A PASTORAL THEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE
AN EMPIRICAL STUDY OF CHRISTIAN-MUSLIM DIALOGUE IN TANZANIA
Dissertation to obtain the academic grade of Doctor of Theology
Submitted at the Institute of Pastoral Theology and Pastoral Psychology of the Catholic Theological Faculty of the Karl Franzens University Graz
By Mathew Thomas Thazhathukunnel M.Th.
First Reader: Univ. Prof. Dr. Rainer Bucher Second Reader: Univ. Prof. Dr in . Ulrike Bechmann
Graz, April 2011 TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... VII ABBREVIATIONS ...... IX GENERAL INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1. HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIAN-MUSLIM RELATIONS IN TANZANIA ...... 12 1.1. The Emergence of Tanzania as a Nation ...... 13 1.1.1. Tanzania before 1850 ...... 13 1.1.2. Tanzania after 1850 ...... 17 1.2. Religions in Tanzania ...... 23 1.2.1. African Traditional Religion ...... 24 1.2.1.1. Defining African Traditional Religion ...... 25 1.2.1.2. Characteristics of ATR...... 26 1.2.1.3. The relevance of ATR in Tanzania Today ...... 30 1.2.2. Islam ...... 32 1.2.2.1. Muslim Denominations in Tanzania ...... 34 1.2.2.2. Islamic Organizations in Tanzania ...... 35 1.2.3. Christianity ...... 37 1.2.3.1. Christianity in the Sixteenth century ...... 37 1.2.3.2. Christianity since the Nineteenth century ...... 38 1.3. Christian Muslim Relations ...... 42 1.3.1. Christian Muslim Relationship under the Portuguese and the Arabs .... 43 1.3.2. Christian Muslim Relations under the Germans ...... 47 1.3.3. Christian Muslim Relationship under the British ...... 51 1.3.4. Christian Muslim Relations in the Post Independence Era ...... 55 1.3.5. Christian Muslim Relations since 1985 ...... 59 1.3.5.1. Failure of Ujamaa and new economic policy ...... 60 1.3.5.2. Religious Revivalism ...... 61 1.4. The State and Religion ...... 69 1.4.1. Education and Employment ...... 71 1.4.2. Religious Fundamentalism ...... 75
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1.4.3. Islamic courts ...... 77 1.4.4. The Organization of Islamic Conference ...... 79 Conclusion ...... 80 2. HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIAN-MUSLIM DIALOGUE IN TANZANIA ...... 82 2.1. Christian Muslim Dialogue before Vatican II ...... 83 2.2. Christian Muslim Dialogue after Vatican II ...... 84 2.2.1. The Influence of Nostra Aetate in Tanzania ...... 85 2.2.2. The White Fathers and Dialogue ...... 91 2.2.3. African Synods ...... 97 2.3. Organizations for Dialogue ...... 100 2.3.1. Tanzanian Episcopal Conference (TEC) ...... 100 2.3.2. The Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT) ...... 102 2.3.3. Muslim Christian Commission for Peace, Development and Conflict Resolution in Tanzania (TUWWAMUTA) ...... 103 2.3.4. Association of Member of Episcopal Conferences in Eastern Africa (AMECEA) ...... 104 2.3.5. The Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar (SECAM) ...... 105 2.3.6. The Programme for Christian Muslim Relations in Africa (PROCMURA) ...... 107 2.3.7. The World Conference of Religions for Peace Tanzania (WCRP Tz) . 110 2.3.8. Tanzania Youth Interfaith Network (TYIN) ...... 111 2.3.9. Global Network of Religions for Children (GNRC) ...... 112 2.3.10. The Union of Muslims and Christians of Rufiji (UWAWARU) ...... 113 Conclusion ...... 114 3. THEOLOGICAL BASES AND MAGISTERIAL TEACHINGS ON CHRISTIAN – MUSLIM DIALOGUE ...... 116 3.1. The Meaning of Dialogue ...... 117 3.2. The Bases of Interreligious Dialogue ...... 119 3.2.1. The Biblical Basis for Dialogue ...... 120 3.2.1.1. The Old Testament and Other Religions ...... 120 3.2.1.2. New Testament and Other Religions ...... 125
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3.2.2. Patristic Basis for Dialogue ...... 129 3.2.2.1. St. Justin Martyr ...... 130 3.2.2.2. St. Irenaeus ...... 131 3.2.2.3. St. Clement of Alexandria ...... 132 3.2.2.4. St. Augustine ...... 134 3.2.3. Trinitarian Basis for Dialogue ...... 135 3.2.3.1. The Concept of Person in Trinity ...... 136 3.2.3.2. Immanent and Economic Trinity ...... 139 3.2.3.3. Trinitarian Communion as Model for Dialogue ...... 140 3.2.4. Christological Basis of dialogue ...... 143 3.2.5. Pneumatological Basis of Dialogue ...... 146 3.2.6. Anthropological Basis of dialogue ...... 149 3.3. Magisterial Teachings on Christian – Muslim Dialogue ...... 152 3.3.1. Pre – Vatican II understanding of Interreligious Dialogue ...... 153 3.3.1.2. Ecclesiocentrism ...... 153 3.3.1.2. Christianity in Dialogue with Islam ...... 154 3.3.2. Vatican II and Interreligious dialogue ...... 157 3.3.2.1. Ecclesiam Suam ...... 158 3.3.2.2. Lumen Gentium ...... 159 3.3.2.3. Nostra Aetate ...... 160 3.3.2.4. Dignitatis Humane ...... 168 3.3.2.5. Ad Gentes ...... 170 3.3.2.6. Gaudium et spes ...... 171 3.3.3. Post Conciliar Documents ...... 173 3.3.3.1. Redemptor Hominis ...... 173 3.3.3.2. Dominum et Vivificantem ...... 175 3.3.3.3. Redemtoris Missio ...... 175 3.3.4. Papal Messages and Addresses ...... 176 3.3.4.1. Paul VI ...... 176 3.3.4.2. John Paul II ...... 178 3.3.4.3. Benedict XVI ...... 183 3.3.5. Synods of Bishops ...... 186 3.3.5.1. Ecclesia in Africa (1994) ...... 187
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3.3.5.2. Post Synodal Apostolic Exhortation for Lebanon (1997) ...... 188 3.3.5.3. Ecclesia in Asia (1999) ...... 189 3.3.5.4. Synod of Bishops: II Special Assembly for Africa (2009) ...... 190 3.3.5.5. Synod of Bishops: Special Assembly for Middle East (2010) ...... 190 3.3.6. Documents of Pontifical Council of Interreligious Dialogue ...... 192 3.3.6.1. Dialogue and Mission ...... 192 3.3.6.2. Dialogue and Proclamation ...... 196 Conclusion ...... 200 4. AN EMPIRICAL STUDY OF INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE IN TANZANIA 202 4.1. Methodological Considerations ...... 203 4.1.1. Relevance of Empirical Research ...... 203 4.1.2. Qualitative Research ...... 205 4.1.3. Grounded Theory...... 208 4.1.4. Theorizing the Collected Data ...... 210 4.1.5. Expert Interview ...... 211 4.1.6. Basic Questionnaire for the Interview ...... 214 4. 1. 7. Choice of Places and Persons of Interview ...... 214 4.2. Interview Analysis ...... 216 4.3. Context: Christian – Muslim relations in Tanzania ...... 218 4.3.1. The Unifying Elements in Christian Muslim Relations ...... 218 4.3.1.1. National Consciousness and Identity ...... 218 4.3.1.2. Nation Building and Ujamaa ...... 220 4.3.1.3. Swahili: A National Language ...... 221 4.3.1.4. Tolerance and Mutual Respect ...... 221 4.3.1.5. Social Interaction ...... 223 4.3.2. The Polarizing Elements in Christian – Muslim Relations ...... 224 4.3.2.1. General Perception of Islam ...... 224 4.3.2.3. Education and Job Opportunities ...... 229 4.3.2.4. Comparative Preaching ...... 231 4.3.2.5. The Organization of Islamic Conference and Muslim courts ...... 233 4.4. Phenomena: Interreligious Dialog in Tanzania ...... 237 4.4.1 Vatican II and Its Impact on the Church’s Approach to Islam in Tanzania ...... 238
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4.4.2. Forms of Dialogue and their Application in Tanzania...... 239 4.4.3. The Tension between Dialogue Theories and their Practices ...... 248 4.4.3.1. Dialogue: Theory and Application ...... 249 4.4.3.2. Lack of Commitment to Dialogue ...... 250 4.4.3.3. Lack of Awareness of Church Teaching ...... 251 4.4.3.4. Obstacles to Interreligious Dialogue ...... 254 4.5. Causal Conditions for Dialogue...... 257 4.5.1. A Pastoral Approach to Interreligious Dialogue ...... 258 4.5.1.1. Awareness Campaigns...... 258 4.5.1 2. Small Christian Communities ...... 260 4.5.1.3. Formation of Candidates of Priesthood ...... 261 4.5.1.4. Social Services ...... 262 4.5.2. African Traditional Approach to Interreligious Dialogue ...... 263 4.5.2.1. Traditional Values and Interreligious Dialogue ...... 264 4.5.2.2. Elders and Interreligious Dialogue ...... 269 4.5.2.3. African Proverbs and Interreligious Dialogue ...... 271 4.6. Action Strategies for Dialogue...... 271 4.6.1. Religious Education ...... 272 4.6.2. Pastoral Dialogue ...... 274 4.6.3. Inculturated Dialogue ...... 275 4.7. The Consequences of Dialogue ...... 276 4.7.1. Mutual Respect ...... 277 4.7.2. Openness towards Other Religions ...... 277 4.7.3. National Unity ...... 278 Conclusion ...... 279 5. A PASTORAL THEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE IN TANZANIA ...... 281 5.1. Pastoral Theology and Religious Pluralism ...... 282 5. 2. Pastoral Theology for Interreligious Dialogue ...... 286 5.3. Action Strategies for Christian Muslim Dialogue in Tanzania ...... 290 5.3.1. Religious Education ...... 291 5.3.1.1. Religious Instruction for Mutual Enrichment ...... 292 5.3.1.2. Interreligious Learning ...... 294
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5.3.1.3. Faith and Reason ...... 296 5.3.2. Pastoral Dialogue ...... 297 5.3.2.1. Dialogue: Pastoral Challenges and Opportunities ...... 297 5.3.2.2. Pastoral Dialogue and Contemporary Issues in Tanzania ...... 301 5.3.2.3. Dialogue and Pastoral Agents ...... 310 5.3.2.4. Small Christian communities ...... 313 5.3.2.5. Women in Dialogue ...... 317 5.3.2.7. Dialogue and Theological Exchanges ...... 322 5.3.2.8. Dialogue and Ecumenism ...... 324 5.3.2.9. Dialogue and Mission ...... 325 5.3.3. Inculturated Dialogue ...... 330 5.3.3.1. The Concept of Community ...... 332 5.3.3.2. African Hospitality for Dialogue ...... 336 5.3.3.3. Proverbs for Dialogue ...... 338 5.3.3.4. The Role of Elders in Dialogue ...... 340 5.4. Interreligious Dialogue: The Sign of the Time in Tanzania ...... 342 Conclusion ...... 353 GENERAL CONCLUSION ...... 355 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 363
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Peace is something that we all desire in our daily life. Several factors contribute to the world peace. Religions too play a pivotal role in making or breaking peace in our society. The vertical and horizontal dimensions of Christianity and Islam, i.e. love of God and love of neighbour (Mt. 22: 37 40; Quran 2:177) provide an atmosphere of peaceful coexistence and religious harmony amidst the plurality of religions. Unfortunately these vital dimensions of religions are overshadowed by misunderstandings and prejudices which lead to religious intolerance and conflicts. Such a situation calls for an interreligious dialogue to foster mutual respect and trust. There are several theories of dialogue which address interreligious dialogue from above. It is my sincere desire that interreligious dialogue should begin at the grass root level. This study has made an empirical analysis of Christian Muslim relations in Tanzania, in order to enhance Christian Muslim dialogue from a pastoral theological perspective, hoping that such an approach will lead to peace, religious harmony, tolerance and national unity.
I thank God for enabling me to do this study and deepening my appreciation for Islam and Muslims. I am indebted to several persons in my endeavour to write this dissertation on “Towards a pastoral theological approach to interreligious dialogue: An empirical study of Christian Muslim dialogue in Tanzania”. First of all I am very grateful to my guide Univ. Prof. Dr. Rainer Bucher for his guidance, humanness, availability, encouragements, suggestions and corrections which enabled me to complete this work. His vast knowledge in the field of pastoral theology and theology of religions enormously helped me in writing this dissertation. The discussions with him helped me to make theological reflections on interreligious dialogue from a pastoral theological perspective.
I am also very grateful to my second reader Univ. Prof. Dr in . Ulrike Bechmann whose guidance and vast knowledge in the field of Christian Muslim relations helped me to write this paper. I sincerely thank Univ. Prof. Dr. Karl Ladenhauf for his constant encouragements and support. I am indebted to him for his help in shaping this dissertation through various discussions and reflections. I sincerely VII
thank Dr in . Daniela Böhringer, whose expertise in the field of empirical research helped me to analyse and interpret the empirical part of this study. I sincerely thank every member of the Privatissimum for their suggestions, reflections and interest that they showed towards the interreligious dialogue in Tanzania. I greatly appreciate the support and encouragements of Rev. Fr. Peter Smith, a White Father missionary working in Tanzania, whose vast knowledge in the field of Christian Muslim relations helped me to develop my reflections on interreligious dialogue in Tanzania. I express my gratitude to all my interview partners for sharing their experiences with a sincere hope of enhancing the Christian Muslim dialogue in Tanzania.
I gratefully acknowledge the love and support of my Provincial Rev. Fr. Thomas Olickal, the Provincial of East Africa and all Fransalians in East Africa. I am indebted to the diocese of Eisenstadt particularly to the retired Bishop Paul Iby and the present Bishop Ägidius Zsifkovics for their encouragements and support in my pursuit to do doctoral studies.
This work would not have been complete without the meticulous corrections of the manuscript done by Mrs. Veronika Titz. I sincerely thank her for her patience and professional touch in going through this work. I am also grateful to Mrs. Sonja Frühmann who diligently corrected the German texts required for my studies. I sincerely express my gratitude to my priest companions, particularly to Rev. Fr. Salu Mathew, for their encouragement and support. I am indeed thankful to all my parishioners of the parishes in which I worked during the past four and half years of my stay in the diocese of Eisenstadt especially my present parishioners of Unterrabnitz and Piringsdorf. I thank everybody, who in one way or another helped me to complete this dissertation.
It is my sincere hope that a pastoral theological approach to interreligious dialogue will help Christians to initiate a pro active dialogue with Muslim brothers and sisters that would make Christians and Muslims to live in peace and harmony in Tanzania.
Mathew Thomas Thazhathukunnel
Graz, April 2011
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ABBREVIATIONS
The Vatican Council II Documents AA Apostolicam Actuositatem AG Ad Gentes DH Dignitatis Humanae DV Dei Verbum GS Gaudium et Spes LG Lumen Gentium NA Nostra Aetate UR Unitatis Redintegratio
(Cited from Flannery, Austin (ed.): Vatican Coucil II. St. Pauls, Mumbai 2007)
The Post Vatican II Council Documents
CA Caritas in Veritate (www.vatican.va/holy_father/benedict_xvi/ encyclicals/ documents/hf_ben xvi_enc_20090629_caritas in eritate_ge.html)
CCC Catechism of the Catholic Church (www.vatican.va/archive/ ENG0015/ _INDEX.HTM)
CL Christifideles Laici ( Cited from Gioia, Francesco (HG): Interreligious Dialogue. The Official Teaching of the Catholic Church from the Second Vatican Council to John Paul II (1963 – 2005), Pauline Books & Media, Boston 2006) DCE Deus Caritas Est ( ww.vatican.va/holy_father/benedict_xvi/encyclicals /documents/ hf_ben xvi_enc_20051225_deus caritas est_ge.html) DI Dominus Iesus (www.alt.dbk.de/imperia/md/content/schriften/as/ve_ 148_auflage4.pdf) DM Dialogue and Mission (Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue)
DP Dialogue and Proclamation (Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue)
DViv Dominum et Vivificantem (Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue)
EA Ecclesia in Africa (Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue)
EAs Ecclesia in Asia (Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue)
EE Ecclesia in Europa (Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue)
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EN Evangelii Nuntiandi (Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue)
ES Ecclesiam Suam (Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue)
FR Fides et Ratio (www.vatican.va/holy_father/ john_paul_ii/encyclicals/ documents/hf_jp ii_enc_ 15101998_fides et ratio_en.html ) NMI Novo Millennio Ineunte (Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue)
RH Redemptor Hominis (Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue)
RM Redemptoris Missio (Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue)
TMA Tertio Millennio Adveniente (Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue)
VS Veritatis Splendor (Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue)
Other Abbreviations AMECEA Association of Member of Episcopal Conferences in Eastern Africa CCT Christian Council of Tanzania GNRC Global Network of Religions for Children OIC Organization of Islamic Conference PCID Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue PROCMURA The Programme for Christian Muslim Relations in Africa SCC Small Christian Communities SECAM The Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar TEC Tanzania Episcopal Conference TUWWAMUTA Tume ya Waislamu na Wakristo ya Amani, Maendeleo na Usuluhishi Tanzania TYIN Tanzania Youth Interfaith Network UWAWARU Umoja wa Waislamu na Wakristo Rufiji WAWATA Wanawake Wakatoliki Tanzania WCRPTz World Conference of Religions for Peace Tanzania
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GENERAL INTRODUCTION
As Salam Alaikum was the friendly greeting of a smiling taxi driver, on a sunny Monday morning in Summer 2005, as I got off the bus after a two hours’ of journey from Morogoro, at the Ubungo (Dar es Salaam, Tanzania) bus station. As I heard his greeting, I was a bit surprised as well as perplexed. I was surprised at his friendly greeting and his invitation to take his taxi (because Ubungo bus station is about five kilometres from city centre; and most of the commuters take either a taxi or a daladala (small bus) to reach city centre). But I politely avoided him and went to take a daladala because it was cheaper than hiring a taxi. I was perplexed, because of his Islamic greeting. A multitude of thoughts went through my mind as I sat in a crowded daladala ; why should he greet me in an Islamic manner? May be he thought that I am a Muslim. But this greeting is identified with a religion and without knowing the religious identity of a person, is it right to greet someone in this manner? May be he should use other greeting words in Swahili which have no religious identification. But I asked myself: what is the meaning of the greeting after all? As Salam Alaikum means peace be with you . The answer to this Arabic greeting is Wa alaikum assalaam (And upon you be peace). I said to myself that I should objectively examine this greeting which is spoken in Arabic. It is a greeting of peace and tranquillity. I found a comparison in Jesus, who greeted his disciples upon his resurrection: Peace be with you (Lk. 24:36, Jn. 20: 21, 26). In Hebrew, it is shalom alekem and in Latin Pax vobiscum . The Peace that is being conveyed through greetings and wishes reflect the desire of religions and followers of world religions to live in harmony and peace. I said to myself that I should not be agitated when someone greets me, As Salam Alaikum but should greet back: Wa alaikum assalaam. Yet an unanswered thought wriggled my mind, as I got down from daladala at the city centre; are the religions really promoting peace?
What is the role of the religions in the world? If we look at the conflicts across the globe, we find most of the conflicts have some sort of religious background. Terrorism, suicide bombings and the activities of religious fundamentalists of all
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religions have a bearing on humanity as a whole. The religious fundamentalists vow to believe in God but the irony of the fact is that they do these heinous acts in the name of God. Will God ever permit to take the lives of another human being through terror and suicide bombings? In this context, we may have to agree with Karl Marx who said that religion was “opium in the society”.1 If the religions bring conflict, disharmony and claim human lives, certainly religions are opium which intoxicates the people to do these actions. However, here we have to make a clear distinction about the teachings of the religions and how they are being interpreted and practised by the ordinary believers and fundamentalists. The great majority of Muslims and Christians reject violence and bloodshed in the name of God. But there is a small number of extremists who act in the name of God, as though they are custodians of the religions. In order to cover up their hidden selfish political and economic agendas, they make use of the religion. The fundamentalists are neither religious nor acting for the welfare of the discriminated, as they often claim to do.
Islamphobia is spreading across the continents since the tragedy of 9/11 at New York. Unfortunately, peace loving Muslims and Islam as a religion are bracketed out as enemies of humanity. This is unfair and unjust. Christians should learn to make an objective view of Islam and not generalize some bad tendencies of some Muslims as the hallmark of Islam. In the same way, Muslims consider the capitalistic and imperialistic actions of the nations of the western hemisphere as the actions of Christianity. In fact most of these nations are secular in nature and religions do not play any role in political life. Muslims also should learn to distinguish between peace loving Christians and political or military manoeuvring of the secularized West.
In order to have an objective view in a pluralistic society, we have “to see the other with the eyes of the other”.2 Knowing the other and seeing the other with the eyes of the other is a challenge in our pluralistic society. There is a growing tendency to bracket out the other, who does not belong to my religion, culture,
1 Pals: Eight Theories of Religion, p. 134. 2 Michel: A Christian View of Islam, p. 9. 2
race, land etc. Such tendencies lead to exclusivism and the rejection of the other. “A basic feeling of fear of the ‘other’ needs to be overcome. We are, in fact, always inclined to reduce the unknown to the known, the unfamiliar to the familiar, distorting in this way, consciously or not, the image of the other.” 3 It calls for objectivity in thinking about the other and acceptance of difference in a pluralistic world to understand the other . The teachings of Christianity and Islam invite their followers to understand the other as they understand themselves. “Do to others as you would have them done to you” (Mt. 7:12). “Not one of you truly believes until you wish for others what you wish for yourself” (Hadith, teaching of the Prophet Mohammad). 4 So the religions are there to promote peace and harmony through helping people to understand one another and not to be opium for the society . There is a need to embark on interreligious dialogue to understand one another and to build bridges between religions.
This study traces back to my personal experience with people of different religions at different places of my life journey. I was born and brought up in a multi religious society in the State of Kerala, India. Although, Kerala has a substantial number of Christians and Muslims alongside with a majority of Hindus, my village and surroundings have only Hindus and Catholics (Syro Malabar 5) and hardly any Muslim. My experience with my Hindu neighbours was wonderful and we lived in peace and harmony. The mutual cooperation and participation at the festivities and other religious events were something normal. My first experience of religious disharmony came as a Hindu nationalist party leader took up Ratha Yathra 6 throughout India. When he came to Bangalore,
3 Scattolin: Spirituality in Interreligious Dialogue, p. 5. 4 www.truthbook.com/index.cfm?linkID=19 (07.04.2011) 5 Syro Malabar Catholics are popularly known as St. Thomas Christians, who trace back their history to the apostolic times. They consider that apostle Thomas came to Kerala and baptized them. There are three different rites in the Catholic Church in Kerala. They are Syro Malabar, Syro Malankara (unierte Jacobite Orthodx Church in 1930) and Latin. Latin rite was spread by the missionaries since 16 th century. Kerala has 55% Hindus, 25% Muslims and 20% Christians. 6 Ratha Yathra was a country wide journey undertaken by Mr. L.K. Advani in 1990, to demand for the construction of Ram Temple at Ayodya, (Faizabad district of Utter Pradesh) which is believed to be the birth place of Lord Rama, who is an embodiment of God Vishnu. It is considered by Hindus that during the time of Mughal (Islamic Empire in North India) rule in 1528, a Mosque (Barbri Mosque) was constructed at the site of the birth place of Lord Rama after destroying the existing a temple. Since 1949, Hindus demand for the reconstruction of the Temple at the site of the Mosque. Muslims deny the claim of Hindus and demanded the status quo. It became a religious and political issue in the 80s and led to the regrouping of Hindu fundamentalists with the 3
where I was doing my philosophical studies, the Hindu fundamentalists attacked a shoe factory, owned by a Muslim family which was near to our Seminary. They took refuge in the Seminary and fortunately the attackers could not trace them as our priests hid them in a room. Although the factory was destroyed, our priests could save the lives of the family. Since the 1990s communal clashes especially between Hindus and Muslims became common.
As I was doing my theological studies at Pune, as part of our studies in 1997, we undertook a quantitative research on national integration . We chose ten places across the country, which faced communal clashes – Hindu Muslims, Muslims Christians, and Christians Hindus. Our group went to Vizhinjam, near to Trivandrum, Kerala, where Christian Muslim clashes took place during the period of 1993 1994 and claimed the lives of eight people and left several people injured. The people of the area were fishermen from both communities. After the clashes the government created a no man’s land and placed a police post between residences of both communities. Due to this, we were not allowed to visit Muslims and we were disappointed that we could not interview Muslims. The Christians that we interviewed, some of them injured and bed ridden, told us that they regret the incident which could have been avoided, if there had been a dialogue between both communities. They told us that it was misunderstanding and prejudices coupled with the selfishness of some people which led to the communal clashes. As I left Vizhinjam, I quizzed myself: what is the purpose of religions, if they cannot ensure peace and harmony among people, which are central to the teaching of both, Christianity and Islam? My interest for theology of religions further grew as I was doing my Masters of Theology (M.Th.) at Alwye Pontifical Seminary. My M. Th. thesis was on “ Towards a Pneumatological Approach in Theology of Religions” helped me to widen my horizon on world religions and religious pluralism.
support of Bharatiya Janata Party, a nationalist party. One of the leaders of the party Mr. L.K. Advani took up a nation wide journey demanding the construction of the temple at Ayodya. On 6 December 1992, agitating Hindu fundamentalists destroyed the Mosque at Ayodya. It led to Hindu Muslim polarisation throughout India. A number of communal clashes took place across India which claimed the lives of several hundred Muslims and Hindus. No conclusive solution is found regarding the issue and it is still a dividing factor, which has the potential to trigger communal clashes in India. 4
As I came to Tanzania in 2001, I was placed at Mkuza, near Kibaha, where Christians and Muslims live side by side. I came across several Muslims and the relationship was always cordial, although there were some clashes between Christians and Muslims in other parts of the country. The village chairman was a Muslim and he helped us in many ways, particularly getting the water supply and acquiring land for a school. The distance of the Mukuza Catholic Church and the Mosque is hardly fifty meters. Religious peace and tolerance between Christians and Muslims are self evident in this area. Later on, I was placed in Morogoro, which has also a large presence of Christians and Muslims. I had to deal with a number of officials including Muslims. I was welcomed everywhere and felt at home with the company of Muslims. I never felt that I was discriminated on religious grounds. Yet, behind smiles and polite greetings, I sensed the anguish and fear of both communities regarding various issues in the society. I often felt that the relations between Christians and Muslims are lukewarm.
Religious harmony and tolerance existed in the pre and post independent era, but decreased in the recent decades. There was a growing mistrust among Muslims and Christians in general. The scar of the comparative preaching in the 80s and the 90s continue to haunt both communities. The Muslim feeling of discrimination in education and jobs is being manipulated by some politicians for their political gains. The growing fundamentalist tendencies advocated by the revival groups of both, Christians and Muslims are brewing up a rift among Christians and Muslims.
The growing Islamic fundamentalism found its expression in Tanzania on 7 th of August 1998 with the bomb explosion at the US embassy in Dar es Salaam, which claimed the lives of twelve people and injured eighty five (simultaneously a bomb exploded at the US embassy in Nairobi which left around 212 dead and 4,000 injured). It was a shocking incident for the peace loving people of Tanzania and East Africa as a whole. Although foreign elements are blamed for the incident, they could not have carried it out without the local help. The September 11, 2001 incidents in the US and subsequent wars in Afghanistan and Iraq put in jeopardy the relations between Christians and Muslims worldwide and Tanzania
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was no exemption to that. These incidents coupled with several other incidents such as Mwembechai killings, destruction of pork shops at Dar es Salaam and the intensive comparative preaching wounding the religious sentiments worsened the relations between Christians and Muslims which were always considered to be cordial. There was an unexpressed mutual mistrust and prejudices among Christians and Muslims.
This silent mutual mistrust became vocal in the recent years, as some Muslim leaders demanded the introduction of Muslim courts and joining the Organization of Islamic Conference and the subsequent fear and anguish expressed by the Christian leaders who fear that Muslims’ demand will make Tanzania an Islamic State. Politicians are manipulating the situation for political gains. There is a fear among the general public about the growing mistrust among Christians and Muslims, as the percentage of both communities is almost equal in Tanzania.
The precarious religious situation in Tanzania is the context of this study. Religions should promote peaceful co existence and help the people to live in peace, despite the differences among them. My study envisages a pro active interreligious dialogue to re establish mutual trust and religious harmony in Tanzania.
The Aim of the Study
This study aims at fostering mutual confidence and trust among Christians and Muslims through interreligious dialogue. There are several areas in Tanzania where Christians and Muslims live side by side. It is at this juncture the pastoral dimension of the study becomes relevant. What is the role of the clergy, religious and laity in promoting religious harmony? How do Christians approach their Muslim neighbours? How can the pastoral agents promote peace and harmony among Christians and Muslims in their parish territory? How do they handle problems arising from Christian Muslim marriages? What is the role of the Tanzanian Church in fostering religious harmony amidst growing tendencies of religious fundamentalism and the rift in Christian Muslim relations? These
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questions engaged my mind as I began to reflect on the religious pluralism in Tanzania. I was convinced that a pastoral theological approach to Christian Muslim dialogue is one of the best options to promote peace and harmony among Christians and Muslims at the grass root level.
There are several theories of dialogue and magisterial teachings regarding interreligious dialogue. This study reflects the pastoral implication of interreligious dialogue and its praxis at the grass root level. It aims at implementing interreligious dialogue at the parish community level after having provided theological bases for interreligious dialogue. The aim of this study is also to take into consideration the African concepts and categories to promote dialogue among Christians and Muslims as both communities have a shared culture.
The Nature of the Study
The nature of the study is contextualised, theological, empirical, and praxis oriented. Classical theology considered itself as an objective science of faith based on scripture and tradition. However, contextual theology recognizes human experience also as source of theological reflections besides scripture and tradition. Human experience, society and culture are here sources of theological reflections that would make theology subjective and relevant in a given context. 7 This study reflects Christian Muslim relations in the Tanzanian context and points out the theological implications of interreligious dialogue. It illustrates the ups and downs of Christian Muslim relations in Tanzania. It also analyses Christian Muslim efforts of dialogue in Tanzania, pointing out the various organisations involved in interreligious dialogue. The contextual study of Christian Muslim relations in Tanzania provides a critical analysis of the role of the Church dialogue. The political and social implications of Christian Muslims relations further speak of the need for a genuine Christian Muslim dialogue not only for religious harmony but also for the unity of the nation.
7 Cf. Bevans: Models of Contextual Theology, p. 4.
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Interreligious dialogue is also discussed in this study from a theological perspective. Although religious pluralism always existed, Christian theologians considered either other religions as preparation for accepting the Gospel message or condemned them altogether. Religious pluralism was not a subject of serious discussion in Christian theological circles until Vatican II. Vatican II made a paradigm shift in Catholic understanding of other religions by recognizing what is true and holy in these religions (NA 2). The positive attitude adapted by the Vatican II theology provided the framework for theology of religions which reflected upon the Christian faith in relation to other religions. The biblical, patristic, Trinitarian and anthropological reflections on God’s relationship with human beings invite Christians to shed exclusivism and open themselves to the variety of ways though which God engages in the world with human beings.
The nature of this study is also empirical. The study made use of the qualitative methodology to collect data about the existing Christian Muslim relations and interreligious dialogue in Tanzania. For the empirical research, the expert interview was used to collect data. The study is from a Christian point of view and therefore only Christians who were engaged in some way or other in Christian Muslim dialogue were interviewed. The collected data was analysed through the grounded theory which provided the framework for further reflections and a pro active praxis of interreligious dialogue from a pastoral perspective at the grass root level. Thus, the study offers practical guidelines to practice interreligious dialogue in Tanzania. The nature of the study is praxis oriented. It suggests ways and means to enhance Christian Muslim dialogue in Tanzania.
