in ,the job sought but that his remova1 from the colony would the conditions of the appointment," Easmon wrott; "I shall address you III a constitute a misfortune for not only the inhabitants of Accra but to each separate and distinct communication."n This caveat requires some qualification, European, official and unofficial. at the central quarters. He reminded the since the correspondence between the two parties, while perhaps extant) has not echelon further that: been located First, private practice by colonial medical officers was ~ vexing a?d Dr. Easmon~s wonderful skilI as a phYSician) his successful unresolved issue throughout the era in West Africa. As senior aSSIstant colomal treat~ent of lo~al dis,eases, his frequent visits and unremitting surgeon, Easmon apparent1y had a sizable private practice .among ~th attenhon to hIS pahents, his courage in difficult cases. _ Europeans and Africans. The new promotion stipulated that private practice combined with gentleness as a nurse and a singular power of must be abandoned except under special circumstances. Second, it remains to be raising the spirits of his patients and making them more and ascertained as to whether Dr. McCarthy~ the retired C.M-O", engaged in private more hopeful each time he vjsits them, are qualities which practice while holding the position, Third, extant correspondence may reve~l that have attracted and attached people to him, and are invaluable the conditions of the Easmon appointment were moderated upon recclpt of at Accra where the European popUlation has increased so Easmon's "separate and distinct communication" to the colonial secretary. much of late.29 Dr, Easmon became C.M.o. of a medical establishment whose budget was HSp21 by 1896, with approximately twenty-two medical officers under his control. The motive for denying Easmon the promotion was not a selfish one. the The medical hierarchy appeared numerically as 1 chief medical officer. 1 colonial g?vern~r went on, although it might appear so, but for reason of general surgeon; 2 senior assistant colonial surgeon~; and 18, assistant c~lonial sur~eons.32 ?lSappOlntment that his departure from the colony would engender, Hence, he Besides Easmon. there were three other AfrIcan offIcers: Dr. SpIlsbury SmIth and Just COUld. not bring himself to recommend such a promotion to Sierra Leone. Dr. j. 0. Coker (both of Sierra Leone). Dr. B. W. Quartey-Papafio (of G?ld Co••t). Indeed thIS was a resounding endorsement of Easmon's skill in thc medical art and a West Indian, Dr. Derment H. R. Waldron. The death of Dr. Smith 10 1894 from Christianborg Castle, while serving as district commissioner at Tarkwa created a vacancy at the senior , Easmon. of cou,rse, had left himself an out In letter of June 1892 seeking assistant surgeon leveL Rasmon's first appointment to fiiI the vacancy proved to the ~ler:a Leone appointment, he submitted that shoUld the exigencies of public be his Achilles' tendon in the Gold Coast medical service. ~rvlce In the c,olony prove inimical to his promotion, the colony shoUld duly ask Dr, Easmon appointed Dr. Walter A MurraYf a British medical officer hIm to be conSIdered ~or fut?re va~anci.es of an administrative nature. Obviously, acting as senior medical officer wlth the Hausa expeditionary force at he presented a scenano of hIS medical achievements from the university days to l.S92. ~as~on seized the moment and was not hesitant in making his move for pro.motlOn In ~he ~ld Coast colony, Dr. 1. D, McCarthy, the chief medical 3OpRO, C. 0, 96/296. Confidential Despatch 1897. Documents contain Report of ColllnliuiO!1 of Bnqulry ofh.~r. had retIred 1~ late 1892, effective May 1893, and Easmon applied for the quan Dr. John Farrell Ea&.mon. POSItiOn, apparently In December. F. M. Hodgson, the colonial secretary in the 31pRo, C 0, 92J196, Dr. Easmon to the eolool.l Secretary, Medical Depllrtment, Victoriaborg. 2nd June 189l 32nO. C. O. 92/296, Gold Coast Medical Officers,. 27 November 1897; at 415fi21 (ca. $82,OlQ.2S - 1 ZSaM.. M. Surgery, Edinimrgh. Guinea to il, 1 Shining to $125) in 1896, the QQld COllllt Colerty Medical Deparunenfi budget wu larger 19 PRO, C. O. 961224, Dr. J. F. Easmon. Applies for Appt, as Col. Surgeon of 5-Leane Cann4t than LIl80!1 Colony" t8,.304 (ca. $43,596) in the ame year lind Sierra Leone's l8,047 (ca S42JA6.7j) in 1898; see r«Dmmend, liS he '11: invaluable to Colony. 25 June 1892. Dumett" 'The Cam~ Againllt Miliaria," 1)16..197. 614 ADELL PATTON, JR. DR. JOHN FARREll EASMON 615 Attabubu,33 to the vacant position on 26 February 1894. In making the recommendation to the colonial secretary, Easmon said of Murray, that he entered the colony as assistant colonial surgeon on 11 May 1890. and had exercised all the attributes of a qualified professional in the employment of his duties. Easmon admitted that Dr. Papafio, assistant colonial surgeon. was senior in service to Murray, for he had been appointed on 14 March 1889, but Easmon was unable to recommend bim for promotion for lack of loyalty to the public service, indispensable to the routinization of the adminIstration. Further. Easman reported, Papafio's professional skills had not generated confidence among his colleagues. The private secretary suggested in the minutes to the lord marquis of Ripon to approve the promotion of Murray to the higher grade: "Dr. Papano 1S a native {Ga ethnic group of Accra1 but Dr, Easmon does not hold any tenderness toward him. Request might be expressed that Dr. Papafio's service has not been such as to warrant his recommendation for promotion to the higher grade:>34 The higher echelon's approval went out in a letter on 6 April 1894. The disappointed applicant, Dr. B. W. Quartey~Papafio.3S was the son of a merchant trading family (see Figure 3~ He attended tbe eMS Grammar School Lagos in 1876-7~ transferred to the CMS Grammar School Freetown in IS78, and to Fourah Bay College in 1880..s2 He then went abroad to Durham, where he received medical honors in the Hospital Prizeman Award in 1883 and wrote his medical thesis on "Malaria Hemoglobinuric Fever (so-called 'Blackwater Fever) of the Gold Coast in perhaps 1884.36 He was the first doctor of Gold Coast birth in the nineteenth century. Dr. Ernest James Hayford (M,D. BrusseUs, 1898) was the second doctor for this region.37 There were few Gold Coast-born doctors in the nineteenth century. Africans in the Gold Coast did not have ready access to the schools of Freetown and were not members of the Krio class which held a quasi·monopoly on African appointments in the colonial service.3S Of the West Indians, Dr, Derment H. R. Waldron,39 who had served as district medical offic.er at St. Kitts in 1880 and as assistant colonial surgeon Lagos in 1881~1882, was even employed in the ('reId Coast 33LRCST.,.1884; L.M.K..O,C'p.T.. 188&. 34pao. c. 0, 961244, Dr. W. A Murray, RecollUIlCnds Promotion of. 2 March 1394. 35M-ReS.. Eng. 1886; M.B.C.M. 1886, Edinb; MJ). 1~. Edinburgh. 36The Gold Coast Civil Service Lin (London. 1898). Natitmal Archives Ghana [bcreafte\' rcferrw to .. NAO~ Ray Jenkins. ~Oold COastCf!l Overseas, 1880--1919: With Specific References to Their Activitielr in Britain,.. ImmigrQJtt$ and MiMrilies., 4, 3 (November 19S5). 44.45; and 0Jl Gold Co.art edUCAtion in the nineteenth century see, j, H. Nketia;'Progum In Oold Coast Education,." The Gcld Coost And Togoltmd Historical Society.}.:3 (1953), 1.-9, 37Charle& Teny, "Medical Practitiou(:rtI of A(riQII/\ Descent in Colonial Gbana,"lnlernatiClfUfJ Journal of AfriC01t Historical Studies. 18, } (1985), 141-141. Dr. Frederick: Victor N8nb-Bruee (MB.. Cb.B., 1907 Dr. B. W. Q. Papalio, ca. 1884, St. Edinburgh) was the third Oold Coalit-born physician, and the first to obtain medical certification in the Bartholomew" HOlpital, london. Courteoy of twentieth century, Adell Patton, Jr. and St. Bartholomew', ~Dn. Mwrylng Well, 109. Ho.pltal, london. 39M.B.c.M.,. Edinbutsh 1879. 