The limitation of this study is that it is from a Christian point of view, and not from Christian and Muslim point of view. The nature of the study is to help Christians to adopt a positive approach to Christian Muslim dialogue and to improve their relationship with Muslim brothers and sisters living in their vicinity. However, towards the end of this paper a number of similarities between both religions are pointed to enhance interreligious dialogue. The theological reflections and teachings of the Church are oriented towards helping Christians to have a positive attitude towards Muslims in order to foster religious harmony and
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peaceful co existence. The study hopes that if the Christian approach to Muslims is positive, the Muslims’ understanding for Christians will also be positive and it will promote mutual respect, tolerance and religious harmony.
Synopsis
The Pastoral theological approach to interreligious dialogue is aimed at practicing interreligious dialogue at the grass root level. Therefore the study begins with a contextual review of Christian Muslim relations in Tanzania. The first chapter begins with the emergence of Tanzania as a nation from its tribal and colonial past. The chapter further reflects the religious situation in Tanzania by analysing the African Traditional Religion and the emergence of Islam and Christianity in Tanzania. It provides a detailed history of Christian Muslim relations under different colonial regimes and in the post independent era. It also reflects the worsening of Christian Muslim relations since 1980s due to the religious fundamentalism. It further speaks of the relation of the State and religions; and the recent developments with regards to the Islamic courts and the Organisation of Islamic Conference. The contextual study points out the precarious relationship between Christians and Muslims in Tanzania.
The second chapter reviews the history and development of Christian Muslim dialogue in Tanzania. It tells of the pre and post Vatican attitude of the Church in Tanzania towards Muslims. It narrates the initiatives of dialogue undertaken particularly by the White Fathers and the role of various catholic and non catholic organisations to improve the relations between both communities.
The third chapter analyses the theological bases and magisterial teachings on Christian Muslim dialogue. It begins with the meaning and definition of dialogue. It illustrates bases of interreligious dialogue. It analyses the understanding of other religions in Old Testament and New Testament and points out the positive attitude adopted in them despite some of the exclusivistic tendencies. It further mentions in short the patristic understanding of other religions and their positive contribution for theology of religions, in order to enhance the interreligious
9
dialogue in the contemporary times. The Trinitarian basis for dialogue is vital as it reflects the concept of persons in Trinity to provide a communion model for interreligious dialogue. This chapter further reflects on the Christological and Pneumathological bases of interreligious dialogue. The anthropological approach to dialogue cements the unity of human beings as having the same source of origin and destiny. The chapter further reviews the magisterial teachings on Christian Muslim dialogue in the pre and post Vatican era, going through conciliar and post conciliar documents, papal messages and addresses, synods of bishops and the documents of the Pontifical Commission on interreligious dialogue.
The fourth chapter is devoted to the empirical study of interreligious dialogue in Tanzania. It begins with methodological criteria of the empirical study and goes on to make a detailed analysis of the interviews using the coding paradigm for social scientific questionnaire. It analyses the context of Christian Muslim relations, the phenomena of interreligious dialogue in Tanzania, the causal conditions for dialogue, provides action strategies for promoting dialogue. It points out the positive outcome and consequences, if interreligious dialogue is initiated in Tanzania.
The fifth chapter is based on the reflection on the empirical study. The action strategies are further developed from a pastoral perspective. This chapter reflects on the role of pastoral theology in promoting interreligious dialogue. It says that religious education is vital for improving Christian Muslim relations in Tanzania. A pastoral approach to dialogue provides Christians to implement interreligious dialogue at various levels of the Church. It speaks of various ways and means to engage with Muslims at the grass root level. It further says that an inculturated dialogue would help the Christians and Muslims to understand the necessity of dialogue from an African cultural perspective. The concept of community, African hospitality, proverbs and the role of elders would make dialogue in Africa truly African and comprehensible. Finally, it says that dialogue is the sign of the time in Tanzania, as it can bring a balanced view of other religions, promote openness, tolerance and national unity.
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Thus, this study would say that Christianity and Islam are not competing parties for supremacy but are religions that point towards God who is the origin and destiny of every human being. In both religions there is no place for hatred, intolerance and disharmony. The sad events of the past religious conflicts have to be seen as arising from human selfishness for power and dominance. The present fundamentalist tendencies, which cause havoc in the world, are to be seen as irreligious. There is a need for both communities to go back to their roots to genuinely practise religion in the contemporary world. The messages conveyed through both religions reflect the unity, tolerance, peace and harmony. Religions can make this world a better place, if they adhere to the fundamentals of their religions. Christians and Muslims are invited to practise love 8 and mercy 9 courageously in their daily lives witnessing to the one God whom they worship.
8 Love, as taught by Jesus is the nature of God and is the guiding principle of Christianity (Mt. 22: 37 40). 9 Mercy, as taught by Mohammad is the nature of God and is the guiding principle in Islam. Every chapter of Quran begins with bismi illahi r rahmani r ahim (In the Name of God, Most Gracious, Most Merciful). Both love and mercy are the fundamental guiding principle of both Christianity and Islam (Mt. 9: 13; and Mt. 11: 6 7). 11
CHAPTER ONE
HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF
CHRISTIAN-MUSLIM RELATIONS IN TANZANIA
The Christian Muslim relations in Tanzania have become a subject of study in the context of recent issues, which seem to threaten religious harmony. The Christian Muslim relation as it exists in Tanzania is characterized as cordial and harmonious compared with other nations on the continent. Yet, an analysis of the religious history in Tanzania tells an altogether different story. This Chapter illustrates the Christian – Muslim relations from a historical, social and religious point of view. The relations between these two religions at different phases of Tanzanian history are described here, as they bear social consequences, which directly or indirectly derived from Christian Muslim relations. The religious atmosphere of Tanzania is narrated by describing first of all the African Traditional Religions (ATR), and then the arrival and development of Islam and Christianity in Tanzania. The study also extensively elaborates the influence of the colonial regimes in relation to religions and how their policies affected Christianity and Islam. The role of the religions in the pre and post independence eras in shaping the nation is also depicted extensively. The liberalization era witnessed a growing tension between Christianity and Islam, as some sections of both religions began comparative preaching and thus hurting the religious sentiments of the other. The question on education and job opportunities under the British and then in the post independence era has become a contentious issue not only between religions, but also between the State and religions. The recent developments regarding Islamic courts (Kadhi courts) and Tanzania’s joining the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) have spilled out a number of controversies and have weakened the cordial relations that existed between Christianity and Islam.
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1.1. The Emergence of Tanzania as a Nation Tanzania, one of the east African countries along the Indian Ocean, has a long history. The present day Tanzania emerged as a nation only in 1964. At the outset of this chapter, it is important to record a short of history of Tanzania and its people in order to understand the religions and the current religious politics of Tanzania. A short survey of the history of Tanzania before and after 1850 is given here to enlighten the background of the Christian – Muslim relationship there. The year 1850 is important, since it was in the 1850’s that European travellers and explorers began to take interest in mainland Tanzania, which then led to European colonialism, Christian missionary movements and the spread of Islam in interior Tanzania.
1.1.1. Tanzania before 1850 The history of Tanzania is intrinsically interwoven with the history of East Africa, that is, of modern Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania together with Zanzibar. Therefore it is necessary to look at the history of East Africa as a whole in order to understand the emergence of Tanzania as a nation. It is only because of the arrival of Europeans in the sixteenth century on the Eastern Coast of Africa, that we have some written materials about East Africa from that time. The pre colonial history of the East Africa consists of the history of coastal city states of Zanzibar and Kilwa. The history of Tanganyika 10 was obscure to the rest of the world until the invasion by colonial powers. The pre colonial history of Tanzania is mostly based on oral traditions and later discoveries of ancient sites like Olduvai Gorge 11 in the Great Rift Valley of Tanzania 12 . It was the European and Arab invaders and travellers, who first shed light on the people and history of East Africa.
10 Tanzania was formerly known as Tanganyika. The name Tanzania came into existence only in 1964, after the union of mainland Tanganyika and Zanzibar Island. Tanganyika is used here to refer to the mainland Tanzania before the union. 11 Olduvai Gorge is a group of sites in the Great Rift Valley of Tanzania, (nine miles long and 350 feet long), where the bones of two types of australopithecine have been excavated. They lived side by side almost two million years ago and have been named Zinjanthropus or Nutcraker Man and Homo Habilis or Handy Man. Louis and Mary Leakey who excavated them in 1950s, believe that Homo Habilis, which had brain and hands capable of making tools were the direct ancestor of modern man (Homo Sapiens). Leakey believes that Zinjanthropus was nearly man, which in the course of time extinct. Cf. http://archaeology.about.com/od/oterms/g/olduvai.htm (07.04.2011) 12 Cf. Kimambo/Temu: A History of Tanzania, p. 4. 13
The people of East Africa are believed to have come from different areas of the African continent. The Bantu 13 , which is the largest group in East Africa is said to have come from Southeastern Congo before 1000 A.D. in search of fertile soil for farming 14 . The Bantu people consist of different tribes. 95% of the population of Tanzania are Bantus. The culture, traditions and dialects are similar among the Bantu people. The other people who migrated to Tanzania were Cushities from Northern Kenya and Somalia and Nilotics from Southern Sudan, who are different from Bantu people. 15
Around 1000 A.D. the Arab and Persian settlements began in coastal regions of East Africa. They were attracted by ivory, gold and slaves. Islam united the tribes of Arabia to build an empire of Arabia. But later on disputes arouse regarding the rightful Caliph (successor) of the Prophet Mohammed. These disputes caused division in the Arab empire and the defeated people took refuge on the east coast of Africa 16 . The most important Arab settlements were in Mogadishu, Lamu, Manda, Zanzibar and Kilwa. The Persians and the Arabs who settled on the east African coast named it Zenjibar . Zenj is a Persian word which means black, and bar means land . Thus Zenjibar is the land of blacks . The period from 975 to 1498 is often called Zenj Empire. It is a misleading title, since the large eastern African coast with 37 cities was never considered to be a single state 17 . Trade flourished during this time. The Arab traders exported gold, ivory and slaves to Arabia and Asia. All these developments were limited to coastal areas, the mainland was largely unexplored.
With the arrival of Portuguese in East Africa in 1498 began a new era of European colonization. There were three reasons for the arrival of Portuguese to East Africa. They were trade, religion and exploration. They found the eastern coast of Africa to be an important trade link between Asia, Arabia and Europe. The Portuguese wanted to take over trade of gold, ivory and spices from the Arabs and Persians. The colonization also was motivated by evangelisation of
13 Bantu denotes the ethnic groups in Sub Saharan Africa. It is estimated that there are about 600 Bantu ethnic groups. There are several similarities in their languages, customs and traditions. 14 Cf. Ayot: Topics in East African History 1000 – 1970, p. 2 15 Cf. Heckalu: Ostafrika, p. 324. 16 Cf. Marsh: An introduction to the history of East Africa, p. 5. 17 Cf. Marsh: An introduction to the history of East Africa, p. 6. 14
the east African coast. But it failed, due to the strong resistance from the Arab settlers. It was also a time of exploration and adventure. The Portuguese carried out a number of voyages, which led to several explorations. Their most important exploration was the discovery of the sea route to India 18 . The Portuguese succeeded in conquering East Africa due to their superior naval techniques and advanced weaponry. The disunity among rulers of the coastal cities also led to the Portuguese colonization of East Africa. However, it was not easy for the Portuguese to rule East Africa. They faced strong opposition to their advancements on the east African coast 19 . Portuguese power began to decline due to their inefficient and ineffective administration. They never took the local kings and people into confidence. They were unfriendly, and people looked at them with suspicion. Further, the Portuguese who controlled Indian Ocean trade for several years faced opposition from other European explorers such as the Dutch and English. The final blow to the Portuguese came from the King of Oman, who defeated them at their last resort at Fort Jesus in 1698 20 .
The Omani Arabs took over East Africa from the Portuguese. The Omani governors were ruthless and oppressive. There was a rebellion against Omani occupation by the cities of east Africa over a century. By the turn of the 19 th century Sayid Said ibn Sultan became the King of Oman. He had to face a number of problems within Oman and on the eastern coast of Africa where the pirates disrupted the trade in the Indian Ocean. So the King requested the help of the British navy to defeat the pirates. By 1817, the problem of pirates and of the King’s enemies in Oman was put to rest with the help of British assistance. Sayid concentrated on East Africa, and Zanzibar became the most important trade centre on the east African coast. In 1840 Sayid Said moved the capital of his kingdom from Muscat to Zanzibar 21 . It increased the settlement of Omani and Asian traders. It was at this time that the caravan trade from the coast to the interior began to develop. This brought the coastal people in touch with the people of the interior.
18 Cf. Ayot: Topics in East African History 1000 – 1970, p. 31. 19 Cf. Strandes: The Portuguese period of East Africa, p. 52. 20 Cf. Ayot: Topics in East African History 1000 – 1970, p. 34. 21 Cf. Kimambo/Temu: A History of Tanzania, p. 46. 15
In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the governance in mainland Tanzania – Tanganyika – was based on the leaders of clan, who were also the ritual leaders such as rain makers and annual ritual performers. In the nineteenth century they gained prominence in society and they became powerful political leaders. There was a clear paradigm shift from religious authority to military power. The clan leaders began to organize themselves into chiefdoms. The leadership of the chiefdom was hereditary. The chiefs had religious, executive and judicial functions in their territory. 22 Due to the trade of ivory and slaves, many chiefs organised themselves with weapons and men to fight against any intruders in their territory. They controlled trade routes and profited from trade. During this period of time, several chiefdoms emerged in Tanganyika. In the north east of Tanganyika, Usambara under Kimweri ye Nyumbi was a flourishing Chiefdom. The Zigua, Para and Chagga were other powerful chiefdoms in the north east region. In the south central part of Tanganyika Ngoni, Sangu, Hehe and Bene were the major influential chiefdoms. In western Tanganyika Nyamwezi and Fipa and in the north west, Ha and Zina were major chiefdoms. It is important to note that there was no large kingdom with a king in Tanganyika, since the chiefdoms were organised basically on the tribal affiliation.
In the nineteenth century Tanganyika saw one of the most heinous crimes of human history – slave trade buying and selling of human beings. Slavery was a normal feature in African society. There were domestic slaves who worked for their master and they had their rights in society 23 . However, in the course of time, it became a trade, and people were taken from their villages to be exported to work in Arabia and in new settlements of Europeans, which they had colonized. Africans, Europeans and Arabs were equally responsible for slave trade 24 . It was slave trade that led to the invasion of the interior of Tanganyika. The slaves were brought from interior Tanganyika to Bagamoyo on foot and later on they were taken to Zanzibar, which became the biggest slave trade market in East Africa. 25 From there they were shipped to other parts of the world. The journey from the interior to Bagamoyo was long and dangerous. Only one out of five captured
22 Cf. Chepkwony: African Religion and Modern African States, p. 17. 23 Cf. Tanzania Institute of Education: East Africa from 1850 to the present, p.1. 24 Cf. Ayot: Topics in East African History 1000 – 1970, p. 46. 25 Cf. Engelhard: Tanzania, p. 25. 16
slaves survived “till destination”26 . Slave trade ruined the peace that existed in the interior of Tanganyika. It brought suffering to social institutions and family life. It also triggered competition among tribes to harvest profit from slave trade, which often resulted inter tribal clashes 27 . Britain abolished the slave trade in 1807 which prohibited British citizens to engage in Slave Trade, and the parliament passed Abolition of Slavery Act in 1833, by which all slaves were freed.28 Many European nations followed suit. Although Sultan Sayid Said signed a treaty – the Moresby Treaty – to abolish slave trade in East Africa, it continued to thrive due to the shortcomings of the treaty. It barred the Europeans from slave trade with East Africa, but there were no restrictions of having slave trade with Arabia and Persia. The Hamerton Treaty of 1845 restricted slave trade within the Sultan’s territory. With the Treaty of 1873, slave trade officially came to an end in East Africa. But it took time to implement effectively the law of abolishing slave trade. The most important step towards abolishing slavery came in 1897, when the Sultan signed a decree abolishing the legal status of slavery in Zanzibar and Pemba 29 . All the slaves were freed, and the slave market in Zanzibar was closed down. The relentless efforts of Dr. Livingstone and many others helped to abolish slavery once and for all in East Africa. The abolishing of slave trade brought much needed social security and peace to Tanganyika and Zanzibar.
1.1.2. Tanzania after 1850 The East African interior remained cut off from European imperialistic ambitions due to the inaccessibility of the Eastern African interior by land or sea. The large deserts in the north of Africa and the difficulty of reaching interior of East Africa by ocean kept away the Europeans from exploring the interior of East Africa. The Portuguese were only on the East African coast, which they left at the end of the seventeenth century. It was in the mid eighteenth century that a number of European explorers began to take interest in the interior of Tanzania. The British geographers who were interested in finding the source of the White Nile took the first initiative to penetrate the interior of Tanzania. They used the trade routes of
26 Marsh: An introduction to the History of East Africa, p. 37. 27 Cf. Ayot: Topics in East African History 1000 – 1970, p. 49. 28 Cf. www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/Lslavery33.htm (07.04.2011) 29 Cf. Marsh: An introduction to the History of East Africa, p. 48. 17
Arabs to reach Lake Victoria. The first explorers were Richard Burton, John Speke and James Grant. Their fascinating reports about the interior of East Africa opened the hidden interior Africa to the European world. The Christian missionaries lost no time in reaching out to the people of East Africa with the message of Christ. In England several Missionary societies were formed to evangelize eastern and central Africa. Dr. David Livingstone was one of the pioneers of a missionary exploration in East Africa. His book entitled “Missionary Travels and Researchers” in 1856 increased interest in East Africa among the Europeans. Another explorer at that time was Joseph Thomson, who traced a direct route from the east coast through Massailand to Lake Victoria. Morton Stanley, who led large expeditions through east and central Africa, contributed much to the opening of interior Africa to the rest of the world, which finally initiated imperialistic interests in East and Central Africa 30 . The reports and writings of these explorers “further aroused the interest of missionaries, geographers and manufacturers. For the missionary there was a new kingdom to be won for Christ; to the geographers there was a new field of information; and the manufacturer came to the realization that new areas might be extremely useful as new sources of raw materials and as new markets for his products” 31 .
The imperialist ambitions of a number of European nations began to take shape in the form of trade with East Africa. The British had already a good command in the Indian Ocean and controlled the coastal trade. They had trade partnership with Sudan, Egypt and Zanzibar. But they never had much interest in the interior of East Africa. The German traders were also interested in the coastal trade and also wanted to control areas around Kilimanjaro. Both, the British and Germans were interested in establishing trade contact with Buganda 32 . The European traders, who wanted to control trade in Africa felt that unless they had control over the land through governance, it was difficult to maintain their monopoly. This led the European traders to establish colonial power throughout Africa. It further intensified the rivalry among Europeans, who then decided to make an amicable
30 Cf. Ayot: Topics in East African History 1000 – 1970, p. 63. 31 Marsh: An introduction to the history of East Africa, p. 87. 32 Buganda was the largest traditional Kingdom of the Baganda people in the present day Uganda. The name Uganda, the Swahili term for Buganda, was adopted by British officials in 1894 when they established the Uganda Protectorate, centered in Buganda. 18
solution by dividing Africa for themselves. The partition of Africa took place at a conference in Berlin in 1885. Until 1880, the Europeans did not have much interest in Africa, but by the turn of the century, the whole continent was occupied by one or another European country. The British and Germans divided East Africa from Coast to Lake Victoria among themselves. The present day Kenya and Uganda came under British and Tanganyika came under German rule. The islands of Zanzibar, Pemba and Mafia were under the Sultan of Zanzibar. By 1890, Britain established a protectorate over Zanzibar and Pemba.
The establishment of German East Africa began with the expedition of Carl Peters in 1884. He made a number of treaties with the chiefs of the Usagara region. But these treaties had no value because first of all, the chiefs did not understand what they had signed and secondly, these territories were officially under the Sultan of Zanzibar and Carl Peters had no right to make such treaties with local chiefs. 33 However, it is important to note here that the German Government, which previously had no interest in colonizing, changed its mind and approved the actions of Carl Peters in colonizing Tanganyika. The Sultan was forced to accept the German annexations in 188534 . German East Africa included present day mainland Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi. The Germans divided Tanganyika into 24 districts and each district had a District Commissioner. The Arabs and the local coastal people helped the Germans with the administration.
The Germans faced three major tasks in Tanganyika. First of all, they had to consolidate their authority over the local chiefs and rulers; secondly, they forced the local population to produce industrial raw materials and minerals for export as cheaply as possible; and finally, they had to make necessary infrastructures for the transportation of their goods 35 . The Germans established two railway lines: the north railway line stretching from Tanga to Moshi (1891 1912) and the central railway line, from Dar es Salaam to Kigoma (1892 – 1914). The railways replaced the caravan trade activities and made the transportation of goods faster. The Germans were the first ones to develop an educational system in Tanzania,
33 Cf. Kimambo/Temu: A History of Tanzania, p. 99. 34 Cf. Engelhard: Tansania, p. 29. 35 Cf. Tanzania Institute of Education: East Africa from 1850 to the present, p.58. 19
which included elementary, secondary and vocational schools. The Germans established large sisal and coffee plantations, where the local people were forced to work without adequate payment. The German rule encouraged a number of settlers to come to Tanganyika to occupy land for plantations. The Germans made a new land law, by which the whole of Tanganyika became land of the Germans, except for the areas claimed by chiefs or occupied by the local people. The land was not fertile everywhere and the people were used seeking for more fertile land. The land law of 1886 and demands for forced labour by the planters aroused discontent among the local population and finally led to several resistance movements and rebellions against German colonial rule.
There were several resistance movements against Germans throughout Tanganyika, starting from coastal regions and reaching the interior areas dominated by the Chagga, Nyamezi and Gogo people. The Germans successfully with a heavy hand put down many of these resistance movements. The most important and bloodiest resistance popularly known as the “Maji Maji rebellion” 36 , came from south Tanganyika from 1905 to 1907. Several tribes took part in this rebellion against Germans and they killed several Germans, including missionaries, traders and planters. The Germans, who were unable to put an end to the rebellion, destroyed villages and crops, which led to the deaths of about 250,000 to 300,000 people, about one third of the total population in that area. This also led to famine and many died of starvation37 .
The First World War (1914 – 1918) had a devastating effect on the German rule in Tanganyika. Although the German commander in Tanganyika resisted the advancement of British troops from coastal areas and Belgians from West Tanganyika, he finally had to give up due to lack of supply of personnel and materials for war. The defeat of German troops put an end to German rule in East Africa. By the Treaty of Versailles, Germany renounced all her claims on East Africa. The treaty divided German East Africa into three areas, giving
36 Maji is a Swahili word, which means water . The witch doctors sprayed water which was mixed with maize and millet on the people who fought against Germans, promising that it would protect them from the enemy. It is because of that this resistance is popularly known as the “Maji Maji Rebellion”. 37 Cf. Engelhard: Tansania, p. 31. 20
Rwanda and Burundi to Belgium, Tanganyika to Britain, and the Kionga triangle in the south to the Portuguese.
Since 1890 the British were present in Zanzibar. They made Zanzibar a British Protectorate. After the First World War, Tanganyika became a Mandatory territory under the League of Nations, which authorized Britain to look after the administration of Tanganyika. Sir Horace Byatt became the first governor of Tanganyika (1920 – 1924). He introduced a new land law in 1923, which ensured the rights of the people of Tanganyika over the land. Sir Donald Cameron, who became Governor in 1925, introduced the indirect rule , which recognized the native chiefs as the local rulers. However these local rulers were not accountable to the local people, but were responsible to their colonial masters, who appointed them. In 1926, a Legislative Council was established with white settlers and Asians as members; local Africans were not included in it. The British made an extension to the central railway line from Tabora to Mwanza in 1928. The British followed the same economic policies as the Germans. Tanganyika’s economy was based on agriculture and livestock. The British gave priority to cash crops such as sisal, cotton and coffee. It was during the time of the British that the mineral explorations began in Tanganyika. Gold and diamonds were also discovered in Tanganyika at this time. 38
The British implemented a new educational policy, which was applied to government and missionary schools. The new system was intended to propagate colonial economic policies, to train low cadre manpower and to train sons of chiefs, sultans and rich landowners in order to reproduce a loyal local leadership. The government proposed a new curriculum, which was applied to both government and missionary schools. 39 Many hospitals were also built at this time by the government and the missionaries.
The colonial rule exploited the people of Tanganyika and they felt oppressed. In order to raise their voices, they began to form associations. The first of such was the Tanganyika Territory African Civil Servant Association , which was formed in Tanga in 1922. The association had members from different ethnic and religious
38 Cf. Marsh: An introduction to the history of East Africa, p. 230 39 Cf. Tanzania Institute of Education: East Africa from 1850 to the present, p. 70. 21
groups. It mainly consisted of clerks and teachers. Similar associations were formed in Dar es Salaam and in Zanzibar. By 1945, these associations were calling for Tanganyika’s independence. In 1948 the associations were reorganised into a single association called Tanganyika African Association , which paved the way for the independence movement. After the Second World War (1939 – 1945), the discontent among the local population grew and they demanded immediate independence from Britain. The Tanganyika African Association became the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) in 1954, with the sole aim of attaining independence. 40 TANU had to face a lot of challenges in its ambition to attain national independence. First of all it had to unite people, who were divided by tribalism and religion. TANU gathered support from all over the country and was able to unite people of different tribes and religions to achieve their single goal, which was independence from Britain. The growing agitation for independence led the colonial authorities to have elections for the Legislative Assembly, which previously had only nominated members of European and Asian origin. In the election conducted in 1958 – 1959, TANU won all the seats. Subsequently, Britain could no longer withhold the independence of Tanganyika. On 9 th December 1961, Tanganyika became an independent nation and Julius K. Nyerere became the first prime minister of the independent Tanganyika.
Zanzibar continued to be ruled by the Sultan of Zanzibar under the British Protectorate. The struggle for independence began under the Afro Shiranzi Party (ASP), consisting of Africans and Shirazes who came from Persia. However, they were opposed by the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP), an Arab dominated party, which wanted the rule of Sultan and Arab dominance in Zanzibar. In 1960 the British parliament approved a new constitution for Zanzibar, and subsequently elections were held; but the ASP failed to achieve a parliamentary majority, although they had the popular vote. Again election was held in 1963, but it also remained inconclusive. On 10 th December 1963, the British handed over power to the Arab minority. Mohammad Shamte became Prime Minister and the Sultan was the head of the State. However, this was not approved of by the ASP and
40 Cf. Maguire: Uhuru, Tanzanias Weg in die Unabhängigkeit, p. 187. 22
they continued to fight for their rights. Finally, through a successful revolution, the ASP overthrew the government of the Sultan on the 12 th of January 1964. 41 On the 26 th of April 1964, Tanganyika and the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba merged together to make the United Republic of Tanzania. The name Tanzania came into existence on the 1 st of November 1964.
The journey of Tanganyika and Zanzibar to become an independent nation underwent several years of struggle and loss of lives under slave trade and colonialism. The newly independent nation faced several challenges; the most important one was to unite the people of different tribes, ethnicity and religions. The national language Swahili helped to promote unity among the people. The two main political parties of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, TANU and ASP, joined together to form Chama Cha Mapenduzi (CCM, Revolutionary Party). One party rule was introduced, which aimed at uniting the nation and promoting unity. The policies of CCM, based on Ujamaa (African Socialism) helped national integration but failed to make economic advances. Tanzania moved slowly to multi party politics and the first multi party elections were held in 1995. In the 1990’s Tanzania changed its socialistic economic policies to a liberal open market economy.
1. 2. Religions in Tanzania Tanzania is home for two world religions, Islam and Christianity, as well as for African Traditional Religion (ATR). There is also a small number of people who adhere to Hinduism, Buddhism and Zoroastrianism. There are no official data concerning the percentage of people belonging to each of these religions, as religious affiliation is not included in the Census of the government. The unofficial sources estimate the population as follows: 42.1% Christians, 33.3% Muslims and 24.6% ATR. 42 According to some other sources, Muslims are 35%, Christians are 30% and ATR adherents are 35%. 43 It is important to understand the origin and development of these religions in order to have a better grasp of the religious situation in Tanzania. ATR is the original religion of the land. Islam
41 Cf. Kimambo/Temu: A History of Tanzania, p. 237. 42 Cf. Baur: 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa, p. 542 43 Cf. Mukandala: Introduction, p. 1. 23
and Christianity were introduced later. The relations and co relations among all the three are vital for a meaningful interreligious dialogue. Although, the majority of people belong to either Islam or Christianity, the relevance of ATR is still felt through various cultural traditions of the people. 44 Therefore, ATR is also examined here, in order to have a comprehensive understanding of the religious situation in Tanzania.
1. 2.1. African Traditional Religion The term African Traditional Religion (ATR) refers to the indigenous beliefs and practices of the people of Africa. There are academic disputes over the term African Traditional Religion(s), whether to use in plural or in singular. John S. Mbiti used it in the plural, as there are about three thousand tribes in Africa and each has its own distinctive religious practices. However, Bolaji Idowu and a number of other African scholars prefer the term in the singular, as the Africans have a common origin and they share a lot in common in their religious beliefs and practices. Aylward Shorter also prefers the use of African Traditional Religion in the singular due to the commonality of African beliefs and practices 45 . The Instrumentum Laboris of the Synod of the Bishops of Africa also adopted the use of the term in the singular, as there are many common features among traditional beliefs. 46 Whether this term in singular or plural is used, one has to acknowledge that there are several common features and at the same time there are also differences of beliefs and traditions among tribal religions of Africa. According to Oborji the sources of understanding ATR are the “whole of African life, the African art forms, institutions and oral traditions. Others include myths, proverbs, names, riddles, daily speech, prayers, invocations, blessings, curses, oaths, spells and so forth.” 47 There are a number of elements which help to study the ATR, despite its diversity and complexity. It is also difficult to make a history of ATR, as it is never written and anything we say about ATR is the interpretation and description of what is being practiced in African society.
44 Cf. Wijsen: Seeds of Conflict in a Haven of Peace, p. 59. 45 Cf. Oborji: Towards a Christian Theology of African Religion, p. 11. 46 Cf. Synod of Bishops of Africa: Instrumentum Laboris, 1993, Nos. 101 102. 47 Oborji: Towards a Christian Theology of African Religion, p. 12. 24
1. 2. 1. 1. Defining African Traditional Religion
Religion is a complex phenomenon and it is extremely difficult to define it satisfactorily. It is true in the case of African Traditional Religion too. Christianity and Islam have a set of dogmas, scriptures and laws to guide their belief system. The same categories of defining Christianity and Islam cannot be applied to define ATR, since ATR does not follow monotheistic religions’ categories. How to define ATR? What is typical of ATR? Can we consider ATR as religion at all?
John S Mbiti 48 , an African scholar, begins his book on African Religion and Philosophy, by saying that “Africans are notoriously religious, and each people has its own religious system with a set of beliefs and practices. Religion permeates all the departments of life so fully that it is not easy or possible always to isolate it. Religion is the strongest element in traditional background, and exerts probably the greatest influence upon the thinking and living of the people concerned”. 49 Hence, when we speak of religions in Africa, it should be understood as part and parcel of the life and culture of people of Africa. Religion cannot be separated from the daily lives and traditions of the people. Therefore in Africa “religion is hardly a phenomenon totally unto itself; it is inextricably bound to other aspects of culture and society”. 50
Many authors, especially from the West, have tried to define religion in Africa. The Western authors had their own limitations in understanding African Religions, and many of them used anthropological methods to define and comprehend African traditional Religions. 51 E.B. Taylor, an English anthropologist, defined African religions as “Animism or Primitive religions”. 52 Herbert Spencer described African religions as “Ancestor Worship”.53 Some
48 John S. Mbiti was born in Kenya in 1931. He is an Anglican priest and one of the best known philosophers of Africa. He has written several scholarly books on African Traditional Religions such as African Religions and Philosophy (1969), Concepts of God in Africa (1970), New Testament Eschatology in an African background (1971), Introduction to African Religion ( 1975), The Prayers of African religion (1975), Bible and Theology in African Christianity (1986) and African Proverbs (1997) etc. His writings opened up the African traditional religions to the rest of the world. 49 Mbiti: African Religions and Philosophy, p.1. 50 Blakely: Religion in Africa, p. 1. 51 Westerlund: “Insiders” and “Outsiders” in the study of African Religions, p. 16. 52 www.mb soft.com/believe/txo/primitiv.htm (13.01.2010) 53 www.cardiff.ac.uk/socsi/undergraduate/introsoc/spencer.html (13.01.2010) 25
others associated African Religions to “magic”.54 John S. Mbiti does not agree on any of these definitions of African Religions 55 . There is an element of Animism, but that does not mean that is the ATR. The rites of libation and food offerings to ancestors cannot be considered as worship. Magic is part of African religions but it is not the whole of religion. The Western writers’ explanations of ATR do not adequately describe the religious practices and beliefs of the people of Africa. They often despise the religious practices as superstitious and inferior. However, there are also western authors, like J.V. Taylor, who found positive elements in African religion 56 .
The term religion often has no equivalent word in most parts of Africa. In Tanzania, the Swahili word for religion is dini , which is borrowed from the Arab word din , which refers to organised religions such as Islam and Christianity. In rural Tanzania people do not refer to religious practices to religion but simply call them “traditional customs and practices (mila na desturi asilia)”57 . Since African Traditional Religion is intrinsically interwoven with the culture of the people, it may be defined “as interactions between people and non visible reality in a specific African cultural setting. In empirical terms such interactions may be seen in expressed ideas, attitudes, values, and ritual practices that acknowledge the presence and powers of a more or less elaborate system of non physical reality” 58 . The nature of ATR is to be found in its beliefs, practices and ceremonies, religious objects and places, values and morals, as well as in its religious officials or leaders. 59 The African Traditional Religion and their understandings of God, Man and World are shaped according to their particular circumstances and are to be perceived in their cultural milieu.
1. 2. 1. 2. Characteristics of ATR
ATR has its own unique characteristics as a religion. However, some of the characteristics of ATR are explained in comparison with other world religions. It is
54 Chireau: Black Magic: Religion and the African American Conjuring Tradition, p. 35. 55 Cf. Mbiti: African Religions and Philosophy, pp. 8 9. 56 Cf. Tayolr: Christian Presence amid African Religion, p. xii. 57 Lawi/Masanja: African Traditional Religions in the Tanzania: Essence, practice and the encounter with modernisation, p. 87 58 Lawi/Masanja: African Traditional Religions in the Tanzania: Essence, practice and the encounter with modernisation, p. 87 59 Cf. Mbiti: Introduction to African Religion, p. 11 12. 26
not the best method to understand ATR, but our present understanding of religion is influenced by the way we perceive the world religions such as Christianity and Islam. ATR is to be understood in terms of beliefs, practices and rituals that have been traditionally handed over. ATR is to be understood as the way of life for the people of Africa.
One of the significant characteristics of ATR is that there is no distinction between secular and sacred, between religious and non religious in the society. It affects every aspect of life, whether material or spiritual. Religion is everywhere: in the working place, in school, in sport activities, in times of birth and death, in pursuit of economic activities, etc. Therefore, religion is part and parcel of the life of the people 60 . “For African religion is quite literally life and life is religion”. 61
The concept of God in Africa is “expressed in proverbs, short statements, songs, prayers, names, myths, stories and religious ceremonies.” 62 Most of the traditional African societies believe in a Supreme Being 63 , who is the creator of mankind and of the universe. However, there is no direct worship of a Supreme Being in ATR. They maintain their relationship with the Supreme Being through the sacrifices and venerations offered to other spiritual beings such as ancestors and deities. 64 The relationship between God and man are expressed through myths, which consider “God as being outside and beyond the universe”. 65 Besides their belief in a supreme deity, they also believe in a multitude of deities, who are less powerful. 66
ATR acknowledges that the Supreme Being is the creator of mankind, but they differ in their understanding of how God created mankind. 67 In ATR human beings are defined “by their sense of belonging, and serving their own folk and kinship.” 68 Community plays a central role in ATR. In African tradition, the community has precedence over the individual. Community is to be understood
60 Cf. Mbiti: African Religions and Philosophy, p. 2. 61 Magesa: African Religion, p. 33. 62 Mbiti: African Religions and Philosophy, p. 29. 63 Cf. Moyo: Religion in Africa, in Understanding Contemporary Africa, p. 301. 64 Cf. Oborji: Towards a Christian Theology of African Religion, p. 14. 65 Opoku: African traditional religion: An enduring heritage, p. 73. 66 Cf. Olupona: Major issues in the study of African Traditional Religion, p. 27. 67 Cf. Mbiti: Introduction to African Religion, p.82. 68 Oborji: Towards a Christian Theology of African Religion, p. 13. 27
as “consisting of both its living and its deceased members, interaction among themselves and with higher spirits” 69 . An individual’s aspirations and activities have to be compatible with community life. The corporate identity that exists in African life is “focused upon the supreme value of social harmony.” 70 The aspect of community was fostered at every level of living and brought unity and peace in the community. Nyerere, who insisted upon African socialism, named community as the core identity of Africans when he said; “In our traditional African society we were individuals within a community. We took care of the community and the community took care of us.” 71 Therefore community is vital to the understanding of the customs, religion and traditions of Africans. We are, therefore I am , is a basic proverb in Tanzania which expresses the importance of community in the lives of the people of Africa. The existence of a human being is realized in and through the community to which she or he belongs.
Sacrifices and offerings play an important role in ATR. Sacrifices and offerings are made in order to get favours and to drive away evil. Sacrifices are made with the blood of human beings, animals or birds. Offerings are made such things as foodstuff, grains, water, milk, honey or cash. 72
African religion finds its expression in art and symbols, in music and dance 73 . ATR is to be found in all these forms because religion affects every aspect of life. African religion is also to be found in proverbs, riddles and wise sayings. 74 People express their understanding of God, man and world through proverbs. Morals, warnings and exhortations are also expressed in this form.
ATR has a number of beliefs and practices, but they are not formulated into dogmas and doctrines for the adherents to follow. They simply exist in the community, and all are aware of them. They are handed over from one generation to the next. 75
69 Lawi/Masanja: African Traditional Religions in the Tanzania: Essence, practice and the encounter with modernisation, p. 87 70 Taylor: Christian Presence amid African Religion, p. 149. 71 Nyerere: Freedom and Unity, p. 166. 72 Cf. Oborji: Towards a Christian Theology of African Religion, p. 19. 73 Cf. Mbiti: Introduction to African Religion, pp. 24 and 25. 74 Cf. Mbiti: Introduction to African Religion, pp. 24 and 26. 75 Cf. Mbiti: African Religions and Philosophy, pp. 3. 28
Another characteristic of ATR that is conspicuous by its absence is the lack of sacred scriptures. There are no revealed scriptures in ATR 76 . The deeds and sayings of the forefathers remain in the oral history of the people. Kings, elders, priests, and rainmakers are the ones transmitting the beliefs and traditions to the next generation 77 .
ATR is not universal; it is limited to a particular tribe. As a result, each person is born into a particular tribe and belongs to the religion of that tribe. It is not missionary in its nature, and there is no conversion from one traditional religion to another, although there are a number of similarities among the traditional religions. There are also no founders or reformers in comparison to other world religions. 78 It should be noted here that despite the strict compartmentalization, there is no animosity among tribes or clans regarding the practice of religious rituals. 79
In most of the African societies, there is belief of life after death. “But this belief does not constitute a hope for a future and better life . There is neither paradise to be hoped for nor hell to be feared in the hereafter. The soul of man does not long for spiritual redemption or for closer contact with God in the next world.” 80 The categories like eschatology, judgment and retribution do not have any role in ATR’s understanding of life after death. 81 Mbiti states that ATR is concerned with the past and the present; the relationship with God is pragmatic and utilitarian rather than spiritual or mystical. 82 Life is a communion of the living and the dead. Oborji says that in ATR “the vision of after life and the final end of man/woman are based on this conception of life as a communion. At death, the most favourable expectation is the attainment of the status of an ancestor with all its rights and benefits for the ancestor’s family and clan.” 83 ATR is a community “consisting of both its living and deceased members, interaction among
76 Cf. Magesa: African Religion, p. 31. 77 Cf. Mbiti: African Religions and Philosophy, p. 3. 78 Cf. Mbiti: African Religions and Philosophy, p. 4. 79 Cf. Masanja/Lawi: African Traditional Religions in Contemporary Society, p. 105. 80 Mbiti: African Religions and Philosophy, p. 4. 81 Cf. Oborji: Towards a Christian Theology of African Religion, p. 22. 82 Cf. Mbiti: African Religions and Philosophy, p. 5. 83 Oborji: Towards a Christian Theology of African Religion, p. 22. 29
themselves and with higher spirits.” 84 The aspect of community comes into the picture again even after the death of a person in ATR. A person continues to live as part of the community even after death and that is how life after death is understood in ATR. Some traditional communities also believe in reincarnation. 85 Although the concepts of life after death vary in different parts of Africa, they all presume that there is some sort of continuity of life after death.
ATR was never a rigid religious system. It is dynamic and adapted to various situations. It has brought practices and ideas from far and near through traders, hunters, pilgrims and visitors. 86 The openness and tolerance found in ATR is part of the culture of the people of Africa, which makes ATR still relevant amidst the plurality of religions.
1. 2.1.3. The relevance of ATR in Tanzania Today
The influence of ATR within society began to decline with the arrival of world religions like Islam and Christianity and of modernity. For the missionary religions, the beliefs and practices of ATR were superstitious, and incompatible with their understanding of God. The practices and beliefs of ATR do not confirm to the modern ideas and attitudes that swept Tanzanian society in the twentieth century. Capitalism as the new economic system which was introduced by the colonial powers slowly began to focus on the individual at the cost of the highly valued communitarian life of society. Strict tribal and clan life became impossible due to mobility and economic opportunities offered by the modern world. This affected the traditional family life and communitarian aspect of ATR. Secularization also influenced the way of life of the people in Tanzania. Religiosity could no longer be taken for granted. People began to distance themselves from ATR practices and beliefs. All this led to the apparent decline of ATR in Tanzania.
Despite the decline of the ATR in modern Tanzania (around 15%), a survey conducted by the University of Dar es Salaam in 2006 found that 52.1% of their
84 Lawi/Masanja: African Traditional Religions in the Tanzania: Essence, practice and the encounter with modernisation, p. 87 85 Cf. Moyo: Religion in Africa, in Understanding Contemporary Africa, p. 305. 86 Cf. Platvoet: The Religions of Africa in their Historical Order, p. 52. 30
respondents are aware of the practices of ATR in their neighbourhood 87 . Another interesting finding of the survey was that 61.1% respondents who considered themselves as ATR leaders belong to either Christianity or Islam. 88 These facts and figures show that ATR continues to play an important role in the society despite the influences of Christianity and Islam. Why this dichotomy? It may be because of the nature of ATR, which is understood as a cosmological monism, that is, the unity of life here and hereafter, and unity of the living and dead. This is sharply opposed to the dualistic world of Christianity and Islam, which clearly make a distinction between the world here and the next. 89 “For many Christians and Muslims the basis of moral value still derives more from the old cosmology than the new beliefs.” 90 One may be converted to Islam or Christianity, but that does not necessarily mean that the person has completely abandoned ATR practices and customs. The tension between practicing the teaching of Islam or Christianity and the traditional practices rooted in the society create dichotomy in the lives of many Christians and Muslims. Many people revert to the traditional practices, when they are faced with “personal crisis or occasions marking passage to a new stage of life”. 91 It is a pragmatic approach to gain personal benefits. It is also often practiced in the family circles rather than in community or tribal circles. In some parts of Tanzania magic, sorcery and witchcraft are practiced, and some of those practices lead to homicide. The killing of Albino people in 2008 for witchcraft rituals shocked the entire nation.
Despite some of the negative influences of ATR, there is an attempt to bring to the fore the positive elements of ATR such as community and tolerance, to fill the vacuum created by individualism, disunity, lack of respect, and intolerance. The role of elders still plays a vital role in solving problems of the rural community. In an age of religious intolerance, going back to the communitarian aspect and to family as understood in ATR can provide a platform for appreciating the diversity of religions and cultures. 92 The values of ATR can help the members of Christianity and Islam to go back to their traditional roots which were centred on
87 Cf. Masanja/Lawi: African Traditional Religions in Contemporary Society, p. 98. 88 Cf. Masanja/Lawi: African Traditional Religions in Contemporary Society, p. 102. 89 Cf. Mhina: African Traditional Religions and Politics in Tanzania, p. 114. 90 Mhina: African Traditional Religions and Politics in Tanzania, p. 116. 91 Masanja/Lawi: African Traditional Religions in Contemporary society, p. 111. 92 Cf. Oborji: Towards a Christian Theology of African Religion, p. 110. 31
community and mutual appreciation. Despite the acceptance of modernization, traditional values find new interpretations and are still “rich liberating values”. 93 ATR preserved the identity of the Africans in the massive crises of slavery and colonialism. 94 They continue to exert influence in the lives of the people with varying degrees and they are still relevant to the people of Africa. In the context of interreligious dialogue, ATR can provide a common platform with its values and traditions, which are still part of the culture of the people of Africa. Since the majority of Africans have a common background through ATR, irrespective of their present religious adherences, ATR values can help to foster harmony and tolerance particularly among Christians and Muslims. The art of reconciliation in ATR can be applied to solve religious conflicts. 95 One can conclude that the values of the ATR, which united the African community in the past, have still relevance in the present.
1. 2. 2. Islam The history of Islam in East Africa dates back to the ninth century. It is difficult to determine the exact date of the arrival of Islam in Tanzania. Islam came to the East African Coast through Arab traders, who had a longstanding trade partnership with the eastern coastal regions of Africa. The earliest evidence of Islamic presence in East Africa was found in a mosque in Shanga on Pate Island, where gold, silver and copper coins dating 830 AD, were found during the excavation in 1980. The oldest building in Kizimkazi in South Zanzibar is a Mosque, which dates back to 1007. 96 Travellers like Ibn Battuta, who visited East Africa in the fourteenth century say that Islam was widespread on East African coast. It is recorded that the ruler of Kilwa, a coastal city state of Tanzania made a pilgrimage to Mecca in 1410 1411. 97
Islam was introduced to East Africa by Arab traders visiting coastal regions of East Africa and Zanzibar. Arabs were interested in trade and not in spreading the religion. However, in the course of time Arab men married African women of the
93 Magese: African Religion, p. 17. 94 Cf. Magesa: African Religion, p. 17. 95 Cf. Magesa: African Religion in the Dialogue Debate, p. 160. 96 Cf. www.islamfortoday.com/tanzania.htm (19.04.2010) 97 Cf. Tambila: Intra Muslim Conflicts in Tanzania, p. 173. 32
coastal areas, who then became adherents of Islam. The Arabic word Sawahel means coast and Swahili means people of the coast . The Swahili language is a mixture of Arabic and Bantu languages used by the people of the coastal region of East Africa. 98 The mixed marriages of Arabs and Africans began the spread of Islam and of what is known “Swahili culture” 99 in East Africa. However, Islam was confined mainly to the coastal people and at the centres of caravan routes used for slave trade such as Bagamoyo, Morogoro, Tabora and Ujiji. 100
The spread of Islam to the interior of Tanzania began with the establishment of German colonial rule. The Germans used the coastal people as administrators of their newly founded colony. The coastal people were the only educated people at that time, and the Germans appointed them as chiefs of the districts and administrators of their government throughout Tanzania. They also employed soldiers from the coast in the interior areas of Tanzania. The Germans also adopted Swahili as the language of the administration. All these factors significantly helped the expansion of Islam to the interior Tanzania. However, not all Muslims were collaborates of German colonialism. There were other Muslims especially African Muslims who opposed German rule. The African Muslims, who did not benefit from colonial rule joined Sufi movements like Qadiriyya and Shadhilliyya, which played a significant role in spreading Islam in mainland Tanzania. 101 After World War I, the British took over the administration of Tanzania. Germans who had used the coastal people as local administrators were replaced by local tribal chiefs, as the British wanted to have indirect rule. These administrative changes diminished the expansion of Islam. However, Islam continued to spread, with many preachers coming from outside the country. 102
98 Cf. Westerlund: Ujamaa na Dini, p. 41. 99 Kim: Islam among the Swahili in East Africa, p. 39. 100 Cf. Mutasingwa: Christian – Muslim Encounter in Tanzania since 1980’s: A Catholic Perspective, p. 14. 101 Cf. www.islamfortoday.com/tanzania.htm (19.04.2010). 102 Cf. Stamer: Islam in Sub Saharan Africa, p.115. 33
1.2.2.1. Muslim Denominations in Tanzania
There are several different Muslim denominations based on the question of the rightful successor of the Prophet Mohammad. The global divisions of the Islamic community are reflected in Tanzania through different groups of Muslims, who pledge their allegiance to the Quran. The following is a cursory glance at Muslims denominations in Tanzania. 103
Sunni: The great majority of the Muslims in Tanzania are Sunni. They belong to the Shafi judiciary tradition. The Sunnis of Indo Pak origins follow the Hanafi School of law. There is also a small group of Muslims in Tanzania who follow the Hanbali School of law.
Shia: They are a minority in Tanzania, and they are mostly of Asian origins, belonging to Imami, Ismaili and Bohra traditions.
Sufism : It is said that three quarters of Tanzanian Muslims follow Sufism. “Sufism is the Islamic mystic path, which puts great emphasis on personal piety and is opposed to book learning.” 104 Sufism in Tanzania is organized mainly into two Muslim brotherhoods: Qadiriyya and Shadiliyya. Quairiyya traces its origin to the Somali sheikh Uways Muhammed who, at the invitation of the Sultan, came to Zanzibar in the 1880’s. He taught Sufism in Zanzibar, and later his followers spread it to the mainland of Tanzania. Tabora and Bagamoyo were the centres of Quadiriyya brotherhood. Shadiliyya brotherhood came to Tanzania through Comoros around 1900 by Muhammad Ma’ruf. Kilwa was the centre of Shadiliyya brotherhood.
The fact that Sufism is not primarily based on book learning but on personal piety attracted a large number of ordinary people to these movements. The non dogmatic approach of Sufism was open to African Traditional religions. Sufism adapted many local traditions into Islam. Lodi and Westerlund say that through Sufism “Islam was Africanized and nationalized” 105 in Tanzania. The leaders of
103 Cf. Liviga/Tumbo Masabo: Muslims in Tanzania: Quest for Equal Footing, pp. 145 – 149. 104 Tambila: Intra Muslim Conflicts in Tanzania, p. 174. 105 www.islamfortoday.com/tanzania.htm (19.04.2010) 34
Sufi movements were largely of African origin. Many Sufi sheiks were forerunners of the independence struggle in Tanzania.
Ahamadiyya : The Ahamadiyya movement claims that the Prophet Mohammad is not the last Prophet. They came to East Africa in 1934. They are involved in many charitable activities. Other Muslim communities consider them heretics, since they do not accept the “the Finality of the Prophethood” 106 of the Prophet Mohammad.
1.2.2.2. Islamic Organizations in Tanzania
The expansion of Islam and the spread of divergent Muslim groups in Tanzania were not coordinated. Several Muslim leaders felt the need of an organization which would give Islam a united face in Tanzania.
The East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS)
The earliest initiatives came from Agha Khan Sultan Muhammad Shah in Mombasa in 1945. He established “The East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) in order to promote Islam and to raise the standard of Muslims in East Africa. The Society was not very active due to the difficulties after the Second World War. In 1961 its headquarters were moved from Mombasa to Dar es Salaam and Abdallah Saidi Fundikira became its president. They gradually opened branches all over the country. EAMWS established several schools and provided scholarships. In the background of the socialist policies of the government, deep differences appeared among the members of society. Some opposed the socialist policies of the government, others supported it. The pro government Muslims urged the ban of the EAMWS. The growing tension between the pro and anti government Muslim leaders finally led to the ban of EAMWS on 20.12.1968. 107
The Islamic Supreme Council of Tanzania (BAKWATA)
In 1968 a section of Muslims convened a Muslim National Congress in Iringa. It was attended by several political leaders who supported the government policies
106 Tambila: Intra Muslim Conflicts in Tanzania, p. 174. 107 Cf. Tambila: Intra Muslim Conflicts in Tanzania, p. 184. 35
and they resolved to set up an organization which would help the national interest. They established the Baraza Kuu la Waislam wa Tanzania (BAKWATA), the Islamic Supreme Council of Tanzania. Many Muslims contested the authenticity of BAKWATA as their true representative body of Islamic interest in Tanzania. “Many felt that it was no more than an instrument for the government to control the aspirations of the Muslims in the country. BWKWATA did reflect the government position and throughout the 1970’s it was an organization with, I think one can say, the interests of Tanzania in the first place and Islamic interest in the second place.” 108 BAKWATA is the official Islamic organisation, which is recognized by the government.
Islamic Writers’ Workshop (Warsha)
In 1975, within BAKWATA a group of young educated Muslims organized ‘Warsha ya Waandishi wa Kiislam’ (Islamic Writers’ Workshop), popularly known as Warsha. They published books and sponsored radio programmes. They were also very critical of the government policies and Pro government Muslims called for a ban of Warsha, as it threatened the secular foundation of Tanzania. It was finally banned in 1982, and its members were not allowed work within BAKWATA. 109
Association of Readers of Quran (BALUKTA)
In 1987, in order to promote the reading of Quran ‘Baraza la Uendelazaji Koran Tanzania’ (BALUKTA) or ‘Association of Readers of Quran’ was organized. It promoted Islamic education. However, some of its members began to promote fundamentalist attitudes and were involved in attacks against butchery shops selling pork in Dar es Salaam. 110
There were also other organizations such as The Dar es Salaam University Muslim Trusteeship and The Supreme Council of Islamic organization , which had a large number of university employees. They all tried to promote Islam in Tanzania.
108 Smith: Christianity and Islam in Tanzania: Development and Relationships, p.178. 109 Cf. www.islamfortoday.com/tanzania.htm (19.04.2010) 110 Cf. www.islamfortoday.com/tanzania.htm (19.04.2010) 36
1. 2. 3. Christianity Christianity is comparatively new to Tanzania. It was first introduced in Tanzania by Portuguese missionaries. Their attempt did not bear fruits due to various reasons. Later on, in the nineteenth century a number of Catholic and Protestant missionaries made successful attempts of evangelization.
1.2.3.1. Christianity in the Sixteenth century
The East African coast remained largely unknown to the Christian missionaries until the arrival of the Portuguese in 1498. The King of Portugal, who had ‘Padroado’ (the right to have ecclesiastical jurisdiction in all conquered countries, with the obligation of evangelizing the people in conquered countries given by Pope) sent a few missionaries to evangelize the East African coast in 1499. The missionaries could not win the acceptance of the people, due to the atrocities committed by the Portuguese invaders, as well as to the opposition of the Arab rulers of Zanzibar and Kilwa. Although they converted a few slaves in the coastal areas of Tanzania, they made no efforts to move to the interior of Tanzania. The withdrawal of the Portuguese from Kilwa in 1512 111 made the work of the missionaries difficult. The mission ended without much success in 1698, with the Oman Arab invasion of East African coast.
John Baur writes in his book, 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, that the missionaries failed in their mission due to three reasons. First of all, they failed to adapt to the situation of the people of Africa. They thought that the people were without any religion and that they would accept the Christian faith without any problem. The missionaries were convinced that their religion and culture was superior to all others, and they expected the people to accept it as it was. The lack of integration of Christian faith into African life and culture led to the failure of the Christian mission in Tanzania. A second reason pointed out by Baur is that the Church at that time concentrated on soul saving and baptism, and did not credibly impart the Christian teaching to the people. Another failing of the early missionaries was that they concentrated on individual conversions and failed to consider the communitarian nature of African life. If the whole community were to
111 Cf. Strandes: The Portuguese period of East Africa, p. 97. 37
be taken into confidence, the individuals would have found it easy to practice the new religion. In African culture and life, the community is more important than the individual. The failure to understand the culture of the people led to the failure of the early attempts to evangelize Tanzania. 112
1.2.3.2. Christianity since the Nineteenth century
The second attempt of evangelizing Tanzania came in 1863 through the Holy Ghost Fathers, who were stationed on the French Island of Reunion. The missionaries came to Zanzibar under the leadership of the Vicar General of Reunion Fr. Antoine Horner. 113 Zanzibar was the centre of slave trade at that time. The missionaries began their work among the ransomed slaves. In order to establish a Christian community with ransomed slaves in 1868, they moved from Zanzibar to Bagamoyo, a coastal harbour town of mainland Tanzania. Sultan Bargesh generously offered the missionaries eighty acres of land to establish the Catholic mission in Bagamoyo. The Christian village of Bagamoyo included a primary school, a trade school and a Church. The missionaries taught the people to work with ploughs. A timetable was made for the members of the community for work, for prayer and for religious instructions. The Bagamoyo mission was a “springboard to the interior”. 114 The missionaries trained liberated slaves as catechists, who were indispensable for the evangelization of Tanzania. The mission of Bagamoyo was further extended to areas surrounding Morogoro and Kilimanjaro.
The Anglican Missionaries came to Zanzibar in 1864 sponsored by two Church organizations; Universities Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) and Church Mission Society (CMS). They also began their work among freed slaves. They worked hard to abolish slavery. In 1873, the British forced the Sultan to prohibit slave trade. The Anglicans erected a cathedral on the former slave market in Zanzibar. They were also the pioneers in translating the Bible into Swahili. In 1875, they moved to mainland Tanzania. 115
112 Cf. Baur: 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, p. 94. 113 Cf. Rweyemamu/Msambue: The Catholic Church in Tanzania, p. 10. 114 Baur: 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, p. 227 115 Cf. Baur: 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, p. 232. 38
The Missionaries of Africa (White Fathers) were the second group of Catholic missionaries to arrive in Tanzania from France. They came to Zanzibar in 1878 under the leadership of Fr. Livinhac and went on to the regions of Lake Tanganyika and Lake Victoria. Most of their missions were centres of slave trade. They condemned slave trade and their founder Cardinal Lavigerie preached against it. 116 They trained several Tanzanians as catechists, who then helped the Fathers in their missionary endeavour. Dr. Adriano Atiman, a freed slave who became a Catechist was the most famous among them. He worked in Karema from 1889 to 1956. 117 The main mission centres of Missionaries of Africa were in Ujiji, Karema (Sumbawanga), Tabora and Mwanza.
With the German occupation of Tanzania, missionaries began to arrive from Germany. In 1887, the Benedictines of St. Ottilien came to Tanzania. They were entrusted with the South Tanzania mission. The main centres of Benedictine mission were Ndanda Mtwara, Peramiho Songea, Tosamaganga Iringa, Kwiro Mahenge and Bihawana Dodoma. 118 Also in 1887, German protestant missionaries came to Tanzania sponsored by a Lutheran society which known as the Berlin Society . The Lutheran Mission had its centres in Digo, Usambara and Bukoba. 119
The missionaries from Europe came to Tanzania with their own understanding of Christianity. According to W.B. Anderson, the approach to the mission in East Africa had three different emphases. The first one was the Catholic emphasis , saying that the church is universal and not national. The Roman Catholic missionaries adopted such an approach. They used Latin liturgy for worship, which was universally used by Catholics. The Anglican missionaries translated hymns and the creed, which they used in England. In fact, they were not promoting a universal church but the church that they knew. They were trying to implant the European church in Tanzania. The second approach was with a national emphasis, which argued that the church should be localized. Henry Venn, a CMS missionary, was a staunch proponent of this approach. According
116 Cf. Anderson: The Church in East Africa 1840 – 1974, p.14. 117 Cf. Baur: 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, p. 246. 118 Cf. Baur: 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, p. 250. 119 Cf. Anderson: The Church in East Africa 1840 – 1974, p. 47. 39
to him, the church in Tanzania should be “self governing, self supporting and self propagating”. 120 The Protestant evangelical churches mostly adopted this approach. The third approach emphasised on the Vernacular . The German Protestant missions promoted the use of vernacular in preaching and in the liturgy. Anderson said further that amidst their missionary activities, the missionaries felt the need of civilizing the people. Through schools and health centres European missionaries spearheaded the civilization movement in Tanzania. 121
The First World War hampered the missionary activities of both Catholic and non Catholic missions in Tanzania. The rivalries in Europe spread to the East African coast, because Germans were the colonial power of Tanzania and the British had an immense influence on the East African coast. The German missionaries were shown the door by the new British colonial power. Despite all these difficulties, the mission continued to thrive, particularly through the dedicated catechists, who held together the Christian folk and continued the mission left by the missionaries. The example of catechist Cassian Gama Mbocho deserves to be mentioned in this context. 122
A number of missionary congregations came to Tanzania after the First World War. Prominent among them are the Capuchins, Consolata, Passionists and the Pallotines, who not only continued the missionary activities in the areas left by the Benedictines, but also spread the mission to the other parts of Tanzania. The German missionaries came back to Tanzania in 1926. In the 1930’s Kilimanjaro, Bukoba, Peramiho and Ndanda emerged as cradles of Christianity in Tanzania. During this time seminaries were established and many native Africans became priests. A number of women religious were also established for Tanzanians during this period.
After the Second World War a number of missionary orders such as Maryknolls, Rosminians and the Salvatorians came to Tanzania. The arrival of these orders further helped the evangelization of Tanzania. A number of Protestant
120 Anderson: The Church in East Africa 1840 – 1974, p. 48. 121 Cf. Anderson: The Church in East Africa 1840 – 1974, p. 49. 122 Cf. Anderson: The Church in East Africa 1840 – 1974, p.76. 40
missionaries too came to develop their existing missions. An important element of Christianity at this period of time was the emergence of Revival movements and African Independent Churches, which were solely of African leadership. Some of these Churches were close to African culture and traditions as mainstream churches. 123
The missionary activities of mainstream Churches were characterized by the “school dispensary Church pattern”. 124 At the time of German invasion, the Muslims of the coast were the only ones who could read and write in Tanzania. Education brought them high ranking offices under the German rule. The missionaries established schools, which they called “bush schools”125 in order to educate the people. The schools helped immensely the evangelization. Thus the Christians were called ‘wasomaji’ (readers). The establishment of dispensaries and hospitals became another tool of evangelization. Anderson says that “healing became a part of the essential message of Christianity, since Christian preaching opposed African priest and witch doctor it had to point to something positive for curing disease.” 126 Cardinal Lavigere, the founder of the Missionaries of Africa (White Fathers) believed that “medicine could unlock the soul of Africans”. 127 It took time for the people to trust the modern medicine introduced by the European missionaries, since they were used to the traditional healers and their medicine. Anderson observed the reason for the slow acceptance of modern medicine in the following words: “The cures of scientific medicine did not exactly correspond to the diseases of Africans. There was no cure for people under a curse, nor could missionary medicine protect them from witchcraft”. 128 The medical facilities offered by the Churches to a great extent helped the Christians to keep away from superstitions and witch doctors. The missionaries also introduced cash crops, which helped the people to improve their lives economically 129 .
There were some attempts to indigenize Christianity in Tanzania. Bruno Gutmann, a Lutheran missionary was a forerunner of making Christianity African.
123 Cf. Shorter/Njiru: New Religious Movements in Africa, p. 30. 124 Anderson: The Church in East Africa 1840 – 1974, p.111. 125 Baur: 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, p. 412. 126 Anderson: The Church in East Africa 1840 – 1974, p.85. 127 Westerlund: Ujamaa na Dini, p. 53. 128 Anderson: The Church in East Africa 1840 – 1974, p.86. 129 Cf. Baur: 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, p. 419. 41
He believed that conversion should be for the whole clan, and not only for the individual. He suggested African names for Baptism. He also said that the Bible should be translated into tribal languages and not in Swahili. However, his suggestions were rejected by his own Leipzig society 130 . Father Lucas of the UMCA was another missionary who attempted to integrate African customs with Christian practices. He introduced a Christian initiation rite (Jando) to replace the traditional initiation ceremonies. It was successful among Yao, Makonde and Makua people of southern Tanzania. 131 These attempts of indigenization were sporadic and were not appreciated by the mainstream churches. Although the missionary activities brought education, medicine and development to Tanzania, the lack of appreciation for local culture and traditions failed to localize Christianity in Tanzania. The slow pace of Inculturation and adaptation still keep Christianity to a large extent incomprehensible for the people.