616 ADEll PATTON, JR. DR. JOHN fARRELL EASMON 617 Though the medical bureaucracy was controlled by outsiders, Quartey.Papalia had support from his prosperous family and Ga ethnic group. On 1 June 1894, he began to press his grievance against Easmon for passing him over for promotion. He forwarded a petition against the promotion of Dr. Murray on 30 June 1894 to [he marquis of Ripon, the secretary of state for the colonies. Since the petition went through channels in the Gold Coast, Governor Griffiths delayed irs transmission and informed Dr. Easmon. The petition, which the governor described as "Foolscap," consisted of enelosures of forty-two pages with data on the creation of the new appointment, preference shown to Dr. Murray, correspondence, his appointments, quotations of testimonials and communications from public officers and patients whom Papafio had treated. The section that dealt with his list of appointments and years of meritorious service were instructive. Dr. Papafio, writing from Akuse in the Volta River District, had begun his five and a half years1 service under the tutelage of Dr. 1. Desmond McCarthy. :; the C.MO., and was first appointed in March 1887 as medical officer to the Hausa force in Eastern Akim; in September 1888, acting assistant surgeon at Ada; in 0 ..: 'is November 1888, acting assistant surgeon at Kwitta; in 1B89, medical officer of the II <:" Ii expedition against the "Awoonas" (Awuna District of Togo); in April 1889, 0 en-,.,'" permanent appointment to the Colonial Medical Service staff; in 1889, district '" " .;:: medical officer at Kwitta (now a significant constabulary station);. in July 1890• ,J -§ district medical officer at Elmina (another major constabulary station); i.n July I i ...• C 1892, acti.ng deputy sheriff of the Cape Coast~ Elmina District; in August l894 0 _D l!! medical officer to the Hausa force at Krobo; in December 1892, first time ~i ::e appointed as district medical officer o.f the Volta River District - his last ~'" ." ... :;" <: appointment under Dr. McCarthy. He explained how laborio.us, exacting, and = . risky, his duties had been. especiaJIy in the AwoQna Campaign of 1889. :l S O':! '" ~ ~ -11 .. The Papafio petition refuted every charge made by Easmon; it further indicates the travails and triumphs of an African medical officer in conflict with a fellow African in the colonial state. African medical officers had already written about their lack of mobility at the hands of European medica) officers. And now the Easmo.n decision not to promo.te Papafio properly had left the Ga 4OpRO• C. 0. 96.'247, Petitioll of Dr. B. W. Q. Papalio,14 Aupt 1894; NAG, Adm. 111107 19OI,. Awurta Native Affairs 1878"1001 (Case No. M. P. 1154101). l OR. JOHN FARRELL EASMON 610 ADELL PATTON, JR. secretary would rectify the injustice, and promised to supply the reading public people with profound resentment against him and possibly against Sierra 42 Leonians in general, And with no apparent redress. they resorted to the media, with another follow·up essay on justice. The editorial was unsigned. , :~e Papafio f~mily was part-owner of The Gold Coast Chronicle (Ge,c.), and The Sierra Leoneans in the Gold Coast responded through a rival they Initlated a scathtng attack on Dr. Basmon in an article entitled '"The Gold newspaper of their own in 1895, The Gold Coast Independent (G.C.I,~ The editor, Coast Medical Service" on 23 June 1894. It announced the promotion of Dr. Bright Davis, was one of the ablest journalists in West Africa. It was capitalized Murray who ranked below Dr. Papafio in seniority. Since three previous at 500 shares at {I each under the authority of the Gold Coast Printing Company. promotions had been filled On the basis of seniority, the new promotion went The initial contributions began in November 1894 j and consisted of such over the head of Dr. Papafio. It was expressly stated that promotion to these shareholders as Albert Whiggs Ensmon, the half~brother of Dr, Easmon who was appointments was to be based on seniority subject to recommendation of the at the time a medical student in England. 1. H. Cheeskam, W. Wilberforce, B. D. C.M.O. to the governor. After the death of Dr. Smith, Papafio was next in line of Coker, Bright Davis, D, G. Lionel Fearan~ J. E. L. Sawyer, Jacob Coker, J. W. seniority for the post In satire of the promotion, the paper then threw a barb at Coles. and J. W, Sawyer, Contributions totaled ;(150 on the first call patrimonialism in poetic verse: The G.CJ. published an anonymous articJe on 3 August 1895 entitled the ''Employment of tile Native Doctors In Colonial Service." Less than an attack But there's no remedy; tis the curne of service; upon Papafio, for his name was omitted, and more of a rejoinder to the private Preferment goes by letter, and affection, practice issue, tile article opened with due consideration of the Liverpool Not by the old gradation, where each second Chamber of Commerce's concern about the number of British and "native"' Stood heir to the first. doctors in the Gold Coast colony. The Chamber of Commerce had written to the secretary of state for the colonies in this. regard on 5 April 1895, and their That Easmon had been unfair to Papafio ever since the latter's arrival from correspondence now appeared elsewhere in the G1:.1. The paper purported to England was alleged by many persons. On the other hand, Papafio was a victim recognize the importance of the heaUh issue among the Europeans residing in of his extraordinary popularity, not only with the people of Accra but also with the colony but remained vague about the motives that generated its interest in all the communities of the numerous stations in the colony. How could the the correspondenee from its origin. Ever since the public journal began in the governor approve the promotion without the consent of the secretary of state, colony. its objectives had been against party~spiritism of all categories., such as the paper asked? It was the acting governor who not only referred the question the commercial) official, racial, or other partisan prejudicial matters. The policy to the secretary of state for his decision, but who found it regrettable that Dr. of the G.C.I. was directed neither to innuendo nor toward a straightforward Papafio was passed over. opinion prejudicial to the interests of individuals or classes, The paper further The GC,c. stated that it had observed Papafio ever since his return to the noted with utmost satisfaction, the case in which the Millers brothers of the colony in 1887 and took much pride in his accomplishments. First, his popularity Afric~n Trade Section of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce had engaged in was due to his medical skills and had led to a monopoly of the private practice i~ efforts to defame the character of the "native" professional men. In a telegram to Accra, to the envy of other doctors. In order to be "promoted" into the Service, the secretary of the Colonial Office, Miller commented that: the paper reported, Dr. Easmon was more anxious than all the other doctoTS -My Coast agent just home complains bitterly coloured M~rthy, Waldron, and Metherel - that Papafio accept the appointment to doctors employed by Government. They stand climate better Aklm and the subsequent rotations away from Accra. Obviously his professional than Europeans, thereby seniority giVes advantage, and the skill~ ,wer~ further evidenced through his successful promotion of European lives of Europeans: are at their mercy. Possibly you may medlcme In areas under the centuries old dominance of traditional healers. influence ebange,43 Hence, if Papafio had erred in the discharge of his professional dutiesj his opponents would have broadeasr them throughout the colony, the paper argued. The secretary of s:tate~ however, did not favor this request, and expressed Doubts had been raised about the appointment of Dr. Easmon~ the paper satisfaction with the meritorious manner of the African doctors in government reflected, by everyone with considerable knowledge of the issue about whether a service~ the G,C.l. observed The paper acknOWledged with regrets the maligning physician "who, besides his appointment as Chief of the Staff with a salary of remarks of the local Gold Coast agent and the Millers of Liverpool ;{BOO to :HOOO per annum, required to be permitted to take private practice, contrary to the usual rule, would have too much Jove for a junior coHeage:41 The paper ended its denunciation of Easmon with the hope that the colonial 4ZpRO• C O. 96IZ0, David Kimble, A P<>litie:a1 History 0/ Ghtma; The Rise 01 Gold Coast NaJionalism (Oxford, 1963). 91, 4~O, C 0, 961266, Medical Send.ee. tuque$!: info as to the BtiWh and Native Doctors. 5 April 189S; C.o. 96/196, The Gold C()(Ut Independent. 3 August 1895. See }one»-Quartey, HSieH_ Leone's Role in the De~lopmtllt of GluuUi,~: n.87. This euay i& vaSut' on the Sierra Leonellns' reason for organising the GC.l, 41 PRO• C. 0. 961269, The Gold Coast Chronic/e, n )\ll1e 1.894, Vol. Vwl\lo. 16t in 1895. 