The post Independence period witnessed the emergence of a Church which is truly African in its leadership and outlook. 132 The mainstream churches organized themselves to coordinate their activities. The Catholics organized themselves under the Tanzania Episcopal Conference’ (TEC), the Anglicans have Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT) and the Lutherans coordinated themselves through the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Tanzania’ (ELCT). There are 30 Catholic dioceses, 22 Anglican dioceses and 20 Lutheran dioceses in Tanzania. The mainstream churches continue to spread their influence through education and health care. The number of Pentecostal and African Independent Churches has grown since independence. The Bishops’ Synods of 1994 and 2009 reflected the growth and maturity of Christianity in Tanzania as well as on the whole continent.
1.3. Christian-Muslim Relations Christianity and Islam have co existed in Tanzania for the last five centuries, although the Christian presence was insignificant until the end of the nineteenth century. The Christian Muslim relationship has undergone several stages over the years. There were positive as well as negative encounters that the people of
130 Cf. Anderson: The Church in East Africa 1840 – 1974, p.98. 131 Cf. Anderson: The Church in East Africa 1840 – 1974, p.101. 132 Cf. Rweyemamu/Msambue: The Catholic Church in Tanzania, p. 28.
42
the both religions experienced particularly in the past century. An in depth analysis of the relationship that exist between these two major world religions in Tanzania, would shed light upon the current tensions and problems that Tanzania undergoes in the name of religions. The Christian Muslim relationships are here divided under four major periods: Christian Muslim relationship under Portuguese and Arabs, under Germans, under the British and finally in the post independence era.
1.3.1. Christian-Muslim Relationship under the Portuguese and the Arabs The Arabs and Persians, who have had an enduring relationship with the people of the East African coast since the eighth century, exercised their dominance also in Zanzibar, which is part of the modern Tanzania. Islam came through them to Zanzibar and subsequently to Tanzania. The presence of Arab and Persian traders was felt only in Zanzibar and coastal regions of Tanzania. Their primary aim was trade and not the spreading of Islam. They inter married the native African women and thus gave rise to a new group of people, namely, ‘ Swahili ’, which means ‘people of the coast’. The inter cultural marriages brought a new religion, a new culture and a new language to Zanzibar as well as to Tanzania. Islam became the new religion of the coast, the new culture was the ‘ Swahili ’, a mixture of Arab Persian African culture, and the mixture of the Bantu languages of native Africans and the Arabic of the immigrants produced the new language, Swahili . The relation between the Arabs, Persians and natives seemed to be good, because all have profited from trade. 133
A bitter history of the East African coast began with the arrival of the Portuguese in 1498. Relatively peaceful people were confronted with the modern weaponry and aggression of the Portuguese. The Portuguese wanted dominance over the Indian Ocean and the trade that existed along the East African coast. Their ambitions led to bitter confrontations with the Arabs and Persians who controlled the Indian Ocean for several centuries. The Portuguese were ruthless in
133 Cf. Kim: Islam among the Swahili in East Africa, pp. 13 – 14. 43
executing their ambitions and the people of the coast resisted their advances with little success. 134
The Portuguese, who had the obligation to evangelize the conquered land brought missionaries to Christianize the coast of East Africa. It was by the Portuguese that Christianity was introduced to the East African coast for the first time. The religious intrusion of the Portuguese missionaries was faced with stiff opposition by the people of the coast. The people hated everything Portuguese, including Christianity as imported by the Portuguese. The Portuguese were “more interested in plunder than in the propagation of Christianity.” 135 The attitude of the Portuguese became a stumbling block for the missionaries trying to convince the people about the new religion. The relationship between Christianity and Islam was at its lowest ebb in the history of Tanzania under the Portuguese. The missionaries had only a nominal presence on the coast until the Portuguese were driven away by the King of Oman, Ahamed bin Seid in 1698 and the East African coast came under Omani rule. The Swahili culture flourished and several Arab immigrants settled in Zanzibar. In 1840, the King of Oman transferred his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar. For a long time there was no competition for trade and religion in the coastal regions of East Africa and in Tanzania. The Omani rule was marked by slave trade, one of the saddest events in the history of East Africa as well as of Tanzania. 136
Rev. Johan Ludwig Krapf of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) was the first Christian missionary to arrive in Zanzibar in 1844, after the departure of the Portuguese from the East African coast. 137 He was cordially received by the King of Zanzibar Sultan Seyyid Said. Krapf, after having observed the Islamic presence in Zanzibar, felt the futility of evangelizing there. He left for Kenya and tried to establish Christian communities there, but with little success. 138 It is important to note here, how Krapf was received in Zanzibar and his attitude towards the people there. After having found the Islamic presence in Zanzibar, he did not take a confronting course to convince people of the superiority of his
134 Cf. Strandes: The Portuguese Period in East Africa, p. 59. 135 Mbogoni: The Cross verses The Crescent, p. 7. 136 Cf. Rasmussen: Christian Muslim Relationship in Africa, p. 11. 137 Cf. www.dacb.org/stories/ethiopia/legacy_krapf.html (28.04.2010) 138 Cf. Anderson: The Church in East Africa 1840 1974, p. 7. 44
religion, as had been done by the missionaries in the past. The Sultan too had a better opinion of Krapf, as he was not backed by a military power, which would have threatened the Sultans’ authority over the Island and coast.
The Holy Ghost missionaries who came to Zanzibar in 1863 were received by Sultan Bargesh. After spending some years in Zanzibar, they found the Islamic influence in Zanzibar was great, and desired to move to the mainland Tanzania. Baur writes how the Sultan helped them to find a place to start the mission:
Fr. Horner made long journeys of exploration in the Sultan’s boat ad eventually decided on settling at Bagamoyo, the coastal port . Sultan Bargesh most generously allotted them a plot of ‘2000 x 2000 arms’ (80 acres). In 1868 all the Zanzibar institutions were transferred to this first Catholic mainland station of East Africa. Within a few years it emerged as a model mission, hailed by Livingstone and Stanley, recommended to other societies as an example by the British consul, and proudly referred to as the town’s jewel by the Sultan. 139
The attitude of the Sultan towards the Christian missionaries was highly appreciative and the missionaries too respected the authority of the Sultan. Here we see a qualitative difference between the missionaries who were brought by the Portuguese and the French missionaries, who came on their own. The Portuguese missionaries were handicapped in evangelizing the East African coast by the Portuguese colonial ambitions. They too did not recognize the importance of Islam in the lives of the people of the coast. Their failure to move to the interior of Tanzania is to be described as the lost golden opportunity to evangelize mainland Tanzania. The Holy Ghost Fathers quickly recognized the importance of Islam on the coast and were ready to move to the interior, which was open to be evangelized. Their wisdom paid off; it was good for Christianity as well as Islam. They avoided the areas of Islamic influence and did not give opportunities for religious confrontations. 140
The UMCA missionaries too were well received by the Sultan in 1869. They established schools and colleges in Zanzibar. They succeeded in forcing the Sultan through the British Consul Sir Bartle Frere to prohibit slavery in 1873. They bought the areas of the slave market and built a church there. It is the first
139 Baur: 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, p. 226. 140 Cf. Baur: 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, p. 227. 45
Anglican Church in Zanzibar. Baur says: “The erection of a cathedral on the closed slave market in Zanzibar was a monument to joint missionary and government endeavours.” 141 The prohibition of slavery and the erection of a church on the slave market reflect the confidence and cordiality that existed between the Sultan and the missionaries.
The Sultan of Zanzibar sought the protection of Britain in the Indian Ocean for a smooth trade between Zanzibar and Oman. Although the aim of the British in East African waters was trade, they were also interested in the religious sphere. The missionary freedom was thus guaranteed by the ‘Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation of 1886’ between England and Zanzibar. The treaty says:
Subjects of the two High Contracting parities shall, within the dominions of each other, enjoy freedom of conscience and religious toleration. The free and public exercise of all forms of religion, and the right to build edifices for religious worship, and to organise religious missions of all creeds, shall not be restricted or interfered with in any way whatsoever. Missionaries, scientists, as with their followers, property and collections shall likewise be under special protection of the High Contracting parties. (CMS G3 A5 O, 1888, no. 372, Mackay memo). 142
The missionaries, through the “good will of their Arab hosts” 143 , were able to print newspapers in Swahili for the purpose of Evangelization. The remarkable harmony that existed between Muslims and Christians speaks volumes about the openness of the ruling Sultan and the people in general.
However, tensions began to emerge during this period between Arab traders and missionaries, due to runaway slaves, who found refuge in mission compounds. The missionaries protected them. Slaves who were freed or ran away caused shortage of labour in the plantations of the Arab traders. The problem was solved by the intervention of British East African Trading Company, which compensated the Arabs for runaway slaves, and by the promise of the missions that they would not harbour them in the future. 144 The animosity that existed between the Arab
141 Baur: 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, p. 229. 142 As cited by Mbogoni: in The Cross verses The Crescent, p. 24. 143 Mbogoni: The Cross verses The Crescent, p. 24. 144 Cf. Baur: 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, p. 230. 46
and Swahili Muslims and the Portuguese was substantially subdued during the Omani rule of the coast and of Zanzibar. When problems arose between Arab traders and missionaries, they were more due to economical than of religious factors. However the missionary motives of both religions too played a vital role in creating tension between both religions.
1.3.2. Christian-Muslim Relations under the Germans The history of Islamic expansion to the interior of Tanzania and the arrival of Christian missionaries in Tanzania towards the last quarter of the nineteenth century coincided with the German occupation of Tanzania. Although Zanzibar was not under German rule, Germans did not have any problem in getting along with Islam, particularly in the coastal regions of Tanzania. In fact, Germans made use of the coastal Muslims, who were the only educated people at that time, to be local administrators, soldiers and clerks to expand German colonial rule in the interior of Tanzania. Arabs and Swahili Muslims were collaborators of German rule. This helped indirectly the expansion of Islam in the interior parts of Tanzania. 145 Many missionaries complained that “German Government had deliberately favoured Islam”. 146
However, the German rule threatened the economic benefits of Arabs and it led to the resistance against German rule. The first such resistance was led by Bushiri bin Salim in the coastal regions of Tanzania in 1889. It is known as the “Bushiri resistance” 147 . Although the motivation of the resistance was economical and political, it also had religious ramifications, since most of the missionaries were from Europe. The resistance against the German rule was thus against all the Europeans, regardless of whether they were colonial administrators or missionaries. On the 25 th of January 1889, a British missionary, Mr. Brooks and his fifty porters were killed in Saadani. The Mission stations of CMS in Dar es Salaam and the Benedictine Mission in Pugu were attacked by the supporters of Bushiri. 148 They attacked not only European missionaries but also the newly converted Africans. The Germans successfully put down the resistance and took
145 Cf. Rasmussen: Christian Muslim Relationship in Africa, p. 21. 146 Westerlund: Ujamaa na Dini, p. 51. 147 Kimambo/Temu: A History of Tanzania, p. 105. 148 Cf. Mbogoni: The Cross verses The Crescent, p. 27 28. 47
over the control of coastal regions from the Sultan. The Bushiri resistance increased the animosity between Christians and Muslims.
The German rule accompanied with forced labour and taxation led to a protest against the German administration by the people. The famous ‘Maji, Maji uprising’ (1905 – 1907) had, particularly in the southern and coastal regions of Tanzania posed a threat to the Christian missionaries. The majority of the fighters in the ‘Maji, Maji uprising’ were followers of the traditional religions and African Muslims. Bishop Cassian Spiess and two religious brothers and two sisters who accompanied him were killed by the supporters of the Maji, Maji revolt on their way to Peramiho from Kilwa. During this time several missions and missionaries were attacked. One cannot with full certainty ascertain that an anti Christian motive was behind the attacks. The attacks were rather against the German colonial rulers. The missionaries were unintended victims of the revolt, because they were also Europeans. It should be noted that very often the French and British missionaries came into conflict with German rulers. 149 The Maji, Maji revolt intensified the animosity between Christians and Muslims. The missionaries could not easily move around and their activities such as building schools or dispensaries were looked upon with suspicion; in some cases the Muslims opposed such activities. 150 However, the Maji, Maji uprising brought together divergent tribes to fight against the colonial rule. It contributed significantly to the national movement in the course of time. According to Lissie Rasmussen;
The positive contribution of Islam to nationalist movements contributed to its growth. Islam was the way, both of entering and of resisting western cultural and political domination. The Maji, maji facilitated the spread of Christianity and Islam in the south, not only because of Muslim participation in the uprising, but also because of the loss of confidence in indigenous ideology which followed the defeat of the uprising. 151
The Maji, Maji revolt put into question the traditional beliefs upon which the people relied to fight against Germans. The defeat made them look for other means to achieve freedom from colonial rule. The Islam which was propagated
149 Cf. Smith: Christianity and Islam in Tanzania. Development and relationships, p. 173. 150 Cf. Mbogoni: The Cross verses The Crescent, p. 36. 151 Rasmussen: Christian Muslim Relationship in Africa, p. 25 26. 48
by Sufism corresponded to the traditional settings and was found attractive to many Africans. The schools and dispensaries opened by the Christian missionaries attracted African traditional believers to Christianity. 152
Tensions between Christians and Muslims grew during the time of German colonialism. The Germans who employed Arabs and Swahili Muslims as local administrators and soldiers effectively spread Islam. The Christian missionaries too were trying to establish themselves in the new mission land. Muslims used many tactics to prevent Africans from joining Christianity. For example, they claimed that Christians will be used as firewood in heaven to burn other infidels. 153 The Muslims questioned many central doctrines of Christianity, such as Incarnation, Crucifixion, and Resurrection. CMS missionaries like Rev. J. Murrary Mitchell 154 and Rev. Godfrey Dale 155 wrote in Swahili extensively about the differences between Christianity and Islam, and defended the Christian teachings. 156 In 1911, a missionary conference was organized in Dar es Salaam, after which a number of periodicals appeared in defence of Christianity. This apologist approach from both sides deteriorated the Christian Muslim relationship in Tanzania. 157
Another point of contention was education. The Germans established schools in the coastal areas, which benefited the Muslims. It helped Muslims to attain jobs as civil servants. Swahili was the language used by the German colonial rulers. Many Christian missionaries considered Swahili as an Islamic language and refused to adopt Swahili as the official language in their schools. They used tribal
152 Cf. Baur: 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, p. 254. 153 Cf. Anderson: The Church in East Africa 1840 – 1974, p.98. 154 Mitchell’s book ‘Schuhuda za Dini ya Kimasihia pamoja na Kupeleleza Kidogo Dini ya Isamu’ (Evidences of the Christian Religion, together with a short examination of Islamic religion) was written in 1905. He proved the authenticity of Christianity and gave Christian explanations on a number of doctrines which were questioned by Muslims. He also pointed out the authenticity of the Bible. The book is polemic; he questioned a number of Islamic claims, such as Mohammad’s claim to be the last Prophet. 155 Dale wrote in 1909 ‘Khabari za dini ya Kiislamu’ (Remarks about the religion of Islam). In this book he wrote about the basic teachings of Islam and compared it with the Christianity. The Comparisons were intended to help the Christians to defend Christians against the Muslim criticism of Christian doctrines. 156 Cf. Mbogoni: The Cross verses The Crescent, p. 63. 157 Cf. Rasmussen: Christian Muslim Relationship in Africa, p. 39. 49
languages in the schools, which did not qualify the Christians to attain jobs in the colonial government. 158
The attitude of the Christian missionaries too contributed to the tension between Christians and Muslims. In general, the missionaries had a polemical attitude toward Islam. They considered that Islam is a religion with many superstitious beliefs opposing development and civilization. They often questioned the violence used by Muslims and considered them responsible for slave trade. 159 Such attitudes and condemnation together with a competitive attitude to convert as many Africans to Christianity set Islam and Christianity in a psychological collision course at the beginning of the nineteenth century. However, the Christian missionaries avoided direct evangelization of the areas with Islamic presence, particularly the coastal regions. 160 This attitude of the missionaries prevented any direct clash between two religions at the coastal regions of Tanzania.
The German appreciation for Muslims did not last long, as the Germans suspected them for plotting against the German rule. In 1908, the Germans noticed the circulation of a letter popularly known as the ‘Mecca Letter’, which aroused religious sentiments against the German rule. Although the Germans succeeded with the help of Walimu (teachers) in calming down the situation, it created uneasiness in the relationship. 161
The Germans, who felt, that the growing influence of Islam would threaten their colonial rule, decided to prevent the spread of Islam by replacing the Swahili Arabic script with Roman script. They also found that Islam was spreading along the central railway line and therefore wanted the Christian missionaries to concentrate on towns along that line. 162 The Christian missionaries, having realized the importance of Swahili introduced it in their schools as well as in the liturgy.
158 Cf. Mbogoni: The Cross verses The Crescent, p. 90. 159 Cf. Rasmussen: Christian Muslim Relationship in Africa, p. 36. 160 Cf. Smith: Some Elements for understanding Muslim Christian Relations in Tanzania, p. 97. 161 Cf. Rasmussen: Christian Muslim Relationship in Africa, p. 22. 162 Cf. Mbogoni: The Cross versus The Crescent, pp. 95 and 96. 50
During the First World War Turkey was one of the allies of Germany and the German rulers in Tanzania used this occasion to appeal to the Muslims to fight against the advancing British troops, without success. The First World War was disastrous for the Christian missionaries. The rivalry between Germans and British was reflected badly on their attitude towards the missionaries, too. The advancing British army detained and deported the German missionaries. The war was a setback for evangelization, and it gave an opportunity for Islam to thrive throughout Tanzania. 163
The attitude of the Germans towards the religion was not commendable. However, in order to promote their interests in Tanzania, they indirectly helped Islam in the beginning years of their rule and Christian missionaries towards the end of their rule. The German colonial period saw the extensive spread of Islam and Christianity in Tanzania. The zealous missionary attitude naturally placed Christian Muslim relations on shaky ground.
1.3.3. Christian-Muslim Relationship under the British The First World War necessitated a change of colonial power in Tanzania. The British took over the administration of Tanzania from the Germans in 1919. They, unlike the Germans, who had used the coastal Swahili people for administration, the Britisch introduced indirect rule in Tanzania, through which the traditional authority was restored. 164 The British indirect rule put an end to the influence of coastal Muslims in the local administration. It hampered the further spread of Islam and indirectly Christianity. 165
One of the major reforms of the British rule which affected Christian Muslim relations was their educational policy. The famous Phelps Stokes Commission, which came to Tanzania in 1924 to study the educational system, recommended a western system of education to be introduced in Tanzania. The mission schools, which were popularly known as the ‘Bush schools’, helped the students only to read and write. The British wanted to improve the standard of education
163 Cf. Westerlund: Ujamaa na Dini, p. 43. 164 Cf. Nyambari/Maluka: Major Events in African History, p. 194. 165 Cf. Westerlund: Ujamaa na Dini, p. 52. 51
and to have the same syllabus to be followed by all the schools in the country. 166 The new western education system was accepted in the mission and government schools, but the Muslims rejected it and retained their Quranic school 167 system. The British refused to recognize the Quranic schools. 168 The Muslims’ rejection of the western educational system led to the discrepancies in education among Christians and Muslims. The education policy became a major source of polarization between the Christians and Muslims in the following decades. The Muslims did not send their children to Christian schools; for fear of being converted to Christianity. “Muslims perceived that missionaries and the colonial government were collaborators and therefore enemies of Islam.” 169 The Muslims’ failure to move with the times in the field of education is to be considered as a lost opportunity because “education was one of the chief sources of improvement in Tanzania in the first half of the twentieth century.” 170
However, one should take into consideration the general attitude of the Tanzanian society towards education during this period. It is estimated that at the time of Independence in 1961, about 85% of the population were illiterate. The primary school enrolment was less than 30% of the school age population of children. 171 There was a general antipathy towards education. It was not only Muslims but also Christians and believers of traditional religions, too who were not very enthusiastic about need of the education. No doubt a substantial number of people benefited from the education provided by the missionaries. It helped to raise the educational standard of Tanzania. However, Muslims often complain that their backwardness in education is due to the educational system of the missionaries and the colonial government. The validity of Muslims’ criticism that the missionaries and the colonial government were responsible for the poor education of Muslims is a contentious issue.
The Muslims did not have a centralized authority to coordinate and unify their efforts to promote education and other social services. The different Islamic
166 Cf. Anderson: The Church in East Africa 1840 – 1974, p.82. 167 Quranic schools were basically religious schools, where tenants of Islam are taught. They also taught the students to read Quran. Modern sciences were not taught in Quranic schools. 168 Cf. Mbogoni: The Cross verses The Crescent, p. 105. 169 Mushi: Religion and Provision of Education in Tanzania, p. 420. 170 Kimambo/Temu: A History of Tanzania, p. 134. 171 Cf. Mushi: Religion and Provision of Education in Tanzania, p. 422. 52
groups were often at loggerheads with each another. Only in 1945 that the ‘East African Muslim Welfare Society’ in Mombasa was established. The members of this society were mostly of Asian origin and they did not reflect the spirit of the African Muslims. The Christian Churches, on the other hand organized their efforts through the Tanzanian Episcopal Conference (TEC) and the Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT). 172 There was a difference between Christians and Muslims in their methods of conversion. The Christians employed diaconia through which educational and medical services were provided to show the love of God and to win people for Christianity. The Muslims tried to attract and win people through the centrality of prayer and building Mosques. People were attracted to Islam by Muslim religious practices. 173
Since 1922, several peasant and tribal organizations have begun to emerge throughout Tanzania to protect their rights. One of the most important organisations of the time was the Tanganyika African Association (TAA), which was established in 1929. Its purpose was “to do away with all tribal, sectarian, political, cultural, educational, territorial, and other differences to promote a solid brotherhood of Africans”. 174 It was “non tribal and non religious” 175 in its character. It was a movement aimed at unifying people of different tribes and religions. Its slogan was ‘Umoja ni nguvu’ (Unity is strength). It was a prototype national movement, which established branches all over the country. It united educated Christians and Muslims in the demand for Independence. The TAA was assimilated into the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), which was founded in 1954. The primary aim of the TANU was to win independence and to unite all Tanzanians. They wanted to separate religion from politics. Although, the majority of the top leaders TANU were Muslims, they elected Julius K. Nyerere, a Christian, as the President of TANU. Some Muslim leaders were unhappy that a Christian had been elected as President of the party. Those opposed Nyereres’
172 Cf. Smith: Christianity and Islam in Tanzania: Development and relationships, p. 174. 173 Cf. Mbogoni: The Cross versus The Crescent, p. 105. 174 Rasmussen: Christian Muslim Relationship in Africa, p. 23. 175 Kimambo/Temu: A History of Tanzania, p. 195. 53
election as the party president split TANU to establish the ‘All Muslim National Union of Tanganyika’ (AMNUT). 176
The conditions put forward by the British for the parliamentary elections in 1958 were very objectionable. They stipulated that a candidate or a voter should have “an annual income of 200 sterling pounds, Standard XII education and be employed in a specific post.” 177 Some Christians had an advantage with such conditions and Muslims were very much annoyed. These conditions eliminated not only Muslims from contesting elections or voting but also a large majority of Christians and traditional believers, who were poor and lacked education. It was an injustice to all people, not particularly aimed at Muslims. Seeing the inequality in education, AMNUT asked the British government to delay independence until the Muslims were in par with Christians in the field of education. In its reply to AMNUT, the British colonial government said that there were a number of vacant seats in primary schools for which the Muslim students could apply. Even in Muslim schools there were many vacant seats for students. The government concluded that the problem lay with the Muslim parents, who had some disinclination to send children to the schools. 178 The lack of appreciation for education was not only among Muslims but among the large majority of the population. It continued to be so for a long time. Only a very small portion of the population studied at secondary schools and universities till the 1980s. 179 The British government appointed a commission to consider the Muslim demands and the commission made several proposals to improve the standard of education among the Muslims and incorporate Islamic studies in the schools. 180
TANU was able to pull together Muslims and Christians to win independence for Tanzania. Swahili was the medium of communication for the people of different tribes and religions. Through Swahili the leaders of TANU were able to address
176 Cf. Rasmussen: Christian Muslim Relationship in Africa, p. 24. 177 Mbogoni: The Cross versus the Crescent, p. 116. 178 Cf. Mbogoni: The Cross versus the Crescent, p. 118. 179 Cf. Tungaraza: Notwendigkeit und Möglichkeit von Sozialpolitik in Tansania, p. 117. 180 Cf. East Africa High Commission: Report of the Fact finding Mission to study Muslim Education in East Africa, p.15. 54
the people directly and thus helped to create unity among them. The secular ideology of TANU enabled to bring together people of different religions. 181
During the British colonial period, the main dispute between Christians and Muslims were about education. Muslims had a feeling that the policies of the colonial government helped the Christians to achieve better education and have more job opportunities in the administration. Muslims particularly looked forward to the independence of Tanzania, which they hoped would brighten their chances in the field of education and also in job opportunities. The issue of education became a stumbling block for a better Christian Muslim relationship. However, during this time, there were no major conflicts between Christians and Muslims in Tanzania. The relationship was by and large cordial except on the issue of education.
1.3.4. Christian-Muslim Relations in the Post Independence Era A new sphere of relationship between Christians and Muslims began to emerge in the wake of self rule and independence since 1961. The new leadership under President Julius K. Nyerere began immediately to address the issues of national importance. Nyerere and TANU adopted a socialistic approach in governing Tanzania. TANU’s socialistic approach is popularly known as Ujamaa 182 and its ideology is reflected in the famous Arusha Declaration .183 The government had the tremendous task of bringing together people of different religions and tribes. President Nyerere and his party strongly believed that Ujamaa could achieve social and economic equality. The newly independent Tanzania aspired to be a secular state respecting all religions. TANU leaders often said “Don’t mix politics with religion.” 184 The government focused its policies on national integration and
181 Cf. Nyambari/Maluka: Major Events in African History, p. 281. 182 Ujamaa is a Swahili word which denotes extended family or familyhood. It was through the concept of Ujamaa that Julius K. Nyerere, the first President of Tanzania introduced social and economic reforms in Tanzania in 1967. For Nyerere, an African extended family means that every individual is at the service of the community. Therefore, Ujamaa is a collective effort of the community for social and economic development. Ujamaa is known as African Socialism. It is a self reliance program. 183 The Arusha Declaration was made by President Julius Nyerere on 5 February 1967, outlining the principles of Ujamaa to develop the nation's economy. The declaration called for an overhaul of the economic system, through African socialism and self reliance in locally administered villages through a villagization program. 184 Westerlund: Ujamaa na Dini, p. 57. 55
unity, as Tanzania had over 120 tribes. The government and TANU leaders pre empted any potential divisive tendencies of religions on Ujamaa.
The Christians and Muslims had different perspectives on the new socialistic policies of the independent Tanzania. The Muslims, particularly Sunni Muslims wholeheartedly supported the Ujamaa ideology, but on the other hand the response of the Christian leadership, was lukewarm.185 Muslims were attracted by TANU’s appeal for nationalism, self reliance, equality and Africanization. Swahili, which was considered to be a coastal Islamic language, was made the official language of Tanzania. On the other hand, Christians were discouraged by their Church leaders to be members of TANU, because the Church was sceptical of TANU’s policies. They feared that TANU was trying to implement communist ideologies through Ujamaa in Tanzania. However, some of the Church leaders supported and lived Ujamaa, for example like Bishop Christopher Mwoleka who worked half time in Ujamaa village. 186 The general support for Ujamaa and the self reliance program was not enthusiastically supported by the Church in the initial stages of the implementation of Ujamaa.
Although the Ujamaa policy of the government strived towards secular society, it did not undermine the role of religion in society. The religions, particularly Islam and Christianity, were told to play a constructive role in realizing the Ujamaa policies of the government. TANU leaders exhorted the religious organizations to play their part in developing Tanzania, but within the framework of Ujamaa. The Church was reluctant to get involved politically. Nyerere once addressing the Maryknoll Sisters in New York said:
My purpose today is to suggest to you that the Church should accept that the development of peoples means rebellion. At a given and decisive point in history men decide to act against those conditions which restrict their freedom as men. I am suggesting that, unless we participate actively in the rebellion against those social structures and economic organizations which condemn men to poverty and humiliation and degradation, then the Church will become irrelevant to man and the Christian religion will degenerate into a set of superstitions accepted by the fearful. 187
185 Cf. Smith: Christianity and Islam in Tanzania: Development and relationships, p. 177. 186 Cf. Bauer: 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, p. 395. 187 Nyerere: Freedom and Development, p.215. 56
TANU leaders had no problem in accepting religious organizations with a socialistic outlook. T. Mussa, a top TANU leader and a Lutheran minister made the following remark over the role of the Church in a socialistic country: “When Christianity is truly taught it is expressed in socialistic terms.” 188 Such statements by the leaders of the TANU were intended to clear religious leaders’ scepticism on the Ujamaa policy of the government.
The most contentious issue between the government and the Church was on the question of education. The Church owned the great majority of the educational institutions at the time of independence. The Muslims, who felt that they were left behind in the field of education, demanded the nationalization of schools, so that the Church had no more autonomy regarding schools. In 1963 President Nyerere in a memorandum titled ‘The Problem of Education in Tanganyika’ appealed to the Catholic Bishops to provide equal opportunity for Muslims students in mission schools. 189 The government could not provide education for all, as it lacked the necessary infrastructure and funds. Although the government promised not to nationalize the schools, it did nationalize the schools in 1969. Perhaps the Islamic crisis of 1968 190 precipitated the nationalization of the schools. Westerlund would say that “the change would not simply be nationalization of schools but nationalization of education, because it involved the teachers in the task of propagating political education.” 191 It was a huge blow to the Church, which did protest. However, in the national interest the Church did not insist on withholding the government’s decision. Despite the nationalization, it is interesting to note that the Church’s support for Ujamaa increased in the 1970’s. This was due to the fact that Ujamaa did not bear atheistic tendencies, as the Church leaders had feared. TANU leaders argued that religion is the opium of the people is a foreign ideology, which was not suitable for the African situation.
188 Westerlund: Ujamaa na Dini, p. 59. 189 Cf. Mbogoni: The Cross versus The Crescent, pp. 218 – 222. 190 The socialistic policies of the government were opposed by a section of the Muslims who were attached to East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS). In a Muslim Congress at Iriga in 1968, the pro government Muslims established the Supreme Council for Muslims in East Africa (BAKWATA). This crisis created deep divisions in the Muslim community. The nationalization of school was perhaps to appease the Muslims, who were against the educational policies of the government. 191 Westerlund: Ujamaa na Dini, p. 120. 57
Naturally, the Church leaders were pleased with the non Marxist character of Ujamaa. 192
An important milestone in the history was the passing of the New Marriage Law (1971) . Before 1971, every religious community had its own laws concerning marriage and divorce. The government wanted to establish a uniform marriage law which would be based on equality of the sexes. The government took into consideration the religious practices of the traditional religions, Islam and Christianity in formulating the new Marriage Law. The bill was passed in the parliament with some modifications, to everyone’s satisfaction. Religious divisions did not come into the picture here. The Ujamaa policy of the government triumphed over the religious practices. 193
The relationship between Christians and Muslims were cordial during the post independence era. Some would say that, although the relationship was cordial, “a certain tension has certainly existed under the surface, but it seldom led to open conflict.” 194 The nation building calmed the religious strife, and Ujamaa united Christians and Muslims for a common cause. The attitude of the Catholic Church toward Muslims was positive in the aftermath of Vatican II. Although many Muslims criticized President Nyerere of favouring Christians, Westerlund’s opinion was that “in several ways Nyerere’s policies bettered the position of Muslims, and it appears that he hardly ever criticized them in the way that he often criticized the Christians.” 195 Nyerere had a vision of a united Tanzania, where social justice and equality preceded religious, tribal and racial affiliations. His effort to keep Tanzania united and his contribution to nation building and national integration are written in golden letters. During his time the political establishment was hand in hand with religious organisations whether they were Christian or Islamic. This was mainly because the Ujamaa and the self reliance programme of the government were in conformity with religious ideals such as equality and sharing. The party and government doors were open for the religious leaders locally and nationally to help to sort out problems. Therefore,
192 Cf. Westerlund: Ujamaa na Dini, p. 127. 193 Cf. Rasmusseni: Christian Muslim Relationship in Africa, p. 71. 194 Liviga: Religion and Governance in Tanzania: The Pre Liberation Period, p. 331. 195 Westerlund: Ujamaa na Dini, p. 88. 58
one can conclude that the first two decades of independence witnessed a more or less harmonious Christian – Muslim relationship.196
1.3.5. Christian-Muslim Relations since 1985 In the history of Tanzania, 1985 marks a new era of governance and leadership. Nyerere after serving the country for a long time (1961 – 1985) as President since independence, retired and Ali Hassan Mwinyi was sworn in as the second President of the United Republic of Tanzania. On a continent where the transition of power is often marked with violence and bloodshed, the smooth transition of power in Tanzania is a model for every nation on the continent and elsewhere in the world. The new President has his origin in Zanzibar and is a Muslim.
The changes in the mid eighties were not only in the political sphere but also in the social, economic and religious spheres. The guiding principal of Tanzania’s social and economic policy was Ujamaa and Self reliance. For almost two decades the values of Ujamaa guided the country. As we have already seen, the national integration, national unity and the spread of Swahili as the national language were achieved through the Ujamaa policy of the government. However, it could not keep pace with the fast changing needs of the people in the wake of the globalization of economy, ideas, information and communication. Some think the Ujamaa built “castles in the air”. 197 There was a strong feeling among a large section of the people that Tanzania is lagging behind its neighbours in economical and social changes. The life standard of the people in Tanzania in the early 1980s was worse than in 1967. 198 The failure of Ujamaa had its ramifications in the Christian Muslim relationship too. The dumping of Ujamaa from the economic and social spheres created a vacuum, which was unfortunately replaced by revivalist Christian and Islamic movements. The sudden change from socialism to open market economy deepened economic divisions within the society. The lack of opportunities in the job market and lack of education made some sections of the people vulnerable, and, to make matters worse it took on religious colouring. Tanzania also underwent democratic reforms
196 Cf. Bakari/Ndumbaro: Religion and Government in Tanzania: The post Liberalisation Era, p. 341. 197 Werrema: Tanzanians to the Promised Land, p. 21. 198 Cf. Engelhard: Tansania, p. 237. 59
by introducing a multiparty system in the early nineties. New political grouping and alignments began to take shape, and some of them were based on religion. This further worsened the relations between Christians and Muslims. The communication media, which were tight lipped under one party system, had found freedom, and unfortunately some misused the newly found freedom to discredit the religious sentiments of others. Let us examine in detail to what extent these phenomena weakened Christian Muslim relations.
1.3.5.1. Failure of Ujamaa and new economic policy
Ujamaa, the driving force behind Tanzania since independence, with all its positive contributions to the making of modern Tanzania, was found irrelevant and impractical economic system in the modern Tanzania. Stefan Hedlund and Mats Lundahl in their research paper on Ujamma point out the failure of Ujamma:
The original principles upon which the Ujamaa program was built died quickly. Experiences with communal agriculture generally were bad. It was not rational for the peasants to devote much time to such work if the possible result was hunger. Villagization had nothing to do with communal effort based on voluntary decisions taken by the peasants themselves and non material incentives. Party control of the process meant something very different. 199
The ideals of equality and the programme for self reliance did not achieve what they had promised to achieve, not even after two decades of experiment. The rapid economic changes that were taking place globally and in the neighbourhood of Tanzania could not be ignored. The socialist countries throughout the world began to fall apart. Capitalistic and consumerist tendencies were creeping into the minds of the people. Ujamaa could neither alleviate poverty, nor the social and economic inequalities of society. The infrastructural developments were minimal and many people questioned the course that Ujamaa was taking to accomplish self reliance. People were looking for new options for economic advances. Tanzania opted for open market economy, in the hope that it would pay rich dividends. The nationalization of schools, which was a major achievement of Ujamaa policy, also did not bear much fruit particularly in
199 Hedlund/Lundahl: Ideology as a Determinant of Economic Systems. Nyerere and Ujamaa in Tanzania, p. 47. 60
educating Muslims. They continued to lag behind in the field of education. In fact nationalization of schools was counter productive. 200
The total abandoning of Ujamaa policy had to pay its price. The vacuum created by the loss of Ujamaa, which had fostered unity and integrity, was not filled by another national ideology which would keep the country united. It was soon replaced by radical religious ideologies. Bakari and Ndumbaro, the senior professors of the Dar es Salaam University commenting on the vacuum created by the loss of Ujamaa said:
It is important to note that the growing tendency to give socio economic problems in Tanzania a religious expression is partly due to the lack of a national value system (hitherto the Ujamaa and self reliance ideology) that puts the community at the centre of development. In contrast, the market economy ideology and practice could not sustain the egalitarian values, attitudes and behaviour that existed prior to liberalisation. As a result of the disintegration of the national value system, the inequalities and injustices that were viewed through a class lens under Ujamaa and self reliance ideology are now being viewed through religious as well as ethnic lenses. This has considerably contributed to the rising tension between the state and religion in Tanzania. 201
The new economic policies which valued the individual over the community created a large gulf in Tanzanian culture which is traditionally community oriented. It created more problems than had previously existed. The Open Market economic policies produced a few wealthy people and a large number of poor people. The economic frustration and alienation of one’s own culture found solace in the religious revivalist movements, which threatened to shatter the secular fabric of Tanzania.
1.3.5.2. Religious Revivalism
Religion has played a vital role in shaping the world as it is today. The atheistic, agnostic and secularist ideologies of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries played their role in destabilising religion in all its forms. However, in the recent past religion has re emerged in the world scenario in the form of revivalist groups particularly among Christians and Muslims. 202 The Christian and Islamic revivalist
200 Cf. Engelhard: Tansania, p. 229. 201 Bakari/Ndumbaro: Religion and Government in Tanzania: The post Liberalisation Era, p. 342. 202 Cf. Tesfai: Facts and Issues of Christian Muslim co existence, p. 10. 61
movements began to surface in Tanzania in the 1980’s. It had far reaching consequences in the years to come.
The ascendency of the new president, who was a Muslim, had its consequences in the Christian Muslim relationship too. A section of the Muslim community felt that now it was the opportunity of the Muslims to implement Islamic agenda, having a Muslim president at the helm of affairs. The global Islamic revivalism with its fundamentalist attitudes found place in Tanzania too. The Islamic revolution of Iran and the economic development of the oil rich Middle East region encouraged Islamic countries to play a vital role in world politics and contributed to the spreading Islam. Peter Smith says:
In the Islamic World there has been a renewed vitality which has shown itself in the strong affirmation of an Islamic identity and in opposition to other ideologies. The heroes and role models were found in people like Colonel Gadaffi, the militancy of PLO, and later in Ayathollah Khomeini. The writings of Abu A ’la Mawdudi 203 and his disciple Sayyid Qutb 204 have also been influential. For them the Islamic model as they interpret it is no longer seen as an alternative model for society but as an imperative. In other words Islam wants to impose itself and is opposed to any secular system.205
The external influence of some of the Islamic countries such as Iran, Libya, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Kuwait, which financed the Islamic revival groups, had the potential to disrupt religious harmony in Tanzania. 206 On the 25 th April 1993 the government of Tanzania expelled three Sudanese Muslim teachers for promoting Islamic fundamentalism. Some of these groups, in order to promote Islam in Tanzania encouraged anti Christian sentiments. President Mwinyi was often accused of being used by the Arab nations whose intention was to control Tanzania politically, religiously and economically. There was a
203 He was a prominent Pakistani Islamic scholar und thinker, who founded Jamaat e Islami (Islam revivalist party), which is spread though out South Asia. He has influenced the Islamic revivalism throughout the world. 204 He was an Egyptian Islamic poet and leading member of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, who was influenced by the writings of Abu A ’la Mawduai. 205 Smith: Christianity and Islam in Tanzania: Development and relationships, p. 178. 206 Cf. Bakari/Ndumbaro: Religion and Government in Tanzania: The post Liberalisation Era, p.346. 62
tendency of Arab neo imperialism through their involvement in the day to day affairs of the country. 207
The Islamic revivalism was further intensified in Tanzania by the comparative preaching of Ahmed Deedat, a Muslim cleric of Indian origin, who had migrated to South Africa. His approach was apologist and missionary. He made comparative preaching, to detect the fallacies of Bible and Christianity in comparison with Islam and Quran. He is known for his public debates with evangelical Christians and video lectures. His video tapes and speeches were available in Tanzania and some Muslim clerics began to adopt his way of preaching. This was the beginning of the deterioration of the Christian Muslim relations in Tanzania. Some Muslims observe that the so called Islamic Bible scholars have countered the Christian evangelizing tide in Tanzania. 208
A number of Islamic groups were founded in Tanzania such as Ansar Sunna, The Union of Muslim Preachers in Tanzania, The Tanzanian Council for Quran Reading, the Islamic Writers’ Workshop etc. The Islamic revivalists began comparative preaching (Mihadhara) in order to discredit the teachings of Christianity. They often carried out comparative preaching to point out the errors in the Bible and to establish Islam as the true religion. They are known as Islamic Bible preachers . They questioned the fundamental doctrines of Christianity such as Trinity, the identity of Jesus as man and God, Crucifixion, Resurrection etc. They said Muhammad is the ‘Advocate’ or ‘Counsellor’ promised by Jesus (Jn. 14: 16). The Greek word paraclete is translated as Counsellor. Some Muslim scholars, without sufficiently studying the Greek word paraclete, found similarity with periklutos which means ‘admirable one’; in Arabic ‘admirable one’ is translated as Ahmad meaning Muhammad. Another tool in the hands of Muslims revivalists, who dispute Jesus as Son of God and Messiah, is the Gospel of Barnabas, which is compatible with the teachings of the Quran. It states that Jesus is not the Messiah and Muhammad is the messenger of God (61:6, 97: 9 10). However, scholars dispute the authenticity of the Gospel of Barnabas, which is said to have written in the sixteenth century. Its manuscript is found only in
207 Cf. Mbogoni: The Cross versus the Crescent, p. 152. 208 Cf. Said: Muslim Problem Concerning Power and Education, p. 10. 63
Arabic, Italian and Spanish. Some consider that it was written by a Christian convert to Islam. 209 Quoting Dr. Mark Durie, Mbogoni is of the opinion that Quran is not a credible source of Bible history. “The Quran, written in the 7 th century CE, cannot be regarded as having any authority whatsoever to inform us about Jesus of Nazareth. It offers no evidence for its claims about Bible history. Its numerous historical errors reflect a garbled understanding of the Bible.” 210 The Christian and Islamic understandings of revelation 211 and inspiration differ, 212 and therefore Christians and Muslims have divergent perceptions about the origin of the Bible and Quran. These conflicting views on the Holy Books are always potential sources for strife between Christians and Muslims.
Hamza Mustafa Njozi, a professor at the Dar es Salaam University says in his book, Mwembechai Killings and the Political Future of Tanzania, which is banned in Tanzania, that the comparative preaching does not disrupt the social harmony in the country. It is the fear of Church leaders that many Christians leave the Church to embrace Islam, the fear of losing their folk, which makes them unhappy about the comparative preaching; they want government to put a halt on such preaching. He asks:
What do Muslims stand to gain by ridiculing Christians? May be psychological satisfaction. But why should an insulted person accept Islam? And why are Christians always flocking to these public lectures? To enjoy the insults? The fact of the matter is that these lectures disturb the clergy because their followers are joining another faith. And they want the government to act on their behalf. Muslims should be prevented from preaching to their followers. 213
Muslims consider that the government is interfering with their freedom of speech. Christians think that the government has the responsibility to prevent preaching that are hurting the religious sentiments of other religions.
209 Cf. Mbogoni: The Cross versus the Crescent, p. 69 71. 210 Mbogoni: The Cross versus the Crescent, p. 172. 211 Cf. Saeed: Interpreting the Quran, p. 18. 212 Cf. Kenny: Comparative Concepts in the Bible and the Quran, pp. 8 9. 213 This book, Mwembechai Killings and the Political Future of Tanzania, is banned in Tanzania due to its controversial conclusions which may disturb the social and religious harmony in the country. However, the book is available on the internet www.igs.net/ ~kassim/mwembechai/index ch1.html (17.05.2010). 64
The Islamic comparative preaching in the 1980s was a radical departure from the traditional way of Islamic teaching. It created tension between Christians and Muslims, and the Christians felt that the government did nothing to prevent such preaching. The government did not see the danger of these activities and allowed them in the name of freedom of worship. 214 Islamic revivalism turned to be violent in the course of time, when some fundamentalist Muslims attacked pork butcheries in Dar es Salaam in 1993. It was a clear indication of intolerance in a multi religious society.
The attitude of the Mwinyi government was not above suspicion to implement the Islamic agenda. The alleged joining of Tanzania in ‘Islam for Africa Organization’ (IAO) in 1989, and the joining of Zanzibar secretly in the ‘Organization of Islamic Conference’ (OIC) in 1993, from which they were later forced to withdraw, the appointment of a large number of Muslims as ministers and top bureaucrats raised suspicion among Christians that the government was unduly collaborating with Islamic revivalism. 215 At the end of Mwinyi’s presidency, the state of the Muslims continued to remain the same without much change. It seems that even his regime could not adequately satisfy the aspirations of the Muslim community. 216
The year 1995 witnessed another change of guard in Tanzanian politics. Benjamin Mkapa, a Christian, became president of the country. 1995 also witnessed the first multi party election. The country was making rapid changes politically, and economically it was gearing towards new orientations. On the religious level, the tension between Christians and Muslims continued. The incidents in February 1998 at Mwembechai Mosque are black marks on the secular fabric of Tanzania. Mwembechai is a part of the Dar es Salaam city, which is predominantly Muslim. There are various versions of the incident. The government and the some Muslim authors view the incident from different angles. So I would like to describe the incident with a report from Amnesty International:
On 12 February soldiers entered the Mwembechai mosque in Dar es Salaam and beat worshippers, accusing them of blaspheming against Christianity, spreading ''Islamic
214 Cf. Wiejsen/Mfumbusa: Seeds of Conflict, 17. 215 Cf. Bakari/Ndumbaro: Religion and Government in Tanzania: The post Liberalisation Era, 345. 216 Cf. Mbogoni: The Cross verses The Crescent, p. 152. 65
fundamentalism'' and preaching against the government. Demonstrations in the following two days led to attacks on government vehicles and the arrest of 320 people. Three people were shot dead by police. Those arrested, who included men, women and children, were reportedly beaten and tortured. Women were stripped naked in front of guards and prisoners of both sexes, and searched internally, purportedly for weapons. Many of those detained were held without charge for weeks before being released. Charges against most of the remaining 140 prisoners were withdrawn by the end of March. A further 15 people were arrested on 29 March during a demonstration at Mwembechai mosque. By May all those held in connection with these two incidents had been released without charge. 217
Many Muslims see the incident as a conspiracy between the Church and the government in order to curtail the religious freedom of Muslims. Njozi accused a Roman Catholic priest Camillius Lwambano of the Mburahati parish, for his highly emotional radio talk on the 8 th of February, in which he challenged the government to take action against the Muslim preachers. Njozi believed that this was the immediate reason for the government to act in such a gruesome way. 218 However, the government insisted that it was a law and order problem and that it had to take action. This incident further worsened the already fragile Christian Muslim relations.
The bombing of the American embassies of Dar es Salaam and Nairobi, on the 7th of August, in which eleven people were killed in Dar es Salaam and two hundred and twelve in Nairobi, points out the growing Islamic militancy in East Africa. Although the bombing had nothing to do with Christian Muslim relations, it demonstrated the influence of radical Islam in Tanzania. The arrest of Hamisi Rajabu Dibagula on 16 th of March 2000 in Morogoro, on the ground that he preached that Jesus was not the Son of God, fuelled further tensions between Christians and Muslims. The district court found him guilty and he was sentenced to jail for a period of eighteen months. He made an appeal to the Court of Appeal, which quashed his sentence. The quashing of the case pre empted a potential controversy that would have worsened Christian Muslim relations and threatened national unity. 219 The Muslims consider Jesus as a prophet and not as the Son of
217 www.amnestyusa.org/annualreport.php?id=ar&yr=1999&c=TZA (17.05.2010) 218 Cf. www.igs.net/~kassim/mwembechai/index ch1.html (17.05.2010). 219 Cf. Bakari/Ndumbaro: Religion and Government in Tanzania: The post Liberalisation Era, p. 349.
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God. 220 The Muslim understanding of Jesus contradicts the Christian understanding of Jesus. 221 The strict Islamic monotheism denies that Jesus is God on three accounts, first of all, Jesus never claimed to be God, secondly, God cannot have a son and thirdly, human nature and divine nature are totally incompatible and hence mutually exclusive. 222 Fr. Peter Smith gives an explanation on this issue in the following words:
The Qur'an and Islam as a whole believe that Jesus was born without the intervention of a human father; and that he is the fulfilment of the creating word of God uttered to Mary at the moment of his conception. (Qur'an, 4: 169; 19: 30; 3:42). He is a true man and a prophet; but not Son of God or part of God Himself because God does not have an offspring, nor did He bear a Child. As we have already seen before, Islam denies the death and resurrection of Jesus. But on the other hand, there is a great contradiction when we compare the Qur'an verses which talk about the issue of the death of Jesus in different ways; that is, Qur'an 4: 157 which totally denies the crucifixion of Jesus, and 3: 55 where God said, " I shall cause you to die and raise you to myself ." I wonder if one can believe that God can cause the conception of Jesus without the intervention of a man, and above all, He created out of nothing, then how is it possible for the same person not to believe that He can use any means He likes to fulfil His will? Putting in mind that Islam started after Christianity, and especially when there were some heresies in the church, one of them being Nestorianism, it is possible for the Muslims to have picked up the Nestorians' idea that the humanity of the Word – God which suffered and died. It seems Muhammad might have known something about Christian scripture. But he changed its meaning in order to justify his revelation. 223
This explanation may not satisfy Muslims who believe in strict monotheism. Frederic N. Mvumbi, in his book, Journey into Islam, argues that there were several Christologies in the first five centuries of Common Era, such as Arian Christology, Nestorian Christology, Judeo Christian Christology, Gnostic Christology, Nicaean and Chalceddonian Christology.224 It all shows that Jesus was understood differently by different people who were influenced by their historical and cultural background. The Quranic Christology can also be
220 Cf . Mvumbi: The Identity of Christ in Islam, p. 15. 221 Cf. Siddiqi: The Quranic Concept of History, p. 171. 222 Cf. Smith: Muslim Christian Polemics, pp. 19 20. 223 Smith: Jesus in the Quran, unpublished material, p. 15. 224 Cf. Mvumbi: Journey into Islam, p. 66. 67
considered as one of them, which the Christians do not accept, like the other heretical Christologies.
The Christian missionaries often adopted a polemic approach in attracting Muslims to Christianity. There have been several books available in Swahili since the 1950s in this regard. For example: Muhammad his life and teachings , Muhammad or Christ , Explaining the Gospel to Muslims are some examples to mention .225 However, in the 1980s new Christian movements began to emerge. The Christian revivalism through new Pentecostal movements and through several independent Church movements throughout Africa had its ramifications in Tanzania too. The new movements took a fundamentalist view of Christianity, which questioned not only the existence of other religions but also the mainstream Churches such as Roman Catholics, Anglicans and Protestants. Mbogoni is of the opinion that “Islamic revivalism since the 1980s was a response to Christian ‘crusades’ led by ‘born again’ Christian preachers”. 226 In Tanzania the ‘ born again ’ Christians, who are known as Walokole , differed from the traditional way of Christian preaching and missionary activities. They used the Bible extensively to establish their understanding of God and of Christian faith, which often came into conflict with mainstream Churches and other religions, particularly Islam. The leadership of these movements was in the hands of lay people, who were well versed in the Bible. They had a one sided understanding of Bible which was often provocative for other religions and the mainstream churches. They invited many world renowned Christian preachers to Tanzania to support their views in society. Since these preachers were using the Bible as the sole instrument with which they were trying to attract people, the Muslims too used the Bible to counter the arguments of Christian preachers by comparing the Bible with Quran and pointing out ‘errors’ in the Bible. They used these arguments to prove that the Bible was not authentic and the Quran was the only revealed ‘Word of God’. Both revivalists’ Christians and Muslims were misusing the Bible and Quran for their own purposes.
225 Cf. Chesworth: The use of Scripture in Swahili tracts by Muslims and Christians in East Africa, p.116. 226 Mbogoni: The Cross verses The Crescent, p. 171. 68
The mainstream churches were slow to react to the developments that arose from public preaching. Some lay people from mainstream churches, Catholics, Anglicans and Lutherans got together to counter the abuse of Bible at the hand Muslim revivalists. They formed Biblia ni Jibu (Bible is the Answer) to counter the claims and to answer the questions raised by so called ‘Islamic Bible scholars’. They organized rallies to counter the Islamic revivalist claims against Christianity. They pointed out the anomalies of the Quran and questioned the validity of the prophethood of Mohammad. 227
The tensions created by the Christian and Islamic revival movements affected the relationship between mainstream Churches and mainstream Islamic groups. People of both sides often did not recognize who was speaking and in which context. Generalisation was the rule of the day. The Muslims accused mainstream churches of collaborating with the revivalists and vice versa. Although the government prohibited comparative preaching which hurt the religious sentiments of other religions, it continued in Christian and Islamic places of worships.
1.4. The State and Religion Religions play a significant role in the history of Tanzania. Traditional religions had a major role in the politics of the pre colonial era of Tanzania. In most cases the chiefs of the clans and tribes were also religious leaders. In the colonial era, the role of the chiefs in the local administration was reduced. And the emergence of new religions like Christianity and Islam, although they did not have political ambitions, did influence Tanzanian society in multiple ways. In the post independent era, the founding fathers of Tanzania were careful about the role of religions in society and politics. TANU clearly said that it has no religion. The Tanzanian constitution number 3.1., clearly states that Tanzania as a nation has no particular religion and is a secular state. However, the constitution, in Number 19, guarantees the citizens the freedom of worship.228
227 Cf. Tambila/Rubanza: Muslims vs. State: The Mwembechai conflict, p. 193. 228 Cf. Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania: Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania ya Mwaka 1977. 69
In the post independence era, Christianity and Islam became the major religions of Tanzania having won many converts from traditional religions. The influence of the religions was felt in the social services offered by them, particularly in the fields of education and health care. These social services offered by religions became areas of contention between Christianity and Islam. A section of the Muslim community considers that Nyerere was favouring Christians. They often cite John C. Sivalon’s book, Kanisa Katholiki na Siasa ya Tanzania Bara 1953 hadi 1985 229 as an evidence to show that Catholic Church had tremendous influence on the government of Nyerere. On the other hand, Christians felt that Mwinyi’s administration was favouring Islamic interests. Werrema quoting the Zanzibar Chronology website, says: “Mwinyi has been accused of favouring Muslim and Zanzibari interests. He has repeatedly affirmed the secular nature of the state, but has done little to curb a growing fundamentalist attitude among some Tanzanian Muslims.” 230
Some Muslims accuse Mkapa, the third President of favouring Christians. During his time, the State’s dealing with religious revivalism drew criticism from both Christians and Muslims. Currently some Christians are accusing president Kikwete of favouring Islamic interests. The question of joining the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) and the introduction of Kadhi courts (Islamic Courts) in Tanzania are two areas where the government and the religions have different viewpoints. The differences of opinion on these subjects had created tension between the government and Muslims as well as the government and Christian Churches. Bakari and Ndumbaro say, after analysing the data of a survey to examine the State – Religion relation:
One of the puzzles emerging from the findings is that while Muslims feel humiliated and oppressed, Christians feel threatened. How can this puzzle be addressed? One of the remedial measures is to address basic grievances and threats by adopting governance
229 Sivalon is a Maryknoll missionary who worked in Tanzania for several years. The English translation of his book is ‘Catholic Church and Politics of Tanzania Mainland from 1953 till 1985’. The book speaks extensively about the relation between the Church and the State government under Nyerere. This book was originally his Doctrinal Dissertation: ‘Roman Catholicism and Defining of Tanzanian Socialism 1953 – 1985’. He speaks mainly about the role of the Church in shaping the Ujamaa policy. He says that although many lay Catholics were involved in shaping the policy, the Church itself kept a distance. 230 Werrema: Tanzanians to the Promised Land, p. 36. 70
measures that will help eliminate or at least reduce suspicion among believers of different religions .231
In the wake of the presidential and general elections of Tanzania 2010, Christians and Muslims openly expressed their views on the political spectrum of Tanzania. The Catholic Church, through its Manifesto outlined the priorities the political leadership had to look into for the development of the nation and expressed its views on economic and social issues facing Tanzania. 232 The Muslims issued two documents, Muongozo kwa Waislamu (Guidelines for Muslims) 233 and Elimu ya Uraia (Education of Citizens) 234 outlining their priorities in view of the elections of 2010. The President of Tanzania, Kikwete, addressing a gathering of religious leaders on the 13 th May 2010, sought their help for a peaceful election. He also appealed to them to avoid making statements that would hurt the religious harmony of the nation. 235 The role of religion in the public sphere of Tanzania is very visible. On the one hand, religions have the freedom to make their opinions known in the public interest, so that they can function as a moral catalyst in society, on the other hand, if they act as pressure groups to protect their own interests, it is dangerous for the country. Some of the areas of conflicts between religion and State are outlined below.
1.4.1. Education and Employment Since the introduction of modern education in Tanzania during the time of colonization, it has been a subject of controversy. Education was often linked to religions. The Quranic schools and the Bush schools of the Christian missionaries were aimed at reading their scriptures. Modern sciences were not a part of these schools. But the German and British colonial powers introduced the schools with modern sciences. The European Christian missionaries, who were familiar with the subjects of study in Europe, introduced them in their schools. The Muslims were reluctant to send their children to mission schools for the fear
231 Bakari/Ndumbaro: Religion and Governance in Tanzania: The Post Liberalization era, p. 350. 232 Cf. Tanzanian Episcopal Conference: Manifesto, Proposal of National Priorities, 2009. 233 Shura ya Maimau Tanzania Kamati kuu ya Siasa: Muongozo kwa Waislamu, Kuelekea Uchaguzi Mkuu 2010. 234 Shura ya Maimau Tanzania Kamati kuu ya Siasa: Elimu ya Uraia, Kuelekea Uchaguzi Mkuu 2010. 235 Cf. www.africafiles.org/article.asp?ID=23629&ThisURL=./interfaith.asp&URLName=Interfaith% 20 Relations (02.06.2010) 71
of being converted. The Muslims also saw that these secular subjects were anti Islamic, and therefore they chose to stick to their Quranic schools, which only taught religious subjects. The missionary schools were mostly in areas where there was an intense competition for converts. As a result, regions like Kilimanjaro, Kagera and Mbeya had many schools and people of these areas profited by education, as this qualified them for employment in the government services. This created a regional imbalance in education as well as in government services. 236
At the time of independence the missionaries ran of most schools in the country. The government under Nyerere seeing the inequality in education nationalized the schools and made education, the sole responsibility of the government. Several policies were introduced to give all the children opportunities for education. The government made primary education compulsory. However, the grievances of the Muslim community continued to remain. Aboud Jumbe, a former vice president of the United Republic of Tanzania quoting the 1978 secondary school entrance figures said that there was discrimination against Muslim students. The percentage of Muslims was 23 as against 77 of the Christians. Again, the same year only 12 % of Muslim students found places to join the Form V 237 , where as 88% students were Christians. He concludes that there was a deliberate attempt to deny Muslims’ higher education. 238
Another controversy regarding education erupted in 1993, when former Finance Minister Kighoma Ali Malima gave a secret recommendation to the president to freeze Christian admission to universities, because Christians had been favoured during the time of Nyerere and “the time has come for the Muslim president to change the equation quietly and internally”. 239
As economic liberalization swept the country, the government felt that it could not alone provide education for all, and therefore in 1995 a new educational policy was introduced which decentralized education and sought the help of the private
236 Cf. Mushi: Religion and Provision of Education and Employment in Tanzania, p. 419. 237 Tanzania follows a school system of seven years of primary school and six years of secondary school which consist of four years of Ordinary level (Form I – IV) and Advanced level (Form V and VI). 238 Cf. Wiejsen/Mfumbusa: Seeds of Conflict, 24. 239 Wiejsen/Mfumbusa: Seeds of Conflict, p. 18. 72
sector in the field of education. Several religious organizations, individuals and NGO’s opened schools throughout the country. Again there was a disparity, when it came to school performance. The top schools were mostly Christian, and Muslim schools lagged behind. The Christian schools were careful in selecting students and allowed only those students who were sure to pass the examination to be promoted to the examination. They had better infrastructures and better discipline compared to the schools owned by Muslim organizations. Muslim schools allowed all the students to appear for exams and naturally the result was poor. The better performances of Christian schools were not due to any sort of influence at the government level, but due to their way of educating students. 240 Quality education is still lacking for majority of the students in Tanzania, due to the lack of qualified teachers, shortage of funds and inadequate infrastructures. 241
Mwajabu K. Possi and Balla Masele, who made an extensive survey on educational infrastructures and resources, are of the opinion that the disparity in education is due to social injustices which are not adequately addressed and not based on religion. They say:
The root cause of unrest in many communities is usually injustice. Expressions of this dissatisfaction using religion, race, gender, colour, is only too common, as a surface symptom of deeper structural injustice. If the real cause (injustice) is identified, strategies can be found. In education what is at issue is not that Christians have more schools, or that Muslims have too few, while other religions are simply ignored. The actual matter is that, the inequalities perpetuated and created by colonialism have not been addressed consistently .242
Possi and Masele are of the opinion that some regions of the country had better educational facilities during the colonial times and others were neglected. Unfortunately, the neglected regions of the country had a large Muslim population and the areas where there were a number of schools were Christian dominated regions. These regional imbalances during colonial times continued even after independence. Are we justified to blame the colonialism for the inequalities that
240 Cf. Possi/Masele: Provision of Education: Infrastructure and Resources, p. 470. 241 Cf. Werrema: Tanzanians to the Promised Land, p. 79. 242 Possi and Masele: Provision of Education: Infrastructure and Resources, p. 471. 73
still exist in the country even after almost five decades of independence? Possi and Masele advise the government and Muslim schools to learn from the success of Christian schools:
It makes a lot of sense to emulate the Chinese who discovered that it was useful to learn the superior skills of the barbarians (the invading Europeans, then) and beat them at their own game. The Muslim communities and others, who need help, should learn from their Christian brothers and sisters. 243
Many Muslims feel that the education policies of the Nyerere government did not help them to achieve opportunities for higher education, and that he deliberately helped Christians to get better educational opportunities. 244 They also feel that the first Muslim minister of education, Kighoma Ali Malima wanted to give a fair deal regarding the matters of education and employment, but he was “branded of being fundamentalist, accused of religious intolerance and excessive partisanship”245 by some Christian politicians and press. The roles of the State and of the religious communities in the sphere of education are a contentious issue.
Muslims also constantly complain that Christians have a better share in the administration of the government. The figures show that Christian officers at the highest level of the government, such as Regional commissioners, district commissioners, etc, outnumber to a great extent the Muslims who hold such offices. They also feel that this is the case in other areas of employment. They feel discriminated and let down by the government. 246 Mohamed Said in a newspaper article says that “the factor which threatens Tanzania’s stability is the glaring disparity in power distribution and education between Muslims and Christians.” 247 The disparity in employment is due to the educational advances made by the Christians. However, the State now makes a conscious effort to give quality education by establishing primary schools and secondary schools throughout the country. No religious community is discriminated in the educational field in Tanzania. The government hopes that the grievances of the
243 Possi/Masele: Provision of Education: Infrastructure and Resources, p. 473. 244 Cf. victorian.fortunecity.com/portfolio/543/nyerere_and_islam.htm (19.05.2010) 245 Cf. www.igs.net/~kassim/nyaraka/Elimu2.html (19.05.2010) 246 Cf. Al Tawfiq: Madai Haki za Waisilamu Kauli ya Baraza Kuu, 6 14. 247 Said: Muslim Problem Concerns Power and Education, p. 10. 74
neglected regions and disadvantaged communities will be adequately addressed through its new educational initiatives of the government.