620 ADELL PATTON, JR. OR. JOHN FARRELL EASMON 621 The GCJ. noted that the official duties of medical officers were threefold. thrown down the gauntlet, now had to confront a new appointee in the The first was the welfare of and attendance upon the poor in the dispensaries government. and hospitals of the cOlony; second, medical attendance to the European and Governor WiHiam E. Maxwell succeeded Governor Sir W, Branford African officials in government employment; and third. the direction and Griffiths, who left the Gold Coast Colony in April 1895. Dr. Eo,mon had lost an supervision of the sanitary needs of the coJony. The Independent then moved to a invaluable ally. Maxwell. who was educated at Ripon and who began his career collision course with The Chronicle's final allegations: in the colonial service in 1865, arrived in the colony with an impressive employment record He had served twenty~four years in Oceania as Jegal And it is clearly laid down that these officers arc entitled to adjudk8tor and administrator at such places as Pennng. MaJacca, Perak, and private practice, but now here is it established either in the S~ngapore; and became acting governor of the Straits Settlements before agreements signed by the respective medical officers, none by appointment to the Gold Coastt a region heretofore unknown to him. As a any executive acts found necessary subsequent to the member of the Royal Asiatic Society and AnthropologicaJ Institute of Britain, employment of such officers, as can be gathered from the Maxwell was exposed to the ideas of pseudt>-Scientific racism at a time when the published departments regulation of the medical departments scientific study of race was in the hands of scientific and behavioral specialists.45 of the Colony, that such medical officers are bound to attend After a one-year residence on the Gold Coast. Maxwell returned to any given class of patients outside the limits of their official Liverpool to deliver an address before the African Trade Section of the Chamber sphere of duties no matter what the hue of skin, or twist of of Commerce on 1 July 1895. The address dealt with the "Affairs of The Gold hair may be.44 Coast and Ashanti"; and was instructive on MaxweWs own "image of Africa" and his comparative perspective on the development of societies in history. Maxwell The article shared the belief generally held by all that medica! officers were to observed the need to reduce the European casualty rate caused by malaria in treat aU of their patients irrespective of color, black or white: But it thought West Africa to a level comparable to that in Eastern Asia~ and noted that: further that the government should not have allowed irresponsible persons to cast aspersions on the professional qualities of native medical officers, especially The disadvantages on the side of Africa are manifold. Instead when "the Government of the colony has found the value of native medical of being surrounded, as the Englishman is in India and China, officers of great value." by natives who have attained a high degree of civilization, The general subject was indeed a vexing one, according to the article, as it who have a history, a literature. and an acquaintance with arts echoed the Changing image of Africa in poetic verse: and industries, the European who goes to the Gold Coast finds himself among negroes of a low order of intelligence. who The time when, know nothing of value that they have not learned from the Geographers in Afdc's maps white man. His house is an inferior one, because the ignorance With savage pictures fHJ their gaps; of native workmen and the difficulty attending the transport And o'er uninhabitable dales) of materials make building terribly expenses. Its surroundings Place elephants in place of vales, are very possibly insanitary. because Englishmen in West is past and gone forever.... Africa have not yet learned to establish their residences at a distanee from towns. the almost invariable practice in India.o46 Africa must rise from the ashes of ignorance and superstition from within and misrepresentation by the outside world. The Africans must themselves be the Even more, Maxwell reminded his audience; West Africa suffered from "the final arbiter in guiding the destiny of their magnificent continent in its absence of progress and improvement" and that these conditions bound tbe evoJutionary stages, and this factor was to be impressed upon the mind of the European to an "apathetic and despondent" state of mind. Since Eastern Asia abstract scientist and upon the politico-commercial interests of the "civilized" owed its development to the importation of "energetic native traders from Arabia world. And jn a defiant manner, with revolutionary overtones the article ended: and India. who brought with them their arts, manufactures, and handicrafts," Maxwell believed that the importation of labor from this region to West Africa In any case, while it is quite true that to "him that hath" it would increase the output from the gold fields and improve the living standards shall be given, it is ~equal1y definite that a Shylock may not for European residents. The health issue was of primary concern in the address, have his "pound of flesh" without the "blood" thereof. and the governor no doubt returned to the colony with renewed vigor for change. These words were of a belligerent nature indeed foHowing the Berlin Conference of 1884, which had already partitioned Africa, and the Sierra Leoneans.. who had 45The Gold Coos! CMI Strnce list 1898; S6e Slepnan. The Ideo of R4c~, 83-&7. 46pRo• C. 0. 961:286, Maxwell, "Alfaiu of 'The. Gold Coast Colouy, Addtl'Jl.'i," 4 Sept. 1896. 622 ADELL PATTON, JR. DR. JOHN FARREll EASMON 623 A complete breakdown in communication occurred between Governor matter of the Medical Department), Easmon had been startled when the governor Maxwell and Dr. Easmon by at least August 1896. Maxwell, according to the late convened a "Surprise Enquiry" in the presence of the colonial secretary. Easmon Dr. M. Co F. Easmon (1B9().lsn2~ the son of Dr. Ea,moll, "did not like having an admitted authorship of an article on public health, which he justified on the African as head of the Medical Department and on his Council. .. ,>41 Generally, grounds of the enormous mortality that the European community suffered at the the CM.O. rotated medical officers. But Maxwell began to change a number of time. The article was therefore of a precautionary measure and intended to do no assignments that Easmon had already made, hence eroding Easmon+s authority. harm to the governor. Easmon recounted that as health officer in Aecra during On the other hand. Easmon was not without culpability in the growing the influenza epidemie of 1893, he had requested with proper approval a general personality rift between himself and the governor, who in this regard warned the meeting which was held in the district commissioner's eourt in James Town, colonial secretary in December 1896 that: Accra, for the purpose of informing the masses about the prophylaxis, The whole colony had benefited from his alertness. Basmon acknowledged further that I see that the Chief of Medical Officers has made a marginal letters had been supplied to his brother. Albert Whiggs Basmon; for possible comment on my minutes of the 21st and that you have publication under Albert's name, and that the letters appeared as an editorial was permitted this rudeness to pass unremarked Please request Dr. not his fault. Moreover, he did not consider an essay on the triumphal tour of the 48 Easmon to remove his additions by erasure. governor as coming within the purview of Section 79 of the Colonial RegUlations. No mischief was intended in any of the cases. And on January 1897, the governor caneeHed a station change again through the A eopy of the questions and answers of the "Surprise Enquiry" he had colonial secretary rather than deal with Easmon direetly: recently received Basmon said showed different nuances and suggest other interpretations than those of his notes taken in the enquiry. For example. to the Inform the Chief Medical Officer that I consider it to be question: "Have you contributed articles to the lndependent?' The "Surprise underdesirable to place Dr, Waldron [an Afro-West Indian] at Enquiry" noted that he had replied "a few." He distinctJy remembered answering Accra or, as the sole physician. at any station where a "no" to that question; therefore. the data appeared in ways that he never intended, European lady is resident and that this view is to be acted on He reminded Maxwell that his loyalty to the government had never before been in determining bis destination when he returns from leave.49 questioned in his sixteen and a half years in the service. If additional enquiries were necessary, Basmon suggested that the governor be advised to conduct them Correspondence followed from the colonial secretary and the CM.O. until the through the court in accordance with the provisions of the Commissions of governor wrote of Easmon's letter that it was "improper in tone" and that he Enquiry Ordinance 1893, Since so much damage had been done to his reputation should not have mailed it By now the confliet between the two personalities was in his position as c.M.O.. only the fullest enquiry requested through the governor clear, could exonerate him. Basmon pondered further whether such an enquiry would Maxwell first gathered information against Easmon about events that be to his disadvantage against the governor in Counci4 but he thought that the occurred in the Griffiths administration, Public officers were prohibited from court was the only proper place remaining that could resolve the issue. Easmon participating in any other occupation, such as trade or other commercial got his wish. On 3 March 1897, the governor ordered an investigation of the undertaking, without going through proper channels. The governor directed the charges by Mr. Justice Richards as a commissioner~ under Ordinance No, 7 of colonial secretary to inform Easmon of the charges levelled against him on 18 1893. February 1897 and required a reply in writing, AHegations were made for the first On 6 March 1897) the governor notified Easmon that in view of the time conneeting Easmon with the commercial venture of the Gold Coast evidence now addressed before the Commission that he would no longer be Publishing Company and the Gold C()(JS/ Independent. Easmon. the letter held, was allowed to perform his duties as chief medicaJ officer, Acting through the a paid public officer who had activety engaged himself in the management of the governor. F. M. Hodgson sent what must have seemed to Easmon an eviction G,CJ. Even more, Easmon was said to have written many of the articles, even notice: though they were unsigned, Further, articles commented upon government measures and in doing so exceeded the bounds of Objectivity, The letter ended by 2 I am accordingly to inform you that you are interdicted demanding a statement in writing on or before 25 February 1897. from duty with stoppage of half salary. You are to hand over Easmon responded on 26 February and denied all the charges against him. charge to Dr. Henderson and you are. I am to state. to vacate When he had gone to see the governor on 9 February On connection with a the Government quarters which you now occupy within one week from this date. .50 47Dr, Eumoo. -A Nova Scotian Family," 59-6il Mr. Money. the acting attorney general, shortly thereafter began canvassing 48PRO• C 0, 96/297, Dr. J. F, E..ammn. Explains hi! reason, fot being dissatisfied with .dminimatioD of Easmon's patients and raising questions about his intimacy with certain females the medical department. 24 July 1897. '''PRO, c. a 961291. 5O"pRO, C O. 96f!1J7, Eatmon Dr. J. F. Oarje8 against him, 31 July 1697, DR, JOHN FARRELL EASMON .25 624 ADELL PATTON, JR, evidence to which the commissioner had access. They were denied prior thro~ghout the coastal region. Persons who refused to cooperate were th.reatened knowledge of the witnesses summoned before the court, and of the nature of the with summons, Thirty-two witnesses were called in the proceedings, which went evidence on which tney were to testify, and the commissioner supported the from March to about the end of May 1&17. crown counsel in every respect. Hence the enquiry was always cGnducted Gn a Hence, the Commission of enquiry met in a series of consecutive hearings "surprise" basis and was far from impartial Of the thirty-two witnesses on the charges against Easmon and produced a voluminous report. On 23 April, summGned, the counsel fGr the defense called only four. The defense lawyers the Commission was issued, and the authorization was published in the dosed by expressing disappointment about the governor's absence from the government Gautte [Extraordinary1 Accra Gold Coast, on 23 April 1B97. e~q~~ry~ since, he had initiated the charges. and had prevented the enquiry from Governor Maxwell altered a section of the Enquiry Ordinance to read: eltculOg certa1.n matters and facts so relevant to the enquiry and to the defense authorizes and doth hereby authorize him to enquire inl0 the through cro5&-examination. said herein before recited charges against the said Dr. John In commentary upon the brief of his grandfather, Peter Awooner-Renner Farrell Basmon and also into any matter tOUChing the conduct (Figure 41 and Bannerman, some eighty-eight years later, Attorney Raymond and charaeter of the said Dr. John Farrell Easmon in his Awooner-Renner of Freetown noted in 1985 that the "brief waS not a prGper d f ..53 H b _A • 'f' professional eapacity as a incumbent of the medical e ense, e 0 servcu SGme SlgOl leant legal features of the enqUiry. First, the profession.51 rules of enquiry can be regulated by the commissioner. in contrast to the court. w~ere the. rU,les are strictly followed. An enquiry, therefore, is a fact-finding This made the enquiry now inclusive and the charges were now broadened to tnbunal wlthm the terms of reference. A commissioner may be empowered to include non-professional charges. The Crown was represented by Mr. T, Hutton make recommendations or to act in various ways as if empowered to make Mills, an African who was the acting attorney general and a former patient of r~commendations. or to act in various ways as if constituted with the powers of a Easmon, and African barristers Peter Awooner-Renner and C. ], Bannerman high court, such as to issue subpGenas, to gather evidence under oath and to appeared for Easmon. The colonial secretary and the registrar were tne first two punish for contempt in certain cases which could be referred to the mi~.ister of justice for appropriate action in the colony. witnesses caUed and Awooner~Renner put both of them under examination about Easmon's service and character.52 The government issued its report on the enquiry on 22 May 1891, Mr, E. K Richards, the commissioner, reported his role in denying an application for a In an itemized brief of the charges on 19 May 1897, Awooner~Renner and Bannerman submitted that no evidence appeared before the court that warranted SUbpoena to Governor Maxwell but reminded the defense that it might submit the conclusion that Dr. Easmon had commercial undertakings or involved questions in writing to the governor in which a response was to be made to the himself in trade of any kind Second. he took no active part in the management secretary of state. Since the subpoena was quashed. the defense refused the of the Gold Coast Independenl and there was abundant documentary or oral alternative approach The enquiry report, however, defined Dr. Easmon guilty of evidence that he dissociated himself from such activity. Third, Basmon never all charges with the exception of the direct involvement in the management of submitted an unsigned article to the Gold CQlJ.St IndependenJ., and the other essay the Gold Coast Independent. The issue of the paper commenting upon government 00 "Weather and Health" was written in accordance within his right as C.M.O. measures was a serious charge indeed. Political activism served as a barrier to and sanitary officer, and therefore not a contravention of Colonial RegUlations. advan~ment long before the Easmon episode. In 1886 T. Hutton Mills, a young Next, it was not within the authority of any officer to alter or change the clerk In the Queen's Advocate office, was sacked for his role in a riot in Accra; wording in the Colonial Regulations as the governor had done. The defense for he had allegedly shouted: "We must kill all the white men to-day." Even if lawyers raised several other issues that Easmon would also later reiterate abroad. The defense explained that all charges were to be based on Colonial RegUlations 53Attorney~BarriJter Raymond Awooncr-ReunCl (B.L.,. London,; M.A" Boston Univenity. DJ.L.. 76 and 79, However, the word "habitually" as embodied in regulation 79 (to read Harvard; D~ Hague). interviewed at Freetown, 12 February 1985 (Commentary and Notes); Dr, Walter "habitually exceeded the bounds of fair and temperate discussion in commenting Awooner·Renner (M.A" NYU; MSd.. U. Mass; M.D .. M.P.H., Hamburg; D.T.M.H.. BageJ.: F.WAC.P" West on the measures of the Government') was omitted in Easmon's consideration. In Atrial). interviewed 8 Deeembet 1984 at Frcc.town, Sierra Leone (Tape 3 Side A and B). In response to the the first hearing of 26 March 1897, Barristers Awooner~Renner and Bannerman commilltioner's assertion that the Gold Coast 1mlependeru was edUcal of 001onia1 administration, Attorney had been persistent in their request for definite rules as guidelines in the Awooner·Rcuaet observed, the brief'i res.poru;e was moderate In language; the newspaper, the bciet argued. proceedings. The commissioner refused, and had informed the defense counsel ~was loyal, temperate and fair in lu tone and comments. " ." Attorney Awooner-Renner and Dr. Walter that witnesses could be examined and re--examined upon any SUbject pertinent to Awooner·Renner {M.D.