1.4.2. Religious Fundamentalism Both, Christian and Muslim fundamentalists have been thriving in Tanzania since the 1980s. The government, in order to keep the secular fabric of the country took strong measures to curb religious fundamentalism in Tanzania. A large section of Christians and Muslims welcomed the government decisions. Yet, some are unhappy about the way the government deals with religious fundamentalism. The Christians feel that the government under president Mwinyi did very little to prevent comparative preaching which ridiculed Christian teachings. However, when the government took action against such groups, Muslims felt that their freedom of expression was curtailed. In their opinion they are correct to say that Jesus is not Son of God or he was not crucified, because that is being taught by the Quran, and therefore they are saying what is permitted in Islam. 248 However, the Tanzanian Penal Code (129) clearly says that:
Any person who, with the deliberate intention of wounding the religious feelings of any other person, utters any word, or makes any sound in the hearing of that person, or makes any gesture that wounds the rights of that person, or places any object in the sight of that person, is guilty of a misdemeanour, and is liable to imprisonment for one year. 249
Some Muslims do not see the value of such laws to protect religious freedom and consider that even laws enacted by the State have religious influence. Njozi says that the political power is controlled by the Christian Churches and that they set the agenda for the nation through a Christian system. 250
Muslims point out Mwembechai killings that took place in 1998 as another example of government discrimination against the Muslim community. They are of the opinion that the government’s tough action against the authorities of the Mwembechai Mosque, which claimed lives and left several persons injured, was at the behest of the Catholic Church. 251 However, the government of Tanzania
248 Cf. Njozi: Muslims and the State in Tanzania, p. 29. 249 www.imolin.org/doc/amlid/Tanzania_Penal%20Code_part1.pdf (21. 05. 2010). 250 Cf. Njozi: Muslims and the State in Tanzania, p. 29. 251 Cf. www.igs.net/~kassim/mwembechai/index ch2.html (17.05.2010) 75
consider this as a law and order problem. The government warned and in fact arrested 35 Christian and Muslim preachers, belonging to radical groups. They were later released on condition that they would no longer indulge in hurting the religious sentiments of members of other religions. However, members of Khidmat Daawat Islamiya who again started hate preaching, and this led the government to arrest the leader of the group Magezi Shaban Marandu. His arrest was resisted by his followers, and they through loud speakers informed the people about his arrest. This brought a large number of people to Mwembechai, which finally resulted in riots and police action. 252 As we have seen, the government and the Muslim community have different interpretation of the same event. The final outcome of the event was that the Muslim community felt estranged by the government.
The growing Islamic fundamentalism throughout the world and the bombing of the American embassy at Dar es Salaam set the government on the offensive. The government suspected any movement of Islamic fundamentalists which threatened the unity and integrity of the country. The fear of the government is summarised in the following words by Mohammed A. Bakari and Laurean J. Ndumbaro:
The state is wary of Islamic revivalism primarily because it views it as a threat to the political establishment as it challenges the very principles of state formation (i.e. secular principles) and also because of its embedded political militancy. Islamic revivalism, therefore, is viewed as a divisive force that can aggravate religious tensions between Muslims and Christians in the country. Christian revivalism is viewed with less suspicion partly because it does not embody anti secular tendencies and it is less militant politically, at least in Tanzanian context. 253
The government is cautious about the religious fundamentalism in the country. However, any action against the Muslim fundamentalists is viewed as an action against the entire Muslim community. The same applies to Christians. The members of the both communities could perceive things from a national point of view rather than from a religious point of view. Anything that threatens the unity
252 Cf. Tambila/Rubanza: Muslims vs. State: The Mwembechai Conflict, p. 204. 253 Bakari/Ndumbaro: Religion and governance in Tanzania: The Post Liberation era, p.344. 76
and integrity of the country has to be prevented without prejudice to any particular community.
1.4.3. Islamic courts The demand for the introduction of Islamic courts (Kadhi courts) has been another point of contention between the government and the Muslim community. Kadhi courts existed in Tanzania for a long time, dealing mainly with Muslim personal laws regarding such matters as marriage, divorce and inheritance. During the time of the British there were separate courts for Muslims, Africans, Europeans and Indians. However, the new constitution of Tanzania made laws applicable equally for all, eliminating all the existing courts in the country. The Kahdi courts ceased to exist in 1963. A concession was given to Muslims to apply Islamic laws in the Magistrates’ courts, if the cases were civil in nature. In most such cases, the presiding magistrate had no knowledge of Islamic laws, and he often referred the cases to BAKWATA for guidance and opinion. This is the reason behind Muslims demand for Kadhi courts, where Muslim experts on Islamic laws can handle the cases of civil nature. Kadhi courts exist in Zanzibar, and this was an added reason for its implementation in mainland Tanzania. In Kenya and Uganda, where Muslims are a minority Kadhi courts exist, is an added argument. There was an attempt to introduce a bill in this matter in 1998, but it was rejected by the members of Parliament on the ground of the secular nature of the country. 254
The recent controversies surrounding Kadhi courts began with a promise by the ruling CCM party in its election manifesto in 2005. It said that “it would bear on its Governments to follow up measures already introduced to improve the judicial system including finding a solution to the issue of establishing Kadhi courts in Tanzania mainland.” 255 It gave hope to the Muslim community to have their own courts to determine personal issues such as marriage, divorce and inheritance. This move from CCM was to appease Muslim voters, but they underestimated the Christian opposition. 256 This election promise of the ruling party obviously did
254 Cf. Makaramba: Religion, Rule of Law and Justice in Tanzania, pp. 362 364. 255 Daily News, 25.08.2006. 256 Cf.Daily News, 15. 07. 2009. 77
not find favour with Christian Churches which vehemently opposed any such move. The Bishops’ Conferences of Catholics 257 , Anglicans 258 and the Lutherans 259 issued separate statements against any such move that would endanger the secular nature of the country, and they warned the government not to favour any particular religion. A Roman Catholic missionary, Telesphor R. Magobe, says: “To enact a law simply because it is applied in Zanzibar or Kenya, as some people argue, is not a sufficient ground to have it enacted in Tanzania mainland. There should be a public need for it, first since an enacted law protects the public good and binds all members of the society ‘equally’.” 260 Some others agree on Kadhi courts, but they raise the question about the modalities in such an institution. In a letter to editor in Daily News, Herbert Marijani wrote:
I think Muslims have a right to have Kadhi courts and there is no need to have debate on that issue, the debate we need to have is what implication is that going to have on our current legal system and what boundaries to draw, and most importantly WHO IS GOING TO FUND THE COURT( Buildings, training, salaries and etc), will the court be funded by our tax money or by sadaka (offering) of the faithful?” 261
The issue invites many questions, regarding which the State has not yet commented. The demand for Kadhi courts has become an issue between the State and Muslims, the State and Christians and the Christians and Muslims. Christians have a feeling that Muslims by demanding Kadhi courts are trying to introduce Islamic laws in the country, which would prevent the constitutional laws to be applied equally for all citizens of the country. The Muslims feel that it is their right to have such laws; to deal adequately with personal laws and other religions by opposing the introduction of Kadhi courts is discriminating against the Muslim community. The State government under CCM, which promised Kadhi courts, is in a dilemma. As we see here, it is a political party which fuelled this controversy, which it should have handled better in a multi religious and secular state like
257 Cf.Baraza la Maaskofu katholiki Tanzania: Maoni kwa tume ya kurekebisha Sheria: Juu ya Kuanzishwa tena kwa Mahakama ya Kadhi Tanzania Bara. 258 Cf.Kanisa Anglikana Tanzania: Tamko la Maaskofu wa Kanisa Anglikana Tanzania kuhusu hoja ya Mahakama ya Kadhi Tanzania Bara. 259 Cf.Kanisa la Kiinjili la Kilutheri Tanzania: Tamko la Baraza Maaskofu wa KKKT kuhusu uanzishwaji wa Mahakama ya Kadhi Tanzanaia Bara. 260 www.globalpolitician.com/22084 tanzania (24.05.2010). 261 Daily News, 27,10.2008 78
Tanzania. It has become a cause for division among Christians and Muslims in the country.
1.4.4. The Organization of Islamic Conference The Muslim demand that Tanzania should join the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) 262 is another issue that is being widely discussed in the country. The issue again, like Kadhi courts, has put the State and religions at loggerheads. A number of Muslim organizations in the country argue that by joining the OIC, Tanzania intends to benefit economically, as OIC funds developmental projects. However, Christian organizations disagree and say that the funds are allocated solely for the spread of Islam. They say the Charter of the OIC clearly describes its aim of promoting Islam. 263 The Christian organizations question the validity of Tanzania joining such a religion based organization, since Tanzania pledges to be a secular country. 264 The Muslim organizations point out the existence of the Vatican embassy, which promotes Catholic interests in Tanzania, and they question the legitimacy of its existence in Tanzania. 265 The CCM party has promised to look into this matter in its 2005 manifesto. The arguments and counter arguments between Christian and Muslim organisations began intensively with a statement by the Foreign Affairs minister Bernard Membe, who said that there was nothing wrong in joining OIC. His deputy continued to insist that the government was working out the modalities of joining OIC. 266 However, it should be remembered that in 1992 the Union Government asked the government of Zanzibar to withdraw its unilateral decision to join OIC. 267 The Muslim organization BAKWATA took a neutral stand and said that it
262 The Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) is the second largest inter governmental organization after the United Nations. It has membership of 57 states spread over four continents. The Organization is the collective voice of the Muslim world intended to safeguard and protect the interests of the Muslim world in the spirit of promoting international peace and harmony among various people of the world. The Organization was established upon a decision of the historical summit which took place in Rabat, Kingdom of Morocco on 25 th of September 1969 as a result of criminal arson of Al Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem. In 1970 the first ever meeting of Islamic Conference of Foreign Minister (ICFM) was held in Jeddah; it decided to establish a permanent secretariat in Jeddah headed by the organization’s secretary general. 263 Cf. www.oic oci.org/is11/english/Charter en.pdf (26.05.2010) 264 Cf. Guardian: 25.10.2008. 265 Cf. Njozi: Muslims and the State in Tanzania, p. 54. 266 Cf. The Guardian: 01.09.2008. 267 Cf. Tanzania Affairs: Issued by the Britain Tanzanian Society, No. 89, January – April 2008, p. 14. 79
would abide by the decision government regarding the OIC. However, it warned the Christian leadership not to meddle with the issue of OIC. 268
The long standing demand of the Muslims that Tanzania should join OIC and the government’s decision to reopen the issue for discussion has sparked the controversy between the State and religions. It is another example to illustrate the uneasy relationship between the Christians and Muslims, although they insist that the relationship is cordial. The role of the State and the political parities is controversial too, since they make promises, in order to attract votes from one or other religious community, and then struggle to keep their promises and put the blame on other religious communities for not being able to implement them. The political parties should not manipulate the religious sentiments of the citizens purely for political gains. They should make decisive steps towards national unity and integration.
Conclusion The Christian Muslim relations in Tanzania have gone through dramatic changes particularly since the last quarter of the nineteenth century. By and large, throughout the history of Tanzania, there has been a harmonious relationship. On many occasions the relationship was strained, not really based on religious reasons, but based on economical and social reasons. Religious disharmony and conflicts begin where there is social injustice and economic imbalance. The Muslim community often felt discriminated during the colonial time as well as in the post independence era. However, with the opening of education to the private sector, there have been tremendous efforts from the Muslim community to establish schools and improve the educational standard of the community. As a result, education and employment imbalances have become less contentious issues between Christians and Muslims. The comparative preaching has also to a great extent come to a standstill. The religious fundamentalism is currently channelled through State issues such as the question of joining OIC and the introduction of Kadhi courts. These two issues have weakened the relations not only between Christians and Muslims, but also between State and religions. However, the great majority of Christians and Muslims live amicably and have a
268 Cf. www.allafrica.com/stories/200810300255.html (26.05.2010) 80
harmonious relationship. The tensions are often at the leadership level of both religions and are worse in urban centres than in rural areas. Although, the existing tensions do not often spill out to threaten the apparently harmonious relationship, the tensions are real and are potential for an all out religious conflict.
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CHAPTER TWO
HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIAN-MUSLIM DIALOGUE IN TANZANIA
The previous chapter illustrated the Christian – Muslim relations of Tanzania, which have gone through a series of changes in the course of the history. The relation was harmonious and exemplary for several years in a continent that is marred by religious and civil violence. However, in the recent years due to social, political and economical changes in the country on the one hand, and due to the globalization on the other hand, the religious atmosphere too began to make rapid changes unfortunately for the worse. Tanzania, once a peaceful country among African nations witnessed religious fundamentalism, violence and bloodshed as a consequence of these changes. The religious and political leaders seem to have underestimated the growing religious strife as the problems were occasional and concentrated only in few areas. However, as the Christian Muslim relations further strained, it did attract national attention and the religious and political leaders sat together to regain the lost tranquillity.
In this chapter, I would like to describe the Christian – Muslim dialogue in the history of Tanzania, particularly from a Christian point of view. This chapter begins with the exploration of Christian Muslim dialogue before Vatican II. The paradigm shift in the Christian – Muslim dialogue came with the Second Vatican Council’s document Nostra Aetate . The Catholics and other Christian Churches began to make serious efforts to get into a dialogue with Islam. They organised committees to promote dialogue by involving Muslim organisations in the country. In the course of time, several national and Africa wide organisations were formed to promote dialogue with Islam. The Christian Muslim dialogue was characterized by the social projects undertaken by both communities commonly. In most parts of Tanzania Christians and Muslims live together and the necessity of dialogue is being given substantial importance in the recent years by both communities and the government.
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2.1. Christian-Muslim Dialogue before Vatican II When Christianity came to Tanzania in early 1870s, there was already the presence of Islam in Zanzibar and coastal regions of Tanganyika. Both, Christian mission inspired by Matthew 28, 19 (Go then to all peoples everywhere) and Islamic Da`wah (mission) based on Sura 34, 28 (And we have sent you to all mankind) made exclusive claims to divine revelation and to convert the adherents of the traditional religions to their respective religions. 269 Several missionary groups of both Catholics and Protestants came to Tanzania for evangelization. Each of them found themselves areas for their evangelization avoiding Muslim concentred areas. “On the coast the Holy Ghost Fathers had contacts with Islam and the idea was to get away from costal influence. In 1910 Pope Pius X asked the Benedictines of St. Ottilien to work on the coast. Mgr. Spreiter was prepared to do this in spite of his own convictions that dialogue with the Muslims was a waste of time, but the 1 st World War intervened.” 270
However the UMCA (Universities Mission to Central Africa), which was present on the coast and in Zanzibar, made an attempt to dialogue with Muslims 271 . The White Fathers who came to Tanzania had already contact with Islam in North Africa. Fr. Peter Smith observed, “The hope of converting Muslims was sometimes vaguely in the background but in practice avoidance or opposition was more to the fore. From the Christian point of view the relations were very much ‘ad hoc’ with each group absorbed with the problems of its own expansion and organisation.” 272 In the early history of Christianity, dialogue with Muslims meant to ‘win over them to Christianity’. Many of the Catholic religious congregations and Protestant missionary organisations avoided areas of large Muslim presence and went to non Islamic areas for evangelization. It was a time to win as many people as possible over to Christianity. The early missionaries did neither consider the necessity of the dialogue nor the dialogue as an enriching experience. They focused themselves on evangelization and organizing Christian
269 Cf. Wijsen: Seeds of Conflict in a Haven of Peace, p. 33. 270 Smith: Muslim and Christian Relations in Tanzania in the Light of Vatican II, p. 2. 271 Cf. Smith: Muslim and Christian Relations in Tanzania in the Light of Vatican II, p. 2. 272 Smith: Muslim and Christian Relations in Tanzania in the Light of Vatican II, P. 3. 83
community. They were also very careful not to come into conflict with other religious communities, particularly with Islam.
With the establishment of Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT, formerly known as Tanganyika Missionary Council) in 1934 and Tanzanian Episcopal Conference in 1957, Christians joined together in their effort to have a unified approach to Islam. Muslims also unified themselves under the banner of East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) and later under the Supreme Council of Tanzanian Muslims (BAKWATA). Tanzania as a nation was preoccupied with the Independence struggle in the 1950s and the cooperation among Muslims and Christians were evident in achieving their common goal – Independence from Britain. This sense of purpose united Christians and Muslims and it helped national unity and integration. It paved way for dialogue and co operation among Christians and Muslims.
2.2. Christian-Muslim Dialogue after Vatican II In the post independence era, Julius K. Nyerere, the Father of the Nation and first President, strived to create unity and harmony among all Tanzanians. Fr. Paul Hannon M. Afr. describing the influence of Nostra Aetate in East Africa in ‘Encounter’ observes that Nyerere did not fear divisions in racial or tribal lines, but he was very apprehensive about the religious division in the Tanzanian society. 273 To a great extent the division between Christians and Muslims was a potential threat to national unity. As Tanzania was emerging as a new independent nation, the teachings of Vatican II, particularly Nostra Aetate helped the Christians in Tanzania to build up closer relation with Muslims. Josef Stamer observes that “at the Council the Church for the first time spoke officially of the non Christian religions, recognizing their existence and affirming that there are in them authentic spiritual riches. It is the duty of the Church to go out and encounter these riches and the men who bear them.” 274
273 Cf. Hannon: The Teaching of Nostra Aetate lived and Practised in Eastern Africa, P. 18. 274 Stamer: Islam in Sub Saharan Africa, p.131. 84
2.2.1. The Influence of Nostra Aetate in Tanzania Nostra Aetate’s invitation to Christians and Muslims to put behind the past and “that a sincere effort be made to achieve mutual understanding; for the benefit of all, let them together preserve and promote peace, liberty, social justice and moral values” (NA 3), made a lot of impact on Christian – Muslim relationship particularly from the part of the Catholic Church. There was a call to respect other religions and cultures. The Catholic Church, which owned 70% of the schools in the country in the 1960s, gave up its schools in order to promote peace and harmony. The influence of the Nostra Aetate is clearly seen in such bold actions of the Church in Tanzania. The attitude of the Church has helped the nation building and fostered the relations between Christians and Muslims. Fr. Peter Smith says that “real efforts are being made on the religious level at mutual understanding, on the social level in education and economic ventures to give substance to these changing attitudes in a pluralistic society to show that shared religious values can serve to build up the nation.”275
There had been strained relationship between Christians and Muslims in the pre independent era. The Muslims felt that the colonial Government neglected them and Christian Missionaries avoided them. Evangelization was oriented towards conversion and missionaries found, that it was difficult to convert Muslims, so the missionaries avoided them to reach out to other people who were ready to be evangelized. It is there that they built schools and health care centres, which substantially improved the quality of the life. Fr. Franz Schildknecht, who prepared the draft on Church and Islam for Seminar Study Year 1969 276 remarked that “instead of trying to approach them, we tried to avoid them. It is up to us to change this impression we gave them, not to leave them out of care, as if they did not exist. On the contrary, we should try to meet them, in respect and
275 Smith: Muslim and Christian Relations in Tanzania in the Light of Vatican II, P. 15. 276 In the aftermath of Vatican II, a Seminar Study Year was organized in 1969, at the initiative of F. Murray, MM, the director of the Pastoral Institute of Bukumbi. It aimed at formulating the mission of the Church in Tanzania in the light of Vatican II. A cultural, social and political integration was envisaged by the seminar. It drew up a year long dialogue between theological experts and all sectors of the Church to make a pastoral plan for the Church in Tanzania. Fifteen documents were prepared by the organizing committee for the seminar. The papers included on Inculturation, Church’s attitude towards Ujamaa, dialogue with Islam, new forms of ministry, involvement of laity, mass media etc to mention a few. 85
charity”. 277 This statement of the seminar, which took place in the aftermath of Vatican II, is a clear indication of the changing attitudes of the Church. 278 The Church opened its doors wide open to work with Muslims in several fields of common interest.
Schildknecht observes that during the post independent era, the Church through a pastoral letter pledged to foster unity and freedom in the country and “to abide by the rules governing a pluralistic society” 279 . It was the desire of Church to help the government to unify the nation which had several tribes and religions. Although, the Church was not comfortable with Ujamaa policy of the government, fearing that it will lead to communism, voluntarily gave up its schools in order to help Nation building. Ujamaa developed among people a feeling of belongingness to a nation – Tanzania rather than to a religion or a tribe. It has also substantially changed the Christian Muslim relationship for better. Schildknecht says, “it was the basis for our starting of dialogue” 280 . The government stressed the need to look beyond the religious and ethnic divisions to build a nation that respects religious pluralism and religious freedom. It has helped not only to unify the nation but also fostered mutual religious tolerance and respect.
However, Schildknecht’s opinion was that even at this time, many were not convinced of the need for dialogue 281 . Each religion went its own way and each one was convinced that they were in the possession of the whole truth. Each community was afraid of the influence of the other community, and the followers were told to avoid the other religious community.
Schildknecht sent out a questionnaire regarding the interreligious dialogue with Islam to all dioceses of Tanzania in May 1967. The answers of the questionnaire pointed out the difficulties of the interreligious dialogue. Some were of the opinion that there was no possibility of such a dialogue and it is not desired, and others warned about the dangers of the dialogue with Islam. However, they pointed out
277 Schildknecht: The Church and Islam, p. 2. 278 Cf. Jong: The Challenge of Vatican II in East Africa, p.91. 279 Schildknecht: The Church and Islam, p. 2 280 Schildknecht: The Church and Islam, p.2. 281 Cf. Schildknecht: The Church and Islam, p. 2 86
the need to improve social and human relationship with Muslims and to work together in the field of common concern 282 .
The position paper proposed that a dialogue should aim at removing the prejudices and misinterpretation of each other’s religion and their teachings. The right attitude of such a dialogue should be learning about the other religion in the spirit of justice and charity. In humility and prayer, in love for the other and some serious study, Christians and Muslims should try to prepare themselves to break down the barriers and prejudices which separated them for many centuries 283 .
The position paper further says that “one of the difficulties of religious leaders is that they are too easily confound themselves with the whole religious system; we should never dialogue from system to system, but always from man to man and establish true human relationship” 284 . So the dialogue should begin at grass root level, where Christians and Muslims face each other in their day to day living situations. And it is the ordinary people, who can effectively carry out a dialogue in such situations.
The position paper describes a few examples of good Christian Muslim relationships in the 1960s. The Sheikh at Mwadui asked the Catholic priest to preach in the Mosque on the occasion of Id al Fitr 285 celebrations. In Mtama, a new Church was established by the joint effort of Christians and Muslims 286 . The Christians are encouraged to attend Muslim social functions such as marriage and burial services etc in order to foster good relationship. Christians also are encouraged to join with Muslims in social and economic projects, both in planning and seeking funds, as well as execution. They are encouraged to work together in nation building.
The seminar suggested that Christians should be informed about Islam through courses, seminars and preaching in the churches whenever possible. Islam should be taught in minor and major seminaries and pastoral institutes. The seminar also proposed that some African laymen, sisters and priests should be
282 Cf. Schildknecht: The Church and Islam, p.3. 283 Cf. Schildknecht: The Church and Islam, p.4. 284 Schildknecht: The Church and Islam, p. 4. 285 Muslim feast that marks the end of Ramadhan, the Islamic holy month of fasting. 286 Cf. Schildknecht: The Church and Islam, p. 5. 87
given the opportunity to specialize in Islam in order to form a team for dialogue and consultation.
Peter Smith observed the effect of the Seminar: “Several conclusions were adopted and though not systematically applied everywhere real attempts were made on the practical level to put into effect the new theological, social, pastoral and religious insights.” 287 The Seminar clearly pointed out the changing attitude and mind set by the Church towards Islam. Inspired by Vatican II teachings, the Church began to adopt a positive attitude towards Islam.
In the light of the Vatican II, there was a clear change of attitude in the Catholic Church in Tanzania. The Church changed its “previously hostile attitude of ignorance, suspicion, and hostility to an attempt at understanding, respect and sympathy.” 288
In 1972, Tanzanian Episcopal Conference published a pastoral letter called Peace and mutual understanding which reflects again the teaching of Vatican II. It calls upon the Christians to recognize the common humanity and respect for all. It calls for religious freedom and the Church’s commitment to work within a pluralistic society. 289 The commitment of the Catholic Church did not remain at a rhetoric level, but found concrete action in the developmental works, health care, spiritual care at National Service camps and army camps etc. The book of Anglars ‘Wana wa Ibrahimu’ (People of Abraham), which was first published in 1972, illustrated the teaching of Vatican II on the relations with Muslims and called the Christians to engage in dialogue with Islam. 290
Villages are the basic units of Tanzanian society. The Ujamaa policy brought together people to benefit the social services. Some areas of Tanzania are exclusively Christian or Islam. There are also areas where Christians, Muslims and Traditional Religions followers live together and they are the potential areas of conflict and cooperation. In some families adherents of Christianity, Islam and Traditional Religions can be found. In times of birth, death and marriage, there is
287 Smith : Muslim and Christian Relations in Tanzania in the Light of Vatican II, P. 10 288 Smith: Muslim and Christian Relations in Tanzania in the Light of Vatican II, P. 14 289 Cf. Tanzania Episcopal Conference: Peace and Mutual Understanding, pp. 3 and 10. 290 Cf. Anglars: Wana wa Ibrahimu, p.23. 88
a great deal of cooperation among the family members. Peter Smith says that “on the level of prayer, it consists in respect for times and places with the rhythm of village level. Perhaps, as is done in some places, co operation in building Mosques or Churches. On the human level Muslim and Christian can and are trying to come closer together to ensure better education, cleaner water and better health facilities.” 291 In 1972, Christians and Muslims made a joint effort to establish a religious department at the University of Dar es Salaam. The effort of both communities was not successful; nevertheless it brought together both communities. Later on there were discussions, regarding the establishment of a religious department at the University, but the Muslim were not invited. It deeply hurt the sentiments of the Muslims. In some occasions, they were invited, but did not attend for unknown reasons. Although Christians took initiative to reach out to the Muslims, the lack of co ordination and communication among both religions created mistrust among them. 292 The issue of education is one of the major contentious issues which often prevented meaningful dialogue between Christians and Muslims. 293
In the 1990s the government opened up schools for private management and the Church established several schools and admitted the students without asking their religious affiliations. Tanzanian Episcopal Conference constituted a department for interreligious dialogue to promote the ideals of Nostra Aetate. In the 90s, when the tensions were mounting high between Christians and Muslims, the Church issued a document to explain its relation with Islam and called for restraint and respect. 294
Another important influence of Nostra Aetate is the introduction of Islam as a subject in the priestly formation. The former Archbishop of Dar es Salaam founded the Congregation of Dada Wadogo wa Mt. Fransisko wa Assisi (Little Sisters of St. Francis Assisi) as a diocesan religious congregation in 1982. Its constitution specifically speaks of the need of working together with Muslims and
291 Smith: Muslim and Christian Relations in Tanzania in the Light of Vatican II, P. 34. 292 Cf. Smith: Muslim and Christian Relations in Tanzania in the Light of Vatican II, P. 46. 293 Cf. Smith: Christianity and Islam in Tanzania: Development and Relationships, p. 177. 294 Cf. Tanzania Episcopal Conference: Official Pronouncement of the Tanzanian Episcopal Conference concerning Religious Slanders. 89
foster unity and peace. 295 The yearly greeting of Church leadership at the end of Ramadhan is a good custom, which springs up in the backdrops of Nostra Aetate. These letters often called to work together to promote social justice and unity. The visit of Pope John Paul II gave flip to the interreligious dialogue process in Tanzania.
It is not only the Catholic Church that is involved in promoting Christian Muslim dialogue in Tanzania, but also other Christian Churches and Islamic organisations. Rev. Dr. Leonard Mtaita, an Anglican priest from Tanzania spoke at the African Interfaith conference 296 about the need for working together with Muslims. He said that the notion that Tanzania was an island of peace was not the whole truth. He blames the fundamentalist minority for undermining the peaceful co existence of Muslims and Christians in Tanzania. He said that the dialogue praxis was done through various social projects such as HIV/AIDS, fight against economic injustice and poverty which affect both Christians and Muslims. 297
Sheikh Soraga from Zanzibar who was also attending the African Interfaith conference spoke about the Christian Muslim dialogue in Zanzibar. He said that the Mufti’s office 298 was involved in Christian Muslim dialogue. He said that some fundamentalist groups like Uamsho (Revival) were against Christian Muslim dialogue. He further said that “in the early 1980s students came back from the Gulf states, are destabilizing Zanzibar. Many of them were Islamic NGO's involving themselves in politics, and some of these dislike the cooperation between Muslims and Christians. Some Muslims don’t accept our efforts, but this is due to their lack of knowledge. But I remind them of the story of the Christians who went inside a mosque to ask the Prophet for help to resolve internal issues.” 299 In Zanzibar too dialogue is promoted through social projects like
295 Cf. Kanuni na Maisha ya Ndugu wa Shirika la Tatu la Mtakatifu Fransisko wa Asissi, Apendix I. 296 The African Interfaith Conference was held at Cairo between 8 th and 13 th of October 2008. This conference was organised by the North African Anglican Bishops’ conference with the involvement of PROCMURA. 297 Cf. www.procmura prica.org/Egypt%20Final.pdf (03.08.2010) 298 Mufti is the head of the Muslim religious department of the government. His office deals with affairs involving Muslim religion and their personal laws. 299 www.procmura prica.org/Egypt%20Final.pdf (03.08.2010) 90
HIV/AIDS. There is another committee which involves Christian and Muslims is the committee for the satiability of Zanzibar. This committee played an important role during the 2005 general elections to maintain peace.
Both Christian and Muslim religious leaders take active part in the dialogue to maintain peace and religious harmony in Tanzania. However, a minority of the fundamentalists don’t take part in a meaningful dialogue.
2.2.2. The White Fathers and Dialogue As we discuss the history and development of Christian Muslim dialogue, it is good to mention the role of Missionaries of Africa, also known as White Fathers 300 , who have contributed tremendously towards Christian Muslim dialogue in Africa. Cardinal Martial Lavigerie (1825 1892), Archbishop of Algiers, founded the Missionary Society of Africa in 1868 for the evangelization of Africa. He dreamed of converting Arabs to Christianity in Algeria. At this time, there was an outbreak of cholera and several hundreds of people died. He baptized the orphaned children and founded villages for the new Christians, which created animosity between Christians and Muslims. In order to avoid confrontation with Muslims, he forbad new baptisms of the orphan. Discussing on the eternal truths of salvation, he said, “believe that God exists and He rewards those who try to find Him” 301 .
Cardinal Lavigerie, as a missionary had a vision for Africa and its culture and people. Speaking on Islam, he made the following points: 302
The missionary must adopt the culture of the people to whom he is sent: adaptation and inculturation. Evangelization of a society requires centuries and slow saturation by the life of Christ. In this evolution for a given milieu, there would be several phases: Hostility to diminish: the priority is to bear testimony through disinterested love and service. Dialogue has to focus on shared topics: the greatness of God, adoration, repentance and forgiveness.