} impugned the cCt/l&lervatlvc naMe of the btiers langu.ge to the transition from inIocmal to formal tule. and held that "the J.nS\lage challjes as the (colonial) dom:ination alters." The exacting the enquiry. The defense, however, was not allowed to open or review the power of cotonial representatives in the Enquiry in 1897 attests to the validilY to their 1I115eSilllettt, but the conservativc character of the lawyers for the defense requires additional commentary, Fot the foundatioo of the legal opinions of Peter Awooner.Renner, see hit Reports, Notes of Cases &: PrfJCuding5 qnJ StPRO, C. 0. 961296, Government Gaz,efte (SxtraontinMyl Accra, Gold Coast, Wl!stern Africa, Friday, JudgffU'-nts in Appeals. Refennces Under Rules. Orders &: Ordinances Relating to the (Jold COOM 2l Apri11897, Colony and The Colony of Nigeria From 18tH to 1914 (London. 1915). See 1100 Bprn M. Edmum• lAwyers in Gold Coast Politics c, 1900-1945: Fram Mensah Sarhah to J, B. DtvtqtWt (Sud:hoIm, 1979). .5~O. C. 0, 961296, Report of Commis&ioa of Enquiry, 22 May l897, 626 ADEll PATTON, JR. OR. JOHN FARREll EASMON 627 Hutton later held that the remark attributed to him was inaccurate and unintended as well, an appeal to the secretary of state did not get his job back. Hence. the colonial state sent a strong signal to African civil servants that public criticism of authority would not be tolerated,54 Meanwbile~ Easmon was further charged with the private practice issue which could only be engaged in while on leave of absence as in official consultation, and finally, he had removed his private prescription book from the hospital which was in violation of the colonial rules and regulations of the Medical Department. The private practice issue was one of continuous vexation and Easmon attempted to resolve the matter in a letter to the acting colonial secretary on 2 June 1897. Easmon said tbat he had never fully accepted the terms of his appointment as CM,o. of the COlony. Although he promised to write further about the conditions of his appointment, he never did, Consultation required either one or two medical officers present with the c'M'o. in the treatment of patients and it was almost impossible to have this number present because only there were only two medical men at the Accra station, More often than not Easmon worked the station alone. When Governor Sir Brandford Griffiths had earlier been pressed about the conditions of employment. he had replied: Doctor I heartily congratulate you on your appointment; but, recaIted. whether you are Chief Medical Officer or not, I will always require you to attend me personally I hold you personally responsible for the care of all my European officials; you must look after the European ladies, the wives of the officials; wait until the question of your private practice 1S raiscdss ~ ~• At the same time Easmon reminded him of his very large clientele which E ~', consisted of almost the whole private practice in Accra. where his reputation as 4 .0 physician and surgeon had been established. Many of the clients were personal ~ I I friends of his and some patients had becn under his care for years. Hence. it was ~ 0 I ~ not feasiblc to call the private practice to a sudden halt. Easmon promised to 4 g iil give up the private practice gradually, which he had done. The classes of patients I ~ attended, however. consisted of those in consultation with other medical officers, ~C• 0 0 -~ persona) friends. old patients with diseases that required long treatment, wives of '" ~. 0 feHow officers not eligible for gratuitous medical aid such as an thc English ., '" ~il .: Jadies, and former paying patients whom he often treated at own expense, ~ Easmon further reminded the secretary of state that all private practice H-i i<~~2 ~ was to cease after his lcave in 1895. but that the aggravated i1l~health conditions 00· &~~~& that followed the epidemic of 1896 compelled him to continue. The rate of invaliding and morality rose and the European community had panicked. He felt ~-O·~8o~ 0&(!)!:: t• obligated to treat the European residents in consultation and a few as private gO .... O S4 Kimb1e, A Political History, 95-96. .5SPRQ, C. O. %/296. 628 ADELL PATTON, JR. DR. JOHN FARRELL EASMON 620 The Executive Council met the day after receIvmg Basmon's letter. RegUlations. This meant that the transmission must first go through the Gold Present were Governor Maxwel~ G. B. Haddon Smith, Esquire (Acting~ w. Coast chain of command where it might be delayed or tabled. McLachlan Money, acting attorney general, Davent McDonald, the treasurer, and Meanwhile, Dr. Easmon applied for a leave of absence on 14 June 1897. He Sir Francis C. Seon, major general. The Council reviewed the charges as reported apparently was having some health problems and thought that it was best for in the report of the Commission of enquiry and shortly called Easmon in .ror himself and the family to leave the colony, The past six months of the enqUiry further interrogation with a shorthand writer present The Council adjourned and had caused Easmon much mental anguish and he felt he was bordering on a met again on 8 June 1897 to confirm the minutes. Easmon was required to be nervous breakdown. He now wished to travel to the Islands and perhaps on to present again and was questioned further. The Council informed him that it England. Mr. Smith, the colonial secretary. wrote back to inform Easmon that the would nodfy him in regard to any future proceedings requiring his presence, The governor eould not entertain his application. In that case, Easmon requested that Council met again on 10 June and deliberated more on the enquiry. his application be forwarded to the secretary of state for tbe colonies by cable, The Council refused to believe thot Mr. Albert Eo.mon, then in the and that he would pay the necessary expenses in accordanee with the official United Kingdom and funded by his older brQther~ was a bona fide shareholder in regulation. Smith answered shortly that the request to the seeretary of state had the Gold Coast Publishing Company and held that tbe appearance of Albert's to be in writing in compliance with Clause 218 of the Colonial Rules and name in the list of contributors was a mere proxy intended to eoneeal Dr. Regulations, and reminded Basmon that the governor could not cable as Easmon's involvement in The Gold Coa.st Independent. It concluded also that requested. Now perhaps in a desperate frame of mind, Easmon next wrote to the witnesses for Easmon - the Sierra Leoneans - bad suppressed much of the governor directly submitting his application for a leave of absenee on the eviden:-e during the proceedings of the Commission. Even more. M. S. Tllomas., grounds that the pnnter. was accused of perjury for withholding additional information Hnking Easmon to the management of the newspaper, Tbe Council further The prolonged period of mental worry to which I have been Stipulated that Easmon's refutation of contributing unsigned articles to the subjected during the past six months has had a distinctly newspaper could not be accepted and proved the charge. Easmont the Council prejudicial effect upon my constitutional powers. and I cannot continued; published articles in 1896 attacking the government and had therefore with my knowledge of the facts, contemplate with equanimity committee an error in judgement. The Council additionally proved the charge of the prospect of further mental worry under the circumstances private practice both at Accra and Cape Coast, and alleged that the income from in which] am faced to live at present .. ,57 such practice exceeded the noo to £120 a year as said; that the amount must have been several hundred pounds instead; and that the practice should have Since his alleged offense had not been one of murder, Easmon continued, he saw been shared by one or more of the medical officers in the government service. no reason why he and his fami1y~ "turned out into the streets in the manner your Even though Easmon said that the practice was now in the hands of Dr, Albert Excellency determined, forcing us thus far, to live under cireumstances we are Whiggs Easmon, his younger brother, the Council did not believe it and said that wholly unaecustomed to, should be any further jeopardised,068 And he requested Easmon was still so engaged, Finally, the Council found that Dr, 1. F. Easmon again that the governor transmit his cabJe at his expense, which was declined. w~s unf~t for the offke of chief medical officer and recommended his suspension Informing the governor of his action, Dr. Easmon and his family left wIth ultnnate removal from the colonial medieal service. His defense was one of Accra on 5 July by ship, The Gold Coast Chronicle, representing the interests of Dr. total dishonesty and perjury. Although they had considered the length and nature Papafio, retorted that the government should have required Easmon to take a of his employment in the Gold Coast Colony. the Council was definitely satisfied medical examination before being allowed to leave the colony, And in efforts to that "he [Easmon] is unfit to continue to belong to a service composed of counter Easmon's possible protest, Maxwell submitted a confidential dispatch, 24 honourable men, The governor adjourns the Council sine die," i.e, without July 1897 with examples of unfavorable opinions of Dr. Easmon's administration resumption on the issue on 12 June 1897. of the Medical Department to Joseph Chamber1ai~ secretary of state for the All parties privy to the ongoing proceedings: seemed to have been aware colonies. The first case dealt with ''Exhibition of Feeling in Conneetion With of the eorrespondenee to follow. for it was all written on the same day. 12 lune Non-Employment on Ashanti Expedition" of August 1896; here, Easmon was said 1897. At the behest of the governor, O. B. Haddon Smith wrote to Dr. Easmon to not have complied with the order of the officer administering the government that in light of the findings against him the governor had deeided effectively as to file the appropriate report. Easmon had explained his lack of knowledge about of this date that "you are aecordingly suspended from the Service with stoppage the expedition. Second. this charge dealt with the "'Attitude of the Chief Medical of salary from this date...s6 Easmon's answer promised a protest appeal to the Officer in Regard to the Public Works Depa.rtment'~ here, Easmon had unjustly secretary of state for the colonies against the Council and the commissioner of accused the Public Service and had filed compJaints; the report. espedally~ filed the enquiry, Smith was quick to respond and warned Easmon that the transmission must be in line with Section 218 of the ColoniaJ Rules and 57pRo. C. (l fJ6f!I)7, Dr, Easmon"s Application for Si;;k~~ve, dated 14th June 1897. ~RO> C. O. 96I301,Dr, Eas:mon't Appeal to the Se«ru.ry of Slate Through the Governor dated 17th pR 56 o. C, 0, 96/296, The Acting Colonial Seaetary to Dr, Easmon. Accra, 12th June, 1897, Jutte }897, ADELl PATTON, JR. DR. JOHN FARREll EASMON 631 against Mr. J. Holmes, a foreman of works, that suggested his ailment from a Lawrence C. Murcly,60 surgeon on the S. S. "Renin." Easmon ended his letter with reJapse of fever was due to "the result of Alcoholism" was unjustified, the his official designation as "Chief Medical Officer of the Gold Coast." A number governor said. Easmon made the accllsation because of his i1l feeling toward the of other Ictters were sent out from the Adelphi Hotel to individuals at Accra director of public works. Third, "Disrespect to the Governor in Official requesting testimonials to the secretary of state for reinstatement. Mr. W. Waters Correspondence" was a serious charge indeed; here, Easmon obeyed the order wrote In Easmon's behalf that he had no hesitation in replying that that his marginal comments in the Minutes be removed with a protest and without regret or apology, Easmon had forwarded a disrespectful letter from Dr. if the officials of the Gold Coast and their wives, past and Waldron to the colonial secretary for the governor to see. And Easmon was said present, were allowed freedom of speech, without fear of to have been remiss in many other of his duties in regard to requisitions fOf the voting against the Government, there is hardly a man who medIcal stores. Fourth, Easmon was said to be in "Neglect and Delay in would not testify to the ability and kindness of yourself and Performance of Duty," The governor attributed the neglect of official duties to confess to a sense of anger when you are not in Accra.... 61 his private practice which consumed too much time. In 1895, Easmon was late in filing the medical report, and the governor supplied a list of other overdue and Hence, colonial power had incited enough fear among the European inhabitants delayed office papers with the remarks of the colonial secretary, Five, Easmon to erode public support for Easmon. did not exercise fiscal responsibility whieh resulted in the "Maladministration of In what would have normally been an enquiry, moreover, the Crown legal the Medical Department; questionable expenditures had been made, although advisers allegedly used methods that turned out to be favorable to the role of the Maxwell agreed that an unprecedented number of European patients had been prosecution. In a filed protest of 5 August 18!l7 to the Colonial Office, Dr. treated at the Accra Hospital. And even yet, hospital fees had not been properly Easmon accused the Judicial Department of employing its entire apparatus collected until action later taken by the governor. The governor had also against him, such as the constabulary and the telegraph systems. and repeated intervened in a scavengers strike in order to prevent Easmon from yielding to many of the earlier arguments of his defense lawyers. their demands for higher pay. Maxwell took pride in reducing Easmon's rate of Several of the witnesses were kept practically prisoners until time for the pay to the Scavengers from 1s/~a day to ~J9 and ultimately to -/8 a day when he hearings. Their isolation was allegedly based upon the need for protection against broke their strike with the importation of Kroo laborers. And finally, Maxwell interference by the defense counselor their agents. This policy was responsible stated that Easmon had faHed to maintain the proper sodal distance between for the "surprise" nature of the enquiry that intimidated people in the colony. For himself and African official subordinates, which his high office demanded. For example, Mr. T. Hutton Mills, the prosecuting counsel, became unhappy with the example, the chief dispenser, Peters, at the Accra Hospital had continuously evidence given by Mrs. Timmerman, and exclaimed to the Commission that "I addressed him with the familiar "Basmon," and one of his constant companions thought this witness a friendly one, but I Hnd I must now treat her as an hostile was Gaskin, the master-tailor of the Constabulary Department, the governor one." This witness, Easmon said further, was an invalid and had been carried reported:59 from Akusi in a hammock., and kept in isolation until court time. The counsel for By the end of July 1897, Dr. Easmon had moved into the Adelphi Hotel in the defense called the attention of the Commission to the other similar Liverpool, England, and related his version of events to the under secretary of complaints against improper interrogation of the witnesses. state at Downing Street. After his eviction from the governmem quarters in Obviously in the prosecution the Crown agents had made amends with T. Accrat his family had much difficulty in finding accommodations of a sanitary Barrister Hutton Mi1ls, the acting attorney general and Easmon's prosecutor. nature, and had to proceed to the house of a friend by way of a lagoon in a Easmon. who no doubt was mindful of the fact that Mills had received his canoe with a ferryman. The health of his wife, Easmon said, had deteriorated and secondary training from the Wesleyan Boys High School in Freetow~ resented the children suffered from frequent attacks of fever, He hjmseU suffered from Mills's presence.. From the outset. Eas-mon reminded the Colonial Office. fie had repeated attacks of fever, anemia. congestion of the spleen, and prolonged protested against his selectlon to prosecute him "in his so~caHed Enquiry." To cast congestion of the liver, and Easmon attributed much of his and his wife's illness aspersion upon the Crown's selection. Easman reiterated Mills's antt~government to the mental strain and indignities suffered over the previous six months. His stance in 1886 and his role "in exciting the people to murder all the Europeans." physical strength was failing daily. Hence, a change of environment was In the final analysi~ Dr. Easmon continued in his efforts to exonerate necessary for his family and was thus the reason for leaving the Gold Coast He himself from the charges of the enquiry and to prove how the enquiry subverted then begged for a leave of absence for three months. There were a number of the 1egal meaning af the Ordinance of 1893, The governor, he warned, had taken enclosures supporting his position against Maxwell and the acting colonial it upon himself to conduct a sec-ret investigation into his entire career with all of secretary, including a medical certificate attesting to the family illness from Dr. the available resources of the government. The role of the Commission and the nature of the evidence gathered attested to this, especially the active part pursued 6Ow<.b.S. .. s.. !!diD_ S9n0. CO. 9UJ.'l'!. OovetGmQf MllxweU to 1, at..mberlain, Secr$ary of Colonie&. 