300 The Missionaries of Africa (M.Afr.) got this name, from the white cassock, which they were wearing. 301 Gaudeul: Of Encounter and Dialogue in the Society, p. 29. 302 Cf. Gaudeul: Fr. Henri Marchal’s Approach, p. 33. 91
The teaching of the Christian doctrine must be reserved to converts alone. Only catechumens will be initiated into Christian doctrine, as they have given their faith to Christ. Cardinal Lavigerie made these prophetic observations, which are relevant to this day. His advice to be sensitive to the people of other religions is a golden rule, which has always to be kept in mind. The need to adaptation and inculturation will help the Church to draw its strength from the people of Africa. It is very much needed in order to live in a multi ethnic and multi religious society. He says that the Christian testimony should be based on the disinterested love and service for the other. It will surely help the Christians to see their neighbour beyond the religious affinities. Charity has a central place in both religions. Speaking on the dialogue he observed that Christians and Muslims could come together, if they focus on the greatness of God, adoration, repentance and forgiveness. Both religions treasure these aspects of dialogue. Both Christians and Muslims understand God as loving and merciful God. If both Christians and Muslims their understanding of God could translate their understanding of God into the day to day lives, dialogue will flourish and peace and harmony will spread in Africa. 303
After the death of the Founder, the missionaries were confronted with slavery and colonialism in Africa. There was a growing hostility against Europeans in the Muslim world. Therefore, the missionaries focused on converting African population. In the 1940’s Bishop Durrieu sent some of the missionaries to learn Arabic and Islamology, before they were sent to sub Saharan Africa. Most of them found themselves overwhelmed by the tasks imposed on them, finding no time to contact with Muslims. 304
One of the greatest achievements of the White Fathers in the field of interreligious dialogue was the establishment of an Institute to study Islam and Arabic in Tunisia in 1926. Later in 1964, it was shifted to Rome and is known as the Pontifical Institute for Arabic and Islamic Studies (PISAI). It is not only training Christians in the field of Islam studies and Arabic, but also in the forefront to promote interreligious dialogue. This Institute has contributed immensely to understand Islam and help people to work in predominantly Muslim areas.
303 Cf. Gaudeul: Fr. Henri Marchal’s Approach, p. 33. 304 Cf . Gaudeul: Of Encounter and Dialogue in the Society, p. 31. 92
Vatican II refreshed the approach of the White Fathers to Muslims. Many more were trained and engaged in interreligious dialogue. The 1992 Chapter of the Missionaries spoke on the Mission in the following words: “Mission is fundamentally Encounter: We encounter others, convinced that all people are loved by God; everyone is already saved in Jesus Christ; the Spirit is at work in every human being” 305 .
The Missionaries of Africa works in several parishes in Tanzania and some of them are in Muslim dominated areas such as Makakola in Tabora and Tandale in Dar es Salaam. I would like to explain some of the activities of the Missionaries in these two parishes to foster Christian – Muslim relationships.
Makakola is a predominantly Muslim area in Tabora town. The White Fathers took up the parish of Makakola in 1972. It was established specifically to foster the relationship between Christians and Muslims in the aftermath of Vatican II. Fr. Peter Smith, as the parish priest organized several programmes to reach out to the Muslims. Maize Mills were put up to help the local population of both Muslims and Christians. Football tournaments were organized to bring young Christians and Muslims together. The Fathers along with the Parish committee visited the Muslims on their important Feast days. The Muslims reciprocated that by visiting Christians at Christmas and Easter. The members of both religious communities offered homage to the departed members and took part in funeral services. In this way, the parish created a good atmosphere of unity and understanding. Fr. Richard Nyombi, who succeeded Fr. Smith, continued the same and established a good relationship with the Muslim neighbourhood. 306
Tandale is in the outskirts of Dar es Salaam, populated by the poor people ofthe coastal regions and migrants from inland Tanzania. It is predominantly a Muslim area (70%) and there are 20 mosques within the parish area. The Christian community organised themselves as a substation of Manzese parish in 1978. Today, it is one of the poorest areas of Dar es Salaam, known for criminality and prostitution. About 20% of the adult population suffer from AIDS and the life
305 Gaudeul: Of Encounter and Dialogue in the Society, p. 31 306 Cf. Nyombi: Katiba ya Muda ya Chama Kinachohusika na Uhusiano kati ya Wakristo na Waislamu katika Parokia ya Makokola (UWAWA), pp. 1 2. 93
expectancy is between 40 – 45 years. Poverty is the hallmark of the people here. Christians and Muslims face the same economic hardships and without surprise, poverty is the common “bond between Christians and Muslims” 307 . Facing the common enemy of poverty they come together to combat it with mutual sharing and deep respect for each other. Interreligious dialogue is experienced in sharing their resources and participating in the festivities of neighbour’s religion and at funerals. The majority of the people who receive help from the parish based Caritas and World Food programme are Muslims. The Fathers visited Mosques and expressed their desire to work together, but the response was not always positive.
Some Muslim leaders view the charitable acts of the Christians with suspicion. Theological dialogue does not exist here. Some of the Muslim clerics discredit the teaching of the Bible by their preaching in the mosques. Despite of all these problems, the ordinary Muslims and Christians are trying to live a peaceful life.
Here we find a dual relationship between Christians and Muslims. On the one hand the White Fathers are trying to reach out to the Muslim population with some success; on the other hand their works are looked at with suspicion by some of the people. We find the phenomena of love hate Christian – Muslim relations all over Tanzania. The ordinary people look at their neighbour not according their religious affinities, but as their own brothers and sisters who share the same social and economic hardships.
The White Fathers took up in 2001 Wete Parish on the island of Pemba, in the spirit of the 1998 Chapter to encounter with Muslims. Four priests were appointed there. The parish had only 300 Catholics in a huge area of Muslim population. The apostolate in the parish consisted of a nursery school, teaching English to the students and other workers (including policemen) and organizing sport activities 308 . There was also a community of sisters who were working for the projects related to women. The Fathers were often at football courts, where they met several people and tried to organise sports. They also engaged themselves
307 Abeledo/Ngowi/Bamali/Shyirambere: Poverty, a bond between Christians and Muslims, p. 50. 308 Cf. Slinger: Encounter on a Football pitch or meet people where they are, p. 72. 94
in all the activities of township and were with people. Unfortunately, the White Fathers withdrew their priests from Wete due to lack of personal. 309
The fundamental theological difference between Christians and Muslims regarding their understanding of God are clearly seen among people. “The Christian belief in a God who is a ‘community’ (Father, Son and Holy Spirit) and who is close to us contrasts with the Muslim belief in One God, ‘all powerful’, who lives at a distance.” 310 When such differences are often projected over other issues, where both communities could work together, the process of dialogue is made difficult between Christians and Muslims. In some cases Muslims are not interested in interreligious dialogue. At times the willingness of the Church for a dialogue is misunderstood by the Muslim community. In some cases it is mixed with the politics in Tanzania.
The White Fathers in Dar es Salaam organised a meeting of the confreres engaged in Christian Muslim Muslim dialogue in 1994. I would like to point out some of the deliberations of this meeting.
Peter Smith stressed the universality of salvation based on the teachings of Vatican II and subsequent documents. He said instead of trying to respond to what the Muslims say and do, we should simply aim at being better Christians. Geoffrey Riddle who works in Dar es Salaam said that he felt drawn to an attitude of deep respect and love for all people of other religions, for we are all brothers and sisters. 311
Richard Nyombi, who worked in Algeria for some years, said that his contact with Muslims had helped him to deepen his own faith in Christ. He further said that we must help both Christians and Muslims to understand their own faith and that of the others. He formed a parish committee to approach to Muslims. He writes letters to Mosques for Ramadhan. He uses sports to attract youths of all faiths. 312
309 Cf. Hannon: The Teaching of Nostra Aetate lived and Practised in Eastern Africa , p.21 310 Hannon: The Teaching of Nostra Aetate lived and Practised in Eastern Africa, p. 21. 311 Cf. White Fathers: The First Interregional meeting of the White Fathers engaged in Christian Muslim Dialog, p. 1. 312 Cf. White Fathers: The First Interregional meeting of the White Fathers engaged in Christian Muslim Dialog, p. 2. 95
Paul Leblang is convinced that a deep Christian life of faith and prayer are the effective way to bear witness to the Muslims. Michel Milunga who works in a Christian – Muslim milieu is convinced of unity in diversity. He says that human contacts are the most important, for they create mutual knowledge and trust. Marcel Pauwels says that the first missionaries simply avoided Muslim areas and went on to the conversion of pagans. He says that it is person to person contacts that are most fruitful. 313
The participants also made some recommendations for Christian Muslim dialogue in East Africa. They stressed the need for training experts to dialogue with Islam. Such people could co ordinate the dialogue processes in Tanzania. They also felt the need for sensitising the Bishops in an effective way to take on the challenge of dialogue seriously. They suggested experts like Bishop Michael Fitzgerald could be invited to explain the official teachings of the Church. They also suggested some of the teachings of the Church and literature on dialogue to be translated into Swahili. They also observed that there was lot of fear on both sides. Fear comes from ignorance and can lead to hostility. They pointed out that on the side of the Muslims, they have a superiority complex owing to the absolute certitude the Quran gives them, at the same time they have an inferiority complex because they feel that they have ‘missed the boat’ especially with regard to education. They said that we should try to allay their fears by striving to be less triumphalistic and self complacent. The Christians too lack information about Islam as a religion. Christians should overcome their prejudices and reach out to them in a positive manner. 314
The contribution of the White Fathers towards the Christian Muslim dialogue is immense as their congregation is widespread in African continent. They are the pioneers of training experts and transmitting the need of dialogue with Muslims. Their contributions have paved the way for the Christian Muslim dialogue in Tanzania and Africa in general.
313 Cf. White Fathers: The First Interregional meeting of the White Fathers engaged in Christian Muslim Dialog, pp. 3 – 4. 314 Cf. White Fathers: The First Interregional meeting of the White Fathers engaged in Christian Muslim Dialog, pp. 5 – 7. 96
2.2.3. African Synods There have been two African Synods of Bishops in the recent past. The first one took place in 1994 and the second one more recently in 2009. The Synods reiterate the Catholic Church’s commitment to have dialogue with Muslims. The 1994 Post Synodal Exhortation Ecclesia in Africa (EA) speaks that “Commitment to dialogue must also embrace all Muslims of good will. Christians cannot forget that many Muslims try to imitate the faith of Abraham and to live the demands of the Decalogue” (EA 66). It underlines the common origin and destiny of human beings and calls to respect the religious traditions of people of other faiths. It encourages Christians to have dialogue with Islam and warns against the fundamentalist tendencies that may hamper the dialogue. It also calls for joint action for peace and justice and invites the people of Africa to raise their voice against unfair practices and policies and also to work together for religious freedom (EA 66). The Synod exhorts not only to have dialogue with Islam but also to have a serene and prudent dialogue with African traditional religion, by assimilating positive values that are in the traditional religion such as the belief in a Supreme Being (EA 67). The Synod appreciates the ongoing dialogue of life and action, which creates mutual friendship and tolerance. 315
The Lienamenta for II Special Assemby for Africa 2009 was published in 2006. It speaks that despite the worrying aspects of Christian Muslim relations and religious intolerance in many parts of Africa dialogue is essential and has to be continued. It says that “to foster a dialogue of life, a distinction must be made between Islam's political and religious aspects, and, in turn, between Islam and its followers”.316 It says that Muslims are a difficult yet important partner in the dialogue. But in order to promote justice, peace and reconciliation, Christians and Muslims have to work together. There are many positive achievements of Christian–Muslim dialogue in Africa. It says that “respect for the principle of reciprocity is a necessary condition for any progress in reconciliation, justice and peace.” 317 The Instrumentum Laboris for the II Special Assmebly for Africa (102) too takes the stock of the Christian Muslim relations and speaks of the
315 Cf. Charlton: Exploring our Christian life in the light of the African Synod, p. 30 316 Synod of Bishops: II Speical Assembly for Africa. Lineamenta, No. 27, p. 25. 317 Synod of Bishops: II Speical Assembly for Africa. Lineamenta, No. 28, pp. 25 26. 97
achievements of the dialogue as well as the difficulties of the dialogue. It makes an important observation by saying that “Respect for the religious identity of Muslim children in Catholic schools in Africa is an exemplary and effective way of educating tolerance and peace in society.” 318
The final document of the II Special Assmbly for Africa in its Propositio 12 speaks of ways and means to improve relationship with Muslims. It says:
To serve reconciliation, justice and peace, every form of discrimination, intolerance and religious fundamentalism must be overcome. Where religious freedom is concerned, the right to worship must be stressed. In relations with Muslims, we must: give priority to a dialogue of life and a partnership in social matters and reconciliation; take into consideration the variety of situations and experiences; confront honestly our misunderstandings and difficulties; provide a better knowledge of Islam in the formation of priests, men and women religious and the lay faithful; and take initiatives which promote respect, friendship, collaboration and reciprocity. 319
An evalulation of all these synods would point out tht the issue of Christian Muslim relations has not got sufficient attention, it requires. There had been more than thirty interventions by the bishops in the 1994 Synod, which shows the magnanimity of the issue of Christian Muslim dialogue in Africa. Despite the positive remarks over the need for dialogue with Islam, the Synod of bishops failed to spell out concrete steps to promote dialogue in Africa. It is sad to note that in spite of the fact that the Christian Muslim relation is a burning issue in Africa; the Synod has not adequately dealt with the issue. One Sudanese bishop asked: “Can we have dialogue with the people who have come to assassinate us?” 320 The Synod has analysed the current situation of the Christian Muslim dialogue and merely stated the urgency of dialogue. But is it enough without having concrete plans?
318 www.vatican.va/roman_curia/synod/documents/rc_synod_doc_20090319_instrlabor africa_en.html(14. 04.2010) 319 www.vatican.va/roman_curia/synod/documents/rc_synod_doc_20091023_elenco prop finali_en.html (14. 04.2010) 320 Stamer: Islam in Sub Saharan Africa, p. 148. 98
The situation was not much different fifteen years after, when the African Bishops once again gathered to discuss the life of the African church. Bishop Maroum Elias Lahham of Tunis put bluntly his frustration when observed that “Instrumentum Laboris gave little space to discuss Islam, and did so “in generic terms” 321 . He pointed out the difference of Christian Muslim relations in North Africa, where Christians are a minority and in Sub Saharan Africa, where Christians are numerically in a better position. The Synod should have made concrete plans to deal with the issue in both parts of the Continent. The bishop of Tunis ended by calling for "a discussion about Islam in Africa and that bears in mind the variety of African experiences, from Tunis to Johannesburg." 322
Archbishop Norbert Mtega of Songea, Tanzania, said to the synodal assembly:
We love Muslims. It is our history and culture to live with them. But the danger which threatens Africa's freedom, sovereignty, democracy and human rights is first the Islamic political factor, in other words, the intended plan and the clear process of identifying Islam with politics and vice versa in each of our African countries. Secondly, it is the Islamic monetary factor whereby huge sums of money from outside countries are being poured in our countries to destabilize peace in our countries and to eradicate Christianity. 323
The bishops in the Synod expressed their divergent concerns with regard to Islam, particularly fundamentalist Islam that creeps through politics and social life. They consider it as a threat for the peaceful co existing of both communities. However, as the working group moderated by Father Gerard Chabanon reported in its conclusions, although the reality of Islam is different throughout Africa, the attitude that Christians should promote is the same: a dialogue of life and a social dialogue. The group added: "It has been strongly emphasized that we must always seek liberty of conscience and the reciprocity of worship." 324 The second Synod too made observations about the reality of Christian Muslim relations and made some vague conclusions which did not satisfy any one in a continent where often
321 www.sceam secam.org/newsInfo.php?id=150 (26.10.2009) 322 www.sceam secam.org/newsInfo.php?id=150 (26.10.2009) 323 www.sceam secam.org/newsInfo.php?id=150 (26.10.2009) 324 www.sceam secam.org/newsInfo.php?id=150 (26.10.2009) 99
Christianity and Islam are at loggerheads. The local church in Africa garbles in darkness for lack of concrete plans to deal with the Christian Muslim dialogue.
2.3. Organizations for Dialogue With the establishment of the Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT) (formerly known as Tanganyika Missionary Council) in 1934 by the non Catholic Christians and Tanzanian Episcopal Conference (TEC) in 1957 by the Catholics, Christians joined together in their effort to have a unified approach to Islam. Muslims also unified themselves under the banner of East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) and later under the Supreme Council of Tanzanian Muslims (BAKWATA). Tanzania as a nation was preoccupied with the Independence struggle in the 1950s and the cooperation among Muslims and Christians were evident in achieving their common goal – Independence from Britain. This sense of purpose united Christians and Muslims and it helped national unity and integration. The Vatican II opened up a new horizon of dialogue with Islam through Nostra Aetate. Its influence was not only felt in Catholic circles but also among people of other Christian denominations and other religions. There were joint efforts as well as individual efforts from the part of the Catholic Church and other Churches to have dialogue with Islam through their national organisations. The following are some of the organisations, which promote the interreligious dialogue in Tanzania.
2.3.1. Tanzanian Episcopal Conference (TEC) In the light of the Vatican II, the Tanzanian Episcopal Conference prepared a paper highlighting the need for having a better understanding of Islam. It says that “it is up to us to change this impression we gave them (Muslims), not to leave them out of our care, as if they did not exist. On the contrary we should try to meet them, in respect and charity”. 325 In relation to the state and society in general the paper says that the church is “to abide by the rules governing a pluralistic society; on social attitudes there was a desire for more social contacts and deeper human relationships.” 326 The changing attitude of the Church can be
325 Smith: Muslim and Christian Relations in Tanzania in the Light of Vatican II, P. 9. 326 Smith: Muslim and Christian Relations in Tanzania in the Light of Vatican II, P. 10. 100
seen in these statements. This paradigm shift is adapted in the line with Vatican II’s theology on other religions. The positive developments began to reflect the changing attitude towards other religions, particularly towards Islam in Tanzania.
Following the recommendation of the Tanzanian Episcopal Conference, the Major theological seminaries, Tanzania introduced Islam in the curriculum. It was intended for the candidates of Priestly formation to understand Islam better and thereby changing the attitude of the Church towards other religions.
Peter Smith writes about the initiatives of the local Church in the following words: “The local Church has also responded to the changing atmosphere and is trying in development projects, advancement for women and other ways to foster harmonious relations. A more impartial view of these efforts can be seen in Granada Television’s documentary, ‘The Christians’ where half an hour screening time was devoted to this aspect of Muslim Christian relations with visits to Quran Schools by the priest and meetings with the Sheikh and Walimu (Teachers)” 327 . He further says that “the consequences of Vatican II have shown a change from a previously hostile attitude of ignorance, suspicion, and hostility to an attempt at understanding, respect and sympathy.” 328
The Christian commitment to better relationship with Muslims was spelled out by the TEC in its Pastoral letter Peace and mutual understanding 329 in 1972. It appeals to the Christians to recognize the common destiny of mankind and respect for all. It also speaks of freedom of religion for all. Speaking on politics, it says that Christians should work within a pluralistic society. It also calls the Christians to work together with Muslims in social projects.
Currently the Catholic Church is approaching the interreligious dialogue in an ecumenical circle. Together with CCT, it is promoting dialogue with Islam. There are several joint ventures undertaken by TEC and CCT with BAKWATA, the Muslim Supreme Council of Tanzania. 330 They go around the country to deal with problems concerning interreligious issues. They also jointly undertake several
327 Smith: Muslim and Christian Relations in Tanzania in the Light of Vatican II, P. 14 328 Smith: Muslim and Christian Relations in Tanzania in the Light of Vatican II, P. 14 329 Tanzanian Episcopal Conference: Peace and Mutual Understanding, p. 4. 330 Cf. BAKWATA: Taarifa ya Juhudhi za Viongozi wa Dini za Kuimarisha Amani, pp. 1 5. 101
issues concerning the social life of the people, which can lead to conflict and violence. These efforts on the part of the Church are inspired by the teachings of Nostra Aetate . The Committee for Interreligious dialogue of the TEC has also published leaflets that illustrate the Catholic teachings on interreligious dialogue and the plurality of religions. 331 The Catholic Church is trying to reach out to Islam based on the teachings of Vatican II.
2.3.2. The Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT) The Christian Council of Churches is a fellowship of Churches and Church related organizations. The changing attitude towards Islam was not limited to the Catholic Church; it also helped other Churches to have a new outlook towards other religions. J.B. Taylor of the World Christian Council, who visited Tanzania and Uganda in 1970s “encourages the study of Islam by Christians to overcome ignorance, complacency and hostility and remarks that the Christian Council of Tanzania is hoping to sponsor courses on Islam with help of the ‘Islam in Africa’ Project.” 332
CCT has established a committee for interreligious dialogue. The committee for Interreligious dialogue promote tolerance and co existence between non Christians. The committee propagates its work through awareness campaign, visitation of areas of Christian Muslim conflicts, seminars and through dialogue 333 .
The awareness campaign is done whenever bishops, pastors and the laity gather in their annual and national council meetings. They are told of the importance of the need for dialogue and are made aware of the dangers of Christian Muslim conflicts. They are told to hand over the message of dialogue in their particular area of work. The committee asks their opinions to improve the relationship between Christians and Muslims.
The committee also visit towns which are largely populated by Christians and Muslims. The committee sits with the religious leaders of both sides and
331 Cf. Marandu: Mahusiano na Dini Mbalimbali, 2008. 332 Smith: Muslim and Christian Relations in Tanzania in the Light of Vatican II, P. 11. 333 Cf. Godda: A brief report of the activities of my area, p. 2. 102
discusses together the importance of co existence and the participation in national development and peace. The committee has also organized several seminars, workshops and conferences to promote unity among Christians and Muslims.
Godda says that “any person who dares to take part in bi religious dialogue must be mature in his/her faith, well informed and not emotional. He/she must be able to listen and respect the other party. In most Christian and Muslim groups such people are very rare. Some just come to argue, while others think, it is their opportunity to convert the other person. This makes dialogue a sensitive issue in both religious and social point of view. However, where we had dialogue, we made it clear to our counterparts the need to make a keen selection on who would form dialogue team.” 334
CCT has organized dialogues in Zanzibar, Kigoma and Mwanza. It also met the religious leaders of Bahai, Buddhism, Hindusim and Sikhism and discussed the areas of cooperation. CCT is collaborating with TEC and BAKWATA in promoting Christian Muslim dialogue in Tanzania.
2.3.3. Muslim-Christian Commission for Peace, Development and Conflict Resolution in Tanzania (TUWWAMUTA)
The Muslim Christian Commission for Peace Development and Conflict Resolution in Tanzania, commonly and widely known by its Swahili abbreviation TUWWAMUTA (Tume ya Waislam na Wakristo ya Amani, Maendeleo na Usuluhishi Tanzania) was initiatiated by the Lutheren Church of Tanzania. The Lutheren Church of Tanzania has actively been involved in Christian Muslim dialogue from 1996. In 2000, they established TUWWAMUTA to create peace and harmony among Christians and Muslims. Several Christian Churches and Islamic organisations were invited for its inauguration. These are the objectives of the organisation: 335
334 Godda: A brief report of the activities of my area, p. 3. 335 Cf. www.elct.or.tz/conflict.html (03.08.2010) 103
To ensure success in efforts aimed at fostering peace, unity, co operation and solidarity among the citizenry within Tanzania and in other countries of the world. To nurture the society to have people who are sociable, respectable, civilised and live with integrity. To initiate and operate joint development and economic projects and social services. To enlighten others on the need for maintaining peace, unity, love, solidarity, development and good governance. To educate the public and launch programmes on the environment, conservation, appropriate technology as well as the reduction and eventual eradication of poverty. To support programmes to assist women, youth, children and elderly people. To assist disadvantaged groups in the community such as refugees, victims of vagaries of weather such as floods, drought, hurricanes and those affected by HIV/AIDS and wars. To undertake research on burning issues in the society. To engage in conflict resolution efforts by collaborating closely with the Government and other like minded bodies supporting the objectives of TUWWAMUTA.
The Organisation has a fair number of Muslims as its board members. 336 However some fear that TUWWAMUTA has become more interested in developmental projects like a NGO and has failed in its effort to promote Christian Muslim dialogue. 337
2.3.4. Association of Member of Episcopal Conferences in Eastern Africa (AMECEA)
AMECEA is an organization of the bishops’ conferences of Eastern African countries – Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Malawi, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia. Fr. W. Schoneke, who was the head of the AMECEA pastoral department writes in an article in AMECEA documentation Service the need of working together with Muslims. He observes that there are several cultural, political, economic and social factors that divide Christians and Muslims. But there are several issues that affect Christians and Muslims, which can bring together both communities, such as issues on justice and peace. He explains that poverty, unemployment, women’s issues, and child abuse are affecting a
336 Cf. Riddle: A Report of the TUWWAMUTA, p. 2. 337 Cf. Mbillah: Inter Faith Relations and the Quest for Peace in Africa, p.78. 104
large number of people and we should fight against such social evils with all people of good will, including Muslims 338 .
He further says how the Church can monitor the democratization and good governance with the help of Muslims. “Where the Church is involved in the process of democratization, civic education, monitoring election or denouncing abuses and injustices, it could invite the local Muslim community to join efforts. This has been done successfully in some AMECEA countries” 339 . Good governance is a challenge in many African countries, which face rampant corruption. Both Christians and Muslims based on their scriptures could build up a just nation. He further says that where Muslims are a minority and discriminated, Christians should defend the legitimate rights of the Muslims. And where Muslims discriminate non Muslims, the church should stand for human rights and religious freedom 340 .
The last AMECEA meeting, which was held at Lusaka, Zambia between 27 th June and 7 th of July 2008, had the theme Reconciliation through Justice and Peace . The meeting calls for dialogue with various people to create unity and peace in the region 341 .
2.3.5. The Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar (SECAM)
SECAM was an initiative of African bishops during the Second Vatican Council (1962 1965). The establishment of SECAM is therefore the result of the bishops’ resolution to build a continental structure in order to bring forth the African vision to the whole church. SECAM was officially inaugurated by Pope Paul VI, during his visit to Uganda in 1969. SECAM has a department for Ecumenism and Interreligious dialogue, which foster fraternal relations with other Christian Churches and with people of other faiths 342 .
338 Cf. Schoneke: Islamic Expansion in East Africa? What is our response?, p. 9. 339 Schoneke: Islamic Expansion in East Africa? What is our response?, p. 9. 340 Cf. Schoneke: Islamic Expansion in East Africa? What is our response?, p. 9. 341 Cf. AMECEA: Procedings of the 16 th AMECEA Plenary Assembly, p. 21. 342 Cf. www.sceam secam.org/identity.html (19.07.2010) 105
In 1978 SECAM published a declaration on Islam. It said that it in keeping with our faith we should adopt a positive attitude towards Muslims for the civic good as well as for the defence of human rights. It made a series of recommendations to the local church to have a deeper dialogue with Islam. But its recommendations remained a dead letter as its suggestions were not taken seriously at the national and diocesan level.343
In 2004 SECAM organized a joint meeting with German Bishops Conference in Akosombo, Ghana, in order to address the Christian Muslim relationship in Africa. The theme of the meeting was “Christians and Muslims – partners of dialogue”. The conference observed: Religion should lead humankind to the love of God and of neighbour: ”Anyone who says, I love God, and hates his brother, is a liar, since a man who does not love the brother that he can see cannot love God, whom he has never seen“ (cf 1 Jn 4:20). Therefore, violence in the name of God goes against the very essence of religion and shows lack of understanding of one’s own religion. It simply reduces God to our human level of jealousy, quarrel and hatred. Given the pluralistic nature of our societies, dialogue is an indispensable way to peace. Moreover every person is a dialogical being whose life is marked by dialogue not only with his creator, God, but also with fellow human beings. Dialogue can be said to mean simply the respectful communication of persons. It is also an expression of human dignity 344 .
The conference also pointed out the need of having a better knowledge about Muslims and Islam, which drive away a lot of prejudices that Christians have. They also call for adequate respect for Muslim children in Christian schools. They also drew up an action plan which is to be practiced at parish, diocesan, national and international level. At the parish level, the conference requests Christians to visit Muslims and interact with them, plan for common projects in the social, educational, health care fields and to cooperate in the fight against poverty.
343 Cf. Stamer: Islam in Sub Saharan Africa, p. 144. 344 www.dbk.de/schriften/data/00943/index_en.html (19.07.2010)
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At the diocesan level, the conference call for clergy and laity to work together in the field of interreligious dialogue. The conference requests the dioceses to establish a department for interreligious dialogue and facilitate meetings for Christian and Muslim leaders, teachers, media people and academics, create platforms for discussing ethical, social and political issues of common interest, constitute mixed bodies for peace, monitoring and civic conflict management.
At the national level the conference asks the concerned Episcopal conferences to establish Episcopal commissions for interreligious dialogue, centres of encounter and documentation, establishment of official relations between Christians and Muslims in the academic field, development of an ethical code for journalists, multiplying efforts towards cooperation in specific health projects (HIV/AIDS), pre natal and postnatal care for women and children and continuing and strengthening interreligious cooperation in development projects.
At international level, the conference requests for exchange of experience, ideas and solutions of different regions in the field of Christian Muslim relations, organize international consultation meetings of experts in Islam and Christian Muslim relations, production of pastoral guidelines in the field of interreligious relations, and publication of scientific studies. They say that interreligious dialogue also aims at fighting poverty, structural injustice, blatant offences of human rights and promoting peace as a fruit of justice.
2.3.6. The Programme for Christian-Muslim Relations in Africa (PROCMURA) PROCMURA, formerly known as the Islam in Africa Project (IAP) was established in 1959. It is a Christian organization that works with and through the churches in Africa. It seeks to enable the faithful responsible witness to the Gospel in an interfaith environment of Christians and Muslims. It aims at promoting good neighbourliness, constructive engagement and peaceful coexistence. 345 PROCMURA believes that Christians should understand Islam as a religion and Muslims as their neighbours. They should respect their traditions
345 Cf. www.en.procmura prica.org/pages/Constructive_Engagement.vrt (02.08.2010) 107
as a way of fulfilling their obligations to witness to Jesus Christ, and to honour the commandment to love one’s neighbour. In order to foster good relationship with Muslim neighbours the organization has taken up the research and education, necessary for interpreting the Bible in the Muslim World 346 .
In the recent years Christian Muslim relations faces an identity crisis. Is an African/Tanzanian first of all an African/Tanzanian and then a Christian or a Muslim? Or is an African/Tanzanian first of all a Christian or a Muslim, and then an African/Tanzanian? What is important national identity or religious identity? During Gulf war and the attack on the USA on September 11 th 2001 and the subsequent events leading to Afghan war and Iraq war put the Africans more on the religions spectrum rather than on national spectrum. A large majority of people in Africa tend to believe that the West is Christian and whatever they do, they do it as Christians. And when something happens in a Muslim country which is promoted by the Western nations, they tend to attack their own Christian brothers and sisters in Africa. Therefore, an attack on the West is considered to be an attack on Christianity and an attack on Muslims somewhere in the world is considered to be an attack on Islam.
PROCMURA has developed ways and means to resolve this issue of identity. It is offering Christians and Muslims “to talk about local conflicts arising from conflicts in other parts of the world, focusing not on “who was wrong”, but rather “what went wrong”. 347 It calls for giving education and information to the people to distinguish between matters concerning religion and politics.
Another challenge that PROCMURA faces is the intra faith relations. The organization works with several Christian denominations and regarding the nature and manner of inter faith relations, brings conflict among them. Some are genuinely interested in interreligious dialogue and others consider it an opportunity to convert Muslims to Christianity. Sometimes some of the Christian denominations join with other faith communities, only to fight against other
346 Cf. Ellingwood: The Programme for Christian Muslim Relations in Africa (PROCMURA), p. 74. 347 Ellingwood: The Programme for Christian Muslim Relations in Africa (PROCMURA), p. 83. 108
Christian denominations. In response to these challenges, PROCMURA tries to keep a balance between intra faith and inter faith relations 348 . Without intra faith cooperation, inter faith relations will not succeed in Africa. PROCMURA has organised several conferences throughout Africa on issues such as HIV/AIDS and Empowerment of Women. By addressing these issues, PROCMURA is trying to bring both Christians and Muslims together to fight against spreading of HIV/AIDS and promoting the role of women in the society. At a workshop on HIV/AIDS in Ghana, the delegates called upon religious leaders “to create more space for action and increase energy in tackling the impacts generated by the HIV/AIDS pandemic.” 349 At a workshop organised by PROCUMRA in Nigeria in 2006, on the ‘Role of Women in Christian Muslim Relations’, the co ordinator of the PROCMURA Women’s programme Rev. Angele Dogbe said that “Women’s Programme seeks to assist Christian women in understanding Islam in order that they may deal constructively with their Muslim neighbours.” 350
PROCMURA has made several successful attempts in Ghana and Tanzania to promote Christian Muslim dialogue 351 . PROCMURA suggests a scriptural based dialogue, which can help both communities to get a better understanding of their own scripture as well as their neighbours. A first hand of knowledge about the Bible and Koran will help the people to avoid misinterpretations and misrepresentations 352 . In 2006, addressing the Anglican bishops of Tanzania, Rev. Dr. Johnson Mbilah, PROCMURA General Advisor urged the bishops “to ensure that they plant the seed of understanding and blocks of trust since these can drive adherents of two faith communities to work together.” 353 Mr. Kirk A. Harris who worked with PROCMURA Kenya observed that “Christian – Muslim antagonisms at grassroots level have much, or more, to do with arguments over land use, the distribution of resources, and the issuances of building permits as they do with larger ideological questions about whether believers or infidels will
348 Cf. Ellingwood: The Programme for Christian Muslim Relations in Africa (PROCMURA), p. 84. 349 PROCUMURA Quarterly Newsletter, No. 69, p. 1. 350 PROCUMURA Quarterly Newsletter, No. 69, p. 6. 351 Cf. Ellingwood: The Programme for Christian Muslim Relations in Africa (PROCMURA), p. 85. 352 Cf. Ellingwood: The Programme for Christian Muslim Relations in Africa (PROCMURA), p. 88. 353 PROCUMURA Quarterly Newsletter, No. 69, p. 7. 109
control the world’s resources and politics.” 354 The Christian Muslim relations in many parts of Africa are not only depending on religious issues, but also on economic, political and social issues of the locality. PROCMURA hopes and believes that all the issues that affect Christian Muslim relations can be addressed through inter faith dialogue, and thereby peaceful coexistence of Christians and Muslims can be achieved.