24th luly 1891, Unfavorable Opinion:t toward Dr. Easmon. 61PitO. C. O.96fJ1J7. Letter from Mr. w. W.tus to Dr. Eumon. dated lit Weymoutb,5tb AUlWit 189'1, 632 ADELL PATTON, JR. OR. JOHN FARRELL EASMON 633 by the attorney general and the assistance given by a private practitioner such as alternative was to withdraw him from duty until the governor decided the next Mr. ~iI1s. Therefore, the case against him was not conclusive in accordance with move. proper legal principJes but based on the embodiment of a legal technicality, On 17 November 1897 the governor warned the secretary of state that whereby the provisions of the Ordinance were ignored In the final paragraphs Easmon had disobeyed orders. When the S, S. "Loanda" arrived at Accra in the of his communication. Dr. Easmon resorted to an explanation which he deemed afternoon, Easmon was to board it at his own expense, but his salary would start ethnological in character that had determined to a large extent the crusade only upon embarkation at Cape Castle. Meanwhile, tbe "Loanda" left without against him; one which he regretted so profoundly in reporting, and yet a theme Easmon, and the acting CM.a. was to cali on him in order to see what had gathered from so many variants was simply that in his opinion: happened. Easmon wrote back that a week's stay at Accra was required in order co arrange for the safety and comfort of his wife and to attend to property my only fault in the eyes of the Governor [Maxwell] has been matters before going on to Kumasi. He requested detailed information on the the colour of my skin [and] the woolly nature of my hair. and duration of his stay there in order to make proper arrangements as colonial that it is utterly irreconcilable with Sir William MaxweH's race surgeon. The governor fired back: prejudices for any native of West Africa to hoid such a 62 position as I have filled in the past With regard to Easmon no alteratjon permitted in orders given to him. He is in Accra contrary to direct telegraphic In deference to the secretary of state. Dr. Easmon reminded him of his long, instructions. Rome Hall has been at Kumasi for seven months. sixteen years' service to the state and argued that he was undeserving of the Easmon may expect that he will be there at least as long. severe treatment received at the hands of Sir William Maxwell no matter what Colonial Surgeon has no definite station but is in tbe same offense the enquiry had suggested or proved against him. Still not relinquishing position as other Medical Officers.65 his post, he signed his name with title of "Chief Medical Officer of the Gold Coast Colony." Still unable to communicate directly, Easmon informed the C.M.O, on 19 The imbroglio between Dr. Easmon and Governor Maxwel1 continued as November 1897 that the governor's orders in regard to the stationing of a colonial the nineteenth century waned. Joseph Chamberlain, secretary of state for the surgeon were unacceptable to him and that: colonies, supported the enquirts findings that Easmon had breached colonial regulations in September 1897. He did not overlook: Easmon's long service to the unless I am to be definitely located at either Cape Coast or government, nor "the good opinions which you have earned in your professional Accra - exigencies of the service excepted; - I will be unable capacity;,063 and offered to Easmon the post of colonial surgeon in the Gold Coast to assume the duties of the Colonla) Surgeon of this Colony.66 at the reduced rate of :t6OO a year which with increments would rise to (700. Easmon accepted the secretary of state's offer. This decision was communicated By now Easmon must bad canvassed the prevailing opinion in the European and to Maxwell, who replied: "either Easmon goes or I go:.064 The governor apparently African communities regarding the governor's telegram. for Easmon was popular wasted little time in making Easmon an unacceptable offer, and sent a telegram indeed among both groups on 11 November 1897 to the district commissioner at Cape Coast Dr. Easmon, The correspondence. though staggered, finally caught up with the now en route to the Gold Coast from England. was ordered to disembark at Cape governor at Government House-Accra. In the fioal week of November 1897, Coast Castle and proceed at once to Kumasi to relieve Dr. Rome Hall He was to Maxwell reviewed the batch of telegrams and letters involving himself and his be allowed eight hammock men and twelve carriers. These items were to be former eM,Q. He now had on his desk a confidential despatch of 22 October obtained and temporary quarters were to be provided at Cape Coast. From the S. from Joseph Chamberlain containing further enclosures of Dr. Easmon to the s.. "Angola" Easmon returned the message that he was unable to disembark at Colonial Office. Easmon's letter, the governor wrote to secretary of state, was Cape Coast because his wife was with him and his traveHing kit was at Accra, tantamount to a resignation of his appointment as colonial surgeon. The only and requested further authority. The colonial secretary reminded Easmon that his alternatives available to him now, said the governor, were for him either to obey request could not be acceded to; the governor was unequivocal in his orders. orders or to stand another enquiry on the charge of insubordination. In the EasDlon went on to Accra instead. and the colonial secretary notified the acring confidential despatch forwarded to Joseph Chamberlain sometime after chief medical officer that Easmon had disobeyed the order given to him. The December 1897, Maxwell requested Chamberlain's approval for treating ''Dr. Easmoo's letter of the 19th instant as his resignation," and got his wish.61 6~O. Co 0, 961307. EasmOll, Dr, J. F., Charges Agahwt him - Submin Appeal to The Secretary of 65pRO, C. O. 96/299, Colouial-Surgeon, 25 Soyember 1897, State for tl'le CoIonies.:5th August 1897. 6Dpao. C. 0, 96IZ99,Dr. 1. Farrell Easmon to the Actlrtg Chief Medical Oftker, 19th Noyember 1897, ~AO, Secretary of State. Confidential Deapatell October 1891, Adm. 12/1S. 67pRO, C. 0, 961299, Governor Maxwell to Honourable J. Chamberlain, EMmott Resignatiort, 2Sth 64Dr. EMmou,. "A :!-lU'fll Scotian Fanilly," 60. November 1897. 634 ADELL PATTON, JR. DR. JOHN FARRELL EASMON 635 The Minutes section shows mixed opmlOns; most seemed to support the in European thought on power and who should govern in the colonial situation governor's position, but a dissenting opinion of 31 December signed with only the was well on its way toward optimal implementation in the Gold Coast by the initial "A" was lengthy and more objective. Mr. "A" wrote to Mr. Chamberlain 189Os. In this regard, Fyfe reminds us that "An axiom of the European empires of about his regrets for not sharing the views of his colleagues, but the Easmon race in Africa (and the British Empire during the nineteenth century grew issue required further consideration. Obviously disobedience to orders was one of steadily more race-conscious) was the belief that only a white man could the grave offense in a disciplined service; sometimes, however, the orders command respeet from non-white subordinates.'t71 stipulated could be so unusually harsh that disobedience was somewhat mitigated Hence, Kimble's observation that in the late nineteenth century "the doors so that no penalty ought to be inflicted. "A" believed Dr. Easmon should have of African opportunity were closing fast,,72 appropriately describes what been allowed time to provide for the safety of his wife and for arranging his happened to Easmon. Steven Feierman adds that "African doctors like Easmon private affairs. This consideration was extended to every officer ordered to a new would have been squeezed out sooner or later no matter who was the governor of post, and when the exigencies of the public service did not permit it, the order "to the Gold Coast.'.73 From that time on, a new rule stipulated that "native medical proceed at once" was stated in a more conciliatory manner. officer" (N.M.D.) was to become the designated nomenclature for an African in The order was unusual because the colonial surgeon had always been the service, and N.M.D.s would no longer be eligible for promotion beyond the stationed at Accra or Cape Coast Castle. Obviously, Sir William Maxwell's orders rank of senior assistant colonial surgeon and could fill only one post out of the stemmed from animosity toward Easmon, a notorius dislike for him, and yet, the two in that category. While agreeing to the policy in principle, the Colonial governor was in all fairness technically acting within his purview. Furthermore, Office did not come out into the open on the ruling until 190274 Other Easmon was found to have breached colonial regulations and charges were considerations than that of seniority were taken into account and justified in proven against him, but some of the charges involved extenuating circumstances. accordance with the case at hand. Governor Maxwell, who was a significant The governor was indeed anxious to dismiss him, "A" continued, but Mr. catalyst and advocate of the new policy, now symbolized a new era in the Chamberlain had taken a middle course by demoting Easmon from C.M.D. to changing relationship between Europeans and Africans in West Africa. While colonial surgeon. "A" said further: ''It seems to me almost tyrannical to have returning to England on leave Maxwell suddenly died off Cape Coast and was ordered him up to Kumasi at a moment's notice, without explanation, and when buried at sea some time early in 189B. that was an unusual place for the Colonial Surgeon to be sent to, and so there is As for Maxwell's nemesis, Dr. Easmon, who was around forty years of age a reason for excusing Dr. Easmon's disobedience.'068 in 1898, he moved into the ranks of private practitioners at Cape Coast. The Cape "A" noted further that Easmon was very popular in the colony and subject Coast Merchants immediately offered him a retainer of H,OOO a year minimum to an unusual amount of jealousy on the part of British officials, and was beyond following his resignation, which was equal to, or greater than his salary as C.M.D. doubt the ablest medical man on the West African Coast. The public service Dr. Easmon died on 9 June 1900 at Cape Coast at the age of forty-three. would certainly suffer with his dismissal, and the manner in which it was carried His early death prevented him from making adequate provisions for his children; out would form the basis of much popular discontentment. "A" ended his McCormack Charles Farrell Easmon was only ten, and Kathleen was eight. Dr. commentary with the suggestion that the resignation not be accepted and that Easmon, however, had laid the foundation for a medical dynasty.'s Ever since the enquiries be made to the colonial secretary on the possibility of acceding to Dr. death of his own father in 1883, Easmon was the family patriarch and provided Easmon's wish to remain at Accra. The extant data show no activity on "A'''s the family with financial support. He paid the fees and allowance for the medical suggestion. education of his brother Dr. Albert Whiggs Easmon in England. Albert received David Kimble reports that the ouster of a Sierra Leonean did not pave his medical degree in 18% and shared for a time private practice with his older the way for a Gold Coast appointment. Dr. William Robert Henderson,69 a British medical officer, replaced Dr. Easmon as C.M.D. And Dr. Murray, whose appointment as senior assistant surgeon over Dr. Papafio had initiated the 71Fyfe, Africanus Horton, 42. conflict, continued his rise in the service, and was promoted to colonial surgeon 72Kimble, A Political History of Ghana 1850-1928, 98. upon Easmon's resignation. Dr. Papafio received nothing for his efforts, and the 73Steven Feierman, Personal Correspondenee, Iune 25, 1989. service continued to pass him over. He filed another memorial not long after the first one over the promotion of a European medical officer rather than himself. 74pRO C. O. 879/99, Memorandum as to the Employment of Native Medical Officers in West Africa, The acting governor took note that Quartey-Papafio was "an efficient and Colonial Office, December 1908; for African reaction to the stated policy, see Adell Patton, Ir., "E. Mayfield diligent officer, but it was not the time for such a large number of European Boyle: 1902 Howard University Medical School Graduate's Challenge to British Medical Policy in West Africa," The Journal of Negro HislOry, LXVII, 1 (Spring 1982), S2-61 medical officers to be under the orders of a native.',7o Older beliefs deeply rooted 7SDr. Raymond Sarif Easmon, Age 70, interviewed at Freetown, Sierra Leone on 4 August 1983 (Tapes A & B). He is the son of Dr. Albert Ea5mon, the nephew of Dr. John Farrell Eatmon, and cousin to the late 68rRO, C. O. 961299, "A" Dissenting against Minutes to Honourable I. Chamberlin, 31th December 1897. Dr. M C. F. Easmon and Dr. Charles Odamten Eatmon. Dr. Charles Odamten Eatmon, Age 71, interviewed at Accra, Ghana on 9 Ianuary 1985 (Tapes A & B), and the fifth medical Easmon, who like his grandfather 69M.D., M.Ch., Dublin 1878. became chief medical adviser of Ghana and first president of the Ghana Medical Association, 19S8; see M. A. 70Kimble, A Palitical History of Ghana, 97-98. Barnor, "A History of Medical Societies in Ghana," Ghana Medical Journal, 1, 1 (September 1962), 4·7. 636 ADELL PATTON, JR. brother. About thirty~fi\'e years of age in 1900, Albert returned to Freetown as a COLONIAL AGRICULTURAL POLICY: THE private practitioner and never worked in the colonial medleal service. The fate of his brother under Governor Maxwell left in him a profound disdain for the NON-DEVELOPMENT OF THE NORTHERN colonia1 serviee - a legacy that was bitterly remembered by other Basmons and TERRITORIES OF THE GOLD COAST African doctors in years to conte. Finally, the Easmon episode did not end with the events of 1897 but anticipated the gradual loss of prominence of African medical practitioners in the colonial service of Anglophone West Africa. Many 8y Inez Sutton West Africans' interest in medicine declined by 1900, and they began to study Jaw instead, The Easmon episode was the major catalyst in this professional transformation with the triumph of pseudo~sdentific racism and colonial rule. The area of the Northern Territories was acquired belatedly, and added almost as an afterthought to the Gold Coast Colony. As with all colonies> it stood in a relationship of dependence to the metropole, the function of the colony being to supply raw materials, especially those exotic to Europe. This relationship has been described in many ways, one of the most useful being Andre Gunder Frank's metropole-satelHte mode~ which is not so very different from the eighteenth-century mercantilist idea.1 The intention here is not to detail the relationship between metropole and colony? but to look at the relationship among parts of the Gold Coast CoJony. Here also, Gunder-Frank has provided a useful framework> showing that as well as a center-periphery relationship between metropole and colony, there developed in many colonies a similar relationship between more and less developed parts of the colony. This model. while not as stark as in, for instance. Latin America, is useful in describing the economic pattern in Ghana of a growing exportw.()riented money economy in the south, and stagnation, or much slower change in the north.3 Growth or development can be defined in terms of per capita income, investment. provision of basic needs. infrastructure, or other indicators. The growth of one sector of the colony cannot be seen in isolation from the slower growth or lack of growth in other parts. The development of the southern part of the Gold Coast depended On there not being similar development in the north. Thls can be seen in the way colonial funds were allocated, and in the fact that southern industries - commercial agriculture. mining, and other enterprises depended on labor from the north. Here, various studies of labor migration complement the center-periphery analysis. It seems clear from the work of Samir Amin and others that the large~scale supply of migrant labor has precluded 1A, Gunder-Frank, Capitalism and Underdevelopmtni in Latin America (London, 1969). 2ure application of dependency theory lO this subJeCt may be seen in Rhoda Howard', CofofJiallsm and UnderdevelopmefJl in GhaM (London, 1978). 3M. Staniland. in The Lwl'IS of Daghon (Cambridge, 1975). Ch. 3, refeu to the north as an economie satelHte of the south, but stresses thalthe relationship was one more of indifference rather than of aggressive exploitation. Another approach to the differentiation between north and south - consistent with the above - can be seen in Ladouccur's "regloll3iism," which he sees as a proce3$ having to do with disparities In economic development (and jn other area5. such as 50CiaJ services). leading to a "sell5C of relative deprivation" and a feeling of regional identity. partly in a neglltjve sense. P. Ladouceur, C~fs and Politicians; The Politics of Regionalism in Nortltem Ghana (london, 1979). 13, and Ch. 1, pas.sl!ll, On social services, R. Thomas, "Education in Northern Ghana, 1906·1940;· Imernational JoumaJ of AfTkal'l HisJorlcaJ Studies, VU, 3 (1974), sugge.ts that the absence of mong economic pressure,