2.3.7. The World Conference of Religions for Peace Tanzania (WCRP Tz) The World Conference of Religion for Peace was established in Kyoto in 1970. It aimed at addressing the need for believers around the world to take action toward achieving peace. 355 In Tanzania, it was established in 2000. “The mission of WRCP Tanzania is a commitment to dialogue and action. It works for the realization of a peaceful country by: encouraging multi religious dialogue for the purpose of discerning commitments to comprehensive peace that are broadly shared and deeply held by the country’s religious communities; and by translating those commitments into cooperative multi religious programme.” 356 Its goal in Tanzania is to actualise systematically the potential for peace building, inherent within the religious communities of Tanzania. It hopes that interreligious services can be effectively promoted and supported to solve common problems in the society. It firmly believes that religions can serve as centres for promoting positive values, rights, responsibilities and development. 357 The members of WCRP are from all the religions of Tanzania. Its main objectives in Tanzania are the following: 358
To work towards the realization of a peaceful nation by encouraging multi religious dialogue for purposes of discerning commitments to comprehensive peace that are boardly shared and deeply held by the world’s religious communities. To trasalate those commitments into co operative multi religious action programmes in Tanzania. To identify and examine in depth major threats to the comprehensive ralization of peace.
354 PROCUMURA Quarterly Newsletter, No. 74, p. 6. 355 Cf. www.religionsforpeace.org/about/history.html (24.07.2010) 356 Tanzania Youth Interfaith Network (TYIN), Report 2007 – 2008, p. 3. 357 Cf. Mandara: Logical Framework for Start up of WCRP(Tz) Operations, Appendix 1. 358 Cf. Mandara: An Overview of WRCP Tanzania, p.2 110
Capacity development for multi religious cooperation, mainly through promotion and support of interfaith networks (leaders, women and youth) and thematic or area focused interfaith committees. Promotion and support of multi religious projects targeting thematic priority issues (eg. Social and economic empowerment for community wealth creation and civic engagement/action through the promotion and support of value based, self perpetuating interfaith solidarity groups (Interfaith VICOBA) 359 ; HIV and AIDS stigma, prevention, care and service sustainability; civic and voter education for peace and conflict transformation; gender based violence; women and youth empowerment for conflict transformation, peace building and sustainable development).
The objectives clearly spell out that WCRP aims at a comprehensive peace building in Tanzania. They are not merely looking for religious harmony but also for a social, political and economic sustainable programme which would help the people to achieve a better standard of life.
Some of its main achievements include hosting World Religious Day, country wide institutional capacity development for interreligious dialogue, formation of interreligious HIV/AIDS task force, formation of an interreligious economic empowerment task force, formation of a nation interreligious task force for peace and conflict transformation and successful implementation of village banking (VICOBA) in Kisarawa and Ukonga etc. 360
2.3.8. Tanzania Youth Interfaith Network (TYIN)
Tanzania Youth Interfaith Network (TYIN) is the youth wing of WCRP Tanzania. It was formed in August 2006 with Rev. Amos Mushendwa as its first chairperson. TYIN shares the same mission as the WCRP. It emphasis “on building and strengthening religious youth in Tanzania to proactively work for peace, sustainable development, advocacy on good governance, HIV/AIDS and human rights with approach enriched by religious values and other resources.” 361 It organises meetings for the youth to create awareness on the need for interreligious living in a multi religious society like Tanzania. It organised an
359 VICOBA is a microfinanzing programme of the WCRPTz. It is the village community bank (VICOBA) based on a banking system whereby people can weekly put an agreed amount of money as savings. After three months, they get loans to invest in productive activities. 360 Cf. Mandara: An Overview of WRCP Tanzania, pp. 2 3. 361 Tanzania Youth Interfaith Network (TYIN), Report 2007 – 2008, p. 3. 111
Interfaith Peace Caravan Project from 20 th of October to 20 th of November, 2007 to raise awareness on the issue of poverty eradication and peace building among the youth in Tanzania. The TYIN organised again such an event in 2008 aiming at providing knowledge on different issues like interfaith, Vicoba, life skills, gender based violence, HIV/AIDS, peace and conflict resolution etc. It also aims at preparing the participants for living together as people of different faith and learning to co exist as a dynamic and diverse group. Interfaith Youth Peace Caravan has mobilized the youth of Tanzania to participate in interreligious dialogue. It also organised a national youth week in Tanga in October 2008. Its aim was to address the youth to tackle corruption in the society. TYIN also faces challenges in the present context as there is a low level of understanding for the need of interfaith activities among youth. The youth in Tanzania face poverty, unemployment, ignorance and disease. They also feel that there is a lack of volunteer spirit among the youth. Despite all these challenges, they are hoping that they can create awareness among the youth for the need of an interreligious dialogue based on the social programmes which are organised by TYIN. 362
WRCP through its various programmes is actively engaged in promoting peace and unity in the country. It organises seminars and workshops to enlighten people of all religions to feel the need of co existence in a multi religious community.
2.3.9. Global Network of Religions for Children (GNRC)
Global Network of Religions for Children (GNRC) is yet another organisation that is involved in interreligious dialogue through children. GNRC was proposed by Rev. Takeyasu Miyamoto, leader of Myochikai 363 , in 1997, to secure a better future for the children through the efforts of all religions. His vision was realized three years later, thanks to the enthusiastic cooperation of individuals and organisations from each major world religion. With the sole purpose of
362 Cf. Tanzania Youth Interfaith Network (TYIN), Report 2007 – 2008, pp 7 8. 363 Myochikai is a Buddhist organisation whose members practice the teachings of the Lotus Sutra, a scripture that has expressed the ultimate truth for Buddhists for 2,500 years. It has about one million members. It was established in 1950 in Japan. The mission of Myochikai is to become a ray of light that permeates the world with unconditional love and mercy for every person. Rev. Mistu Miyamoto is the founder of the organisation. 112
assembling religious people who share the same wishes for children to offer prayers and to reach mutual understanding and agreement, Global Network of Religions for Children was launched in Tokyo in May 2000. GNRC is a network of religious people who are working for the well being of the children around the world. GNRC has programmes in four areas: 364
Assistance: Continuous support for the survival and development of children. Enlightenment: Research on the world’s children and raising awareness of their situation. Art, Culture and Public Information: Cultivation of love, compassion and appreciation for children through cultural events and arts. Interreligious Cooperation: International initiatives for children taken in cooperation with religious people of various faiths.
GNRC in Africa envisions that all children in Africa should grow up in a peaceful, safe and enabling environment. GNRC Africa aims at assembling people of faith in Africa who work to change the socio economic, cultural and political systems that undermine the implementation of children’s rights. It seeks to build a culture of peace and understanding among the children and youth by seeking guidance from elders. It promotes religious, ethical and all forms of cultural tolerance among children. It also establishes avenues for children from different backgrounds to meet and interact to build a culture of peace. 365 GNRC is active in the schools of Dar es Salaam and in Zanzibar. By educating the Children to appreciate other religions and its members, GNRC is promoting religious dialogue and mutual acceptance in Tanzania.
2.3.10. The Union of Muslims and Christians of Rufiji (UWAWARU)
The Union of Muslims and Christians of Rufiji or Umoja wa Wailamu na Wakristo Rufiji (UWAWARU) is an organisation for promoting unity among Christians and Muslims in the district of Rufiji. It was established in 1998 by the initiative of citizens of Rufiji. Rufiji is a coastal district of Tanzania, where a good number of Christians and Muslims live together. The organisation aims at the overall development of the people of Rufiji without prejudice to religion or tribe. It wants
364 Cf. GNRC: Shining Ever Brighter, p.1. 365 Cf. GNRC: The Education for Peace Project, p. 2.
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to unite all the people for the overall development of the district. The organisation is independent of religious affiliations and politics. It wants to ensure unity through collaboration of the developmental projects for the people of Rufiji without the involvement of religions and politics. Its objectives are: 366
To foster good understanding between Christians and Muslims To mobilize people to follow the morals and ethics of their religions To make efforts to bring out strategies that would make sure the development of the people without looking at their religious affiliations. To foster the developmental projects for women and children as a special group of people. To help the orphan children without religious barriers. To make sure that human rights are protected. To make people conscious of the dangers of drugs and sexual deceases. To bring development in the areas of agriculture, trade and fishing through self reliance programmes. To improve health services, educational opportunities, to protect the environment, to build good houses at low cost and to improve agriculture.
Its aims and objectives are achieved by seminars, workshops and by the distribution of leaflets. The ultimate aim of the organisation is to make sure the unity of the people through the collaboration of various developmental projects in the district of Rufiji. It hopes that the unity of Christians and Muslims can be achieved by improving the economic and other social services. It makes people conscious of the need of living amicably to improve the quality of life for the people of Rufiji.
Conclusion
The history of the Christian Muslim dialogue in Tanzania points out the fact that there are genuine efforts to foster dialogue among religions in Tanzania. The process of dialogue before Vatican II was practically non existent as both Christianity and Islam had a very exclusive attitude in their approach to other religions. Vatican II opened new avenues of dialogue as the Church “rejects nothing of what is true and holy in these religions.”(NA 2). The Christian Muslim
366 Cf. Katiba ya Umoja wa Waislamu na Wakristo Rufiji, p. 2 3.
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dialogue draws a lot of inspiration from the teachings of the Nostra Aetate and the subsequent documents. The official teachings of the Church on Islam are also reflected in the local Church of Tanzania. The Catholic Church through its department of interreligious dialogue coordinates the efforts of dialogue throughout the country at the local, diocesan and national level. A Christian Muslim dialogue is not only in the interest of the concerned religions, but also in the interest of the nation, since religious conflicts do not only threaten religious harmony but also national unity. Many organisations were established to foster dialogue between Christians and Muslims. Although these organisations have contributed towards a positive atmosphere in the country, dialog was often confined to seminars and workshops, which produced little effect on the Christian – Muslim relations in general. However, at the grass root level dialogue reflected inadvertently through the social services and cooperation among Christians and Muslims.
The history of the interreligious dialogue in Tanzania reveals that the official teachings of the Church on other religions particularly on Islam has not taken roots in the minds of the people. The possible reason for the lack of appreciation for other religions seems to be the fact that the Church in Tanzania is still young and missionary in its nature. The exclusive attitude towards other religions is still rampant in the mindset of the people. The church has to make conscious efforts to promote appreciation for other religions in the context of Vatican II. For both Christians and Muslims interreligious dialogue is not an option but a duty for a peaceful co existence.
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CHAPTER THREE
THEOLOGICAL BASES AND MAGISTERIAL TEACHINGS ON CHRISTIAN – MUSLIM DIALOGUE
After having analysed the Christian Muslim relations and interreligious dialogue in Tanzania, this chapter provides a framework for Christian Muslim dialogue in the larger context of Catholic Church’s teachings on interreligious dialogue. It has to be mentioned here that Catholic Church’s understanding of other religions in the past twenty centuries was not always positive. Christianity’s attitude towards other religions was influenced by history and politics down through the centuries. In the early centuries, Christianity was a persecuted folk, later it became the state religion of the Roman Empire. The Church began to assert itself as the only means of salvation. In the subsequent centuries heresies and schisms shattered the Church and a strict application of the Church dogmas became the norm of the day. The rise of Islam in the seventh century was a major challenge to Church theologically and politically and it ended up in mutual condemnation and fighting Crusades, which created an unparalleled gulf between Christianity and Islam. Later on, the colonization followed by the missionary activities of the Church, with a strong conviction that Christianity is the only way of salvation. The Church did not appreciate other religions and often condemned the indigenous beliefs and customs of the people of Asia, Africa, Oceania and Americas.
However, since the Second Vatican Council there is a radical paradigm shift in the attitude of the Church towards non Christian religions. The Church’s attitude is influenced by the Biblical understanding of other religions, new insights in theological anthropology, theological assumptions based on the Trinitarian understanding of other religions and pastoral imperative of the Church in the modern times. I would like to make a brief account of the transition of the Church’s attitude from condemnation to openness towards non Christian religions based on the analysis of the meaning of dialogue, bases of interreligious dialogue, teachings of the Vatican II, Encyclicals and teachings of Popes and the
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documents of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious dialogue. This chapter focuses basically on Christian Muslim dialogue and the Church’s positive attitude towards Muslims in the context Catholic Church’s approach to interreligious dialogue.
3.1. The Meaning of Dialogue Dialogue has become a word that is being used very common by international and national politics, as well as social and religious circles. Let us analyse the etymology of the word dialogue and how it is related to religious or rather interreligious dialogue.
The word dialogue comes from the Greek word dia logos , which literally means a word in between . The general meaning of dialogue is a conversation between two or more parties. The Greek word logos has multiple meanings. First of all, logos means reason , that is the foundation of a thing. For Greek philosophers being is rational. Therefore being and logos are connected. Secondly, logos indicates the human faculty capable of grasping or comprehending that is the human thinking. Finally, logos means word. For Greek philosophers, there is a radical connection between being, thinking and word . Therefore the etymological meaning of logos can be understood as an act of collecting, uniting, binding together the extremes of something. 367 Scattolin describes the nature of a being as dia logical one in the following words:
Logos unites the totality of beings in the universe in a network of inter relationships among themselves and with human thought, and, finally, with their ultimate ground: the Absolute, God Himself .Being is therefore always signifies ‘being with’, ‘being related to’ and, consequently, it is always in ‘dia logue’ (dia logos) with other beings. Every being in fact exists, possesses itself, expresses itself and finally, opens itself up, standing out and offering itself to other beings Consequently, living in a dialogical relationship with others sets the human being in harmony with himself, with the universe and with his ultimate Ground. 368
Thus dialogue is a communication between two or more persons, which leads to a harmonious relations with oneself, others, and God. Dialogue is part of the
367 Cf. Scattolin: Reflections on Interreligious dialogue, p. 3. 368 Scattolin: Reflections on Interreligious dialogue, pp. 4 5. 117
nature of human beings. In his Encyclical Ecclesiam Suam Pope Paul VI says that dialogue to be understood as an “internal drive of charity which seeks expression in the external gift of charity” (ES 64).
It is from these perspectives that we have to understand interreligious dialogue. Interreligious dialogue has to be here distinguished from Ecumenism. Ecumenism is to promote unity among various Christian Churches. Interreligious dialogue is to promote unity and understanding among non Christian religions such as Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Traditional religions etc. Dialogue and Mission (3), a document published by Pontifical Council of Interreligious dialogue defines interreligious dialogue in the following words: “It means not only discussion, but also includes all positive and constructive interreligious relations with individuals and communities of other faiths which are directed at mutual understanding and enrichment .”369 Cardinal Arinze defines dialogue in the following manner: “Interreligious dialogue is a meeting of people of differing religions, in an atmosphere of freedom and openness, in order to listen to the other, to try to understand that person’s religion, and hopefully to seek possibilities of collaboration.”370
Pope John Paul II in an address to the Plenary Session of the Secretariat for Non Christians (April 28, 1987) unfolded various aspects of dialogue in the following words:
Dialogue is a complex of human activities, all founded upon respect and esteem for people of different religions. It includes daily living together in peace and mutual help, with each bearing witness to the values learned through the experience of faith. It means a readiness to cooperate with others for the betterment of humanity, and a commitment to search together for true peace. It means the encounter of theologians and other religious specialists to explore, with their counterparts from other religions, areas of convergence and divergence. Where circumstances permit, it means a sharing of spiritual experiences and insights. This sharing can take the form of coming together as brothers and sisters to pray to God in ways which safeguard the uniqueness of each religious tradition. 371
369 Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue, p. 1116. 370 Arinze: Meeting other Believers, P.10. 371 Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue, p. 413 118
Interreligious dialogue is multi dimensional. It has not only a religious dimension but also a social and human dimension. It seeks to improve relations among religions through mutual cooperation at various levels in the daily life. It aims at fostering unity and harmony in the world. It holds the partner in dialogue in high esteem and respect “with no agenda of conversion”. 372 Cardinal Arinze observes: “Interreligious dialogue, therefore, leaves intact the right of every person to practice his faith dialogue does not require of the participant that he should temporarily suspend his belief in his religion, or some articles of it. Interreligious dialogue is a sincere, friendly and loving encounter on the religious level between believers in different religions.” 373
Human beings basically desire to live in peace and harmony. However, at times due to human fragility, they tend to diminish the high ideals of human dignity. Religions on the one hand hold the people together reminding them of their origin and destiny as well as their responsibilities towards one another. However, religions could be a source of division in the society, when they tends to hold their absoluteness and disregards the freedom of other religions. In such occasions conflicts arise and religious harmony is lost in a pluralistic society. It is in this context, interreligious dialogue becomes relevant to promote religious tolerance, respect for people of other faiths and to safeguard human dignity and freedom.
3.2. The Bases of Interreligious Dialogue There are several religions in the world claiming to hold the truth. All these religions have their own understanding of God or gods, human beings and the universe. Some of these religions are monotheistic and others are polytheistic. There are also traditional or tribal religions with their own distinctive characters. Some of these religions have scriptures and dogmas for their followers to observe; others adhere to traditions and oral transmission of religions. The world today is increasingly pluralistic and people of different faith come together more often than in the past due to globalization, modern communication facilities and
372 Hornung: Encountering other Faiths, p. 23. 373 Arinze: Interreligious dialogue: Problems, prospects and possibilities, P. 248.
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migration. In some places religions play a greater role in politics and social life. In many parts of the world religious conflicts have become common and violence based on religions, threaten peaceful co existence. It is in this context interreligious dialogue becomes an imperative. Is there anything common in these religions? What is the basis of interreligious dialogue from a Christian perspective? Looking at the Christian tradition or rather human tradition, we find a lot of elements which unite people of different religions. The bases of interreligious dialogue are presented here from a Catholic point of view, specifically to understand Christian Muslim dialogue.
3.2.1. The Biblical Basis for Dialogue Most of the religions consider scriptures as guiding principles and primary source of their religion. For Christians along with the life, death and resurrection of Jesus, Bible is the primary source for Christian living. For Muslims Quran along with Hadith (sayings of the Prophet Mohammad) are the guiding principles for Islamic way of life. Other religions too heavily depend on the scriptures to enrich their religious life. Since Christianity depends very much on the scriptures, it is imperative to examine the biblical basis of dialogue and biblical understanding of other religions. The Biblical understanding of other religions can shed light into the Christian understanding of other religions and it eventually helps to come to interreligious dialogue. However the Bible has to be understood in its context and by its historical, geographical, sociological, religious and cultural situations and is to be interpreted in the contemporary historical, sociological and cultural context. 374 The challenges and questions that we face now are entirely different from the Biblical history with regard to other religions. Nevertheless, the Biblical understanding of other religions in their context is a great source of strength in our quest for interreligious dialogue.
3.2.1.1. The Old Testament and Other Religions
The Bible is the depiction of God’s revelation in the human history. The Biblical understanding of God’s revelation is intrinsically interwoven with the history of Israel and Jewish people. It bears witness, how the people of Israel experienced
374 Cf. Pathrapankal: Bible and World Religions, p. 101.
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God in their day to day lives. They experienced the living and guiding presence of Yahweh in their history. At this juncture, one asks, is this God, a God only for Israel or a universal God for the whole humankind?
The creation story and beginning chapters of Genesis show us that this God is a universal God who created everything in the world including human beings. In fact the story of Israel begins only with God’s covenant with Abraham. However, prior to the story of Abraham, the book of Genesis depicts two other persons with whom God established a special relationship: Adam (Gen. 1 5) and Noah (Gen. 6 – 9). Jacques Dupuis illustrates the special relation of God and the first human beings in the following words:
The Genesis account of Adam’s creation does not speak of a covenant relationship between God and the first human being he created, but it does testify to the intimate personal dealings of the Creator with Adam, the father of human race. These relations – as the Fathers of the Church well understood – are symbolic of a first universal covenant with the human race. Such interpretation is not, moreover, without foundation in the Bible: Sir 17:12 speaks of the ‘eternal covenant’ established by God with the first parents; Jer 33: 20 – 26 and Ps 89 make reference to “cosmic covenant” through creation. 375
God is the creator of all things and the crown of his creation was the creation of human beings, because human beings are created in God’s own image and likeness (Gen 1:27). God entrusted the whole creation to the care of humanity. “The sign of this Adamic covenant is the Sabbath.” 376 The creation of Adam and Eve symbolises that the creator God is not limited to a particular religion or place. He is the God of the entire humankind.
God also had a special relationship with Noah, although this relationship was not specifically mentioned as a covenant, it had all elements of a covenant. Jacques Dupuis depicts how God established covenant with Noah, when he says:
This covenant had already been announced before the flood (Gen 6:18) to Noah, “a righteous man, blameless in his generation, . (who) walked with God” (Gen 6: 9). It is struck by God through Noah with all creation (Gen 9: 1 17). The sign of this “everlasting
375 Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 32. 376 Board for Mission and Unity of the General Synod of the Church of England: Towards a Theology for Interfaith Dialogue, p. 15. 121
covenant” between God and the earth is the rainbow,377 symbol of the persistence of the cosmic order, of a new world order or that cancels out the destruction of the flood. 378
Noah was a righteous man who walked with God. To walk with God is to be understood as abiding by God’s will and to be righteous. God’s saving power experienced by Noah goes beyond the history of Israel. God is the creator of the human beings and the cosmic world. God’s intervention in the history of salvation goes beyond the history of Israel. Therefore, God who is being presented in the Bible is not a national God of Israel, but is a universal God for the entire humankind 379 . Quoting Jean Danielou, Dupuis writes: “The living God has never ceased to manifest himself to human beings, his creatures Before manifesting himself to Abraham and Moses, he had manifested himself to Noah that is to say to the nations. This revelation remained, no doubt, obscure. It pertained, however, to what constitutes the proper object of revelation, viz. the saving action of God in the world.” 380 Therefore the covenant with Noah has a universal significance and it embraces the entire humanity.
The story of Abraham is yet another example of God’s universal intervention in the human history. God’s covenant with Abraham was a covenant for all humanity. He is the father of all nations and the human race is blessed through him. In the book of Genesis we read:
When Abram was ninety nine years old the Lord appeared to Abram, and said to him, “ I am God Almighty; walk before me, and be blameless. And I will make my covenant between me and you, and will multiply you exceedingly.” Then Abram fell on his face; and God said to him, “Behold, my covenant is with you, and you shall be the father of a multitude of nations. No longer shall your name Abram, but your name shall be Abraham; for I have made you the father of a multitude of nations . And I will be their God.” ( Gen 17: 1 9)
The intervention of God in the history of the world through Adam, Noah and Abraham before His covenant with Moses is a clear indication that God is active in the history of the world and nobody is outside the realm of salvation which he
377 The sign of the covenant with Abraham is circumcision; that of covenant with Moses, is the Law to be observed by the people. 378 Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 32. 379 Cf. Board for Mission and Unity of the General Synod of the Church of England: Towards a Theology for Interfaith Dialogue, p. 15. 380 Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 33. 122
offers for all. The history of salvation goes back to creation. God created us human beings in his own image and likeness (Gen 1:27). “All the people of the world, with their religions, are partners to the universal covenant God made with Adam and Eve (representing humanity as a whole) and later through Noah.” 381 The Synod of Church of England points out:
To understand the covenants with Adam, Noah and Abraham as primary rather than the Mosaic covenant, leads to a dramatically different reading of the Old Testament and points the direction of salvation history in a different way. It leads to the recognition that all humanity is the people of God and that the God of the Jewish and Christian revelations is the God of all peoples. 382
Pathrapankal says that “the task of Israel was not to isolate themselves from others and build up their own ghetto religion, but to live in the midst of others and get involved in the history of all peoples.” 383 Some of the biblical passages make clear this position. In the book of Ezekiel, we read: “Thus says the Lord God to Jerusalem: Your origin and your birth are of the land of the Canaanites; your father was an Amorite, and your mother a Hittite” (Ez. 16:3). Another Old Testament passage which speaks of God’s active presence beyond the realm of the history of Israel is described by Amos. “Are you not like the Ethiopians to me, O people of Israel?” says the Lord. Did I not bring up Israel from the land of Egypt, and the Philistines from Caphtor and the Syrians from Kir?” (Amos 9:7). Just as God liberated Israel from the hands of the Egyptians, God also delivered Philistines from Caphotor and Syrians from Kir. The universal presence of God in the history of the world could well be a starting point for our dialogue with Muslims, who also believes that God is the creator of all.
There are several persons outside the realm of ‘Chosen people’ who are highly regarded in the Bible and Jewish history. Jacques Dupuis call them “pagan saints of the Old Testament” 384 . He makes a distinction between the pagan saints before God’s covenant with Abraham and Moses and the pagan saints who are after the covenant, but appear in the Jewish Bible. Abel, Enoch and Noah belong
381 Kuttianimattathil: Practice and Theology of interreligious dialogue, p. 581. 382 Board for Mission and Unity of the General Synod of the Church of England: Towards a Theology for Interfaith Dialogue, p. 15. 383 Pathrapankal: Bible and World Religions, p. 105. 384 Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 34. 123
to the first group and the letter to Hebrews calls them as models of faith (Heb. 11: 4 7). After the covenant with Abraham and Moses, the pagan saints who find place in the Hebrew Bible are Job, a resident of Uz (Job 1:1), Melchizedek, King of Salem (Gen 14:18), and Queen of Saba (1Kings 10: 1). All these personalities were not of Jewish origin, but are highly regarded as persons who followed God’s commands in their life. Cyrus, a pagan King from Persia is another person mentioned in the Old Testament. He is to be the ‘shepherd’; the ‘anointed’ one of God who will accomplish God’s desires (Is 44: 28 45:1). The other holy pagans mentioned in the Old Testament are Abel, Henoch, Daniel and Lot. Danielou calls them the “Saints of Cosmic Religion” 385 . Cosmic religion is common to all human beings. The conversion of the people of Nineveh is another example of God’s activity outside the ‘chosen people’. The biblical wisdom literature depicted an open and inclusive understanding of other religions. 386 These examples illustrate that the Old Testament people recognized God’s presence and activity in places other than in Jewish territory. The Old Testament people are asked to follow their example in obeying God’s commands in their life. The openness of the Old Testament people is a good example for us to accept “what is true and holy in these religions” (NA 2). 387
However it should be noted that the Old Testament attitude towards other religions is often ambiguous and elusive. Although there are several texts which positively speak of the religions of the nations (Is 42:12; Ps 46.11; 11:8; 68: 30 35; 72: 10; 87: 4 7) there are also several other texts which denounce and call for their abolition (I Kings 11:1 13; Jer 2:26 29; 10: 1 16; Is 40:18 20; 44:9 20; 45: 20 23; 2:1 5, 19: 23 25; 25: 6 9; Zach 8:21 23; Wisdom 13:1 14; 15: 6 19; I Mac 1:41 64; 2 Mac 4: 1 11; Dan 14). Paranilam is of the opinion that the positive attitude could be more ancient and the negative attitude could correspond to the time of the redaction of the documents when Israel had been traumatized by the Assyrian and Babylonian invasions. 388 The “concept of election” 389 gave Israel superiority over other nations and religions. Legrand describes the ambivalent
385 Paranilam: Christian Openness to the World Religions, p.5. 386 Cf. Pathrapankal: Bible and World Religions, p. 106. 387 Cf. Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, pp. 34 – 41. 388 Cf. Paranilam: Christian Openness to the World Religions, p.8. 389 Pathrapankal: Bible and World Religions, p. 105. 124
attitude of Israel towards other nations and thereby their religions in the followings texts:
Your origin and your birth were in the land of the Canaanites; your father was an Amorite and your mother a Hittite (Ezek 16:3).
You shall annihilate them, the Hittites, the Amorites, the Canaanites, the Perizzites, the Hivites and the Jebusites so that they may not teach you the abhorrent things that they do for their gods (Deut 20: 16 18).
The passage from Ezekiel is a reminder that Israel should not forget its own past and thereby calling upon Israel to have a positive attitude towards the nations. The Deuteronomy text is in confrontation with the nations and their gods around Israel. These two passages again show the lack of clarity in the Old Testament towards other religions and nations. 390 Prophet Micah echoes a tolerant attitude towards other religions. “For all the people walk each in the name of its god, but we will walk in the name of the Lord our God forever and ever” (Micah 3:5). It recognises other religions and freedom of worship, although Israel is convinced that their God is the only true God. Despite several negative references to other religions, the Old Testament clearly advocates respect for other religions and nations, because “God is the King of all the earth” (Ps 47:7). Psalm 47:8 9 tells “God reigns over the nations; God sits on his holy throne. The princes of the peoples gather as the people of the God of Abraham”. It underlines the faith of Abraham who is the father of all believers. As Christians and Muslims consider Abraham as the father of their faith, the universalism and positive attitude expressed in the Old Testament can pave way for a meaningful dialogue between Christianity and Islam.
3.2.1.2. New Testament and Other Religions
Jesus begins his ministry with his invitation to the Kingdom of God (Mk. 1:15). The Kingdom of God is open to all and goes beyond the chosen people .391 Jesus’ attitude and understanding of other religions and in the religious context of his times provide us basic framework for interreligious dialogue.
390 Legrand: The Bible on Culture, p.3 391 Cf. Hagemann: Christentum Für das Gespräch mit Muslimen, p. 43.
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There are some exclusivist texts attributed to Jesus in the Gospels. In Mt. 15:24, Jesus says that he is sent only to the lost sheep of Israel . Again when he sent out his disciples for preaching, he told them not to ‘go nowhere among the Gentiles and enter no town of the Samaritans, but go rather to the lost sheep of house of Israel’ (Mt 10:5 6). Although these texts describe a very exclusive attitude, there are a number of other texts that would provide us adequate details to indicate the positive attitude of Jesus towards other people and their religions. Jesus associated with all, Jews, Gentiles, rich and poor, pious people and sinners. He often confronted the scribes and Pharisees who claimed to be true believers. Jesus stood above the Jewish religion to bring the good news for all.
Jesus often praises the faith of the non Jews. The faith of the Centurion (Mt 8:10), the faith of the Canaanite women (Mt 15:28) are examples of Jesus’ admiration for people who do not belong to the house of Israel. Although Jesus instructed his disciples not to go the Samaria, he himself passed through Sychar a city of Samaria (Jn 4: 5). He tells the Samaritan women that the true worship of God is to be found in ‘spirit and truth’ (Jn 4: 23 24). It is an indication of the universality of his mission which extends to the whole humankind. The story of ‘Good Samaritan’ (Lk 10: 25 – 37) illustrates that the criteria for the Kingdom of God is ‘love of neighbour’ as opposed to the Jewish ritualistic and legalistic practices of the priest and Levite especially in this story. Jesus healed ten lepers and the only Samaritan among them returned and thanked Jesus (Lk 17: 11 19) and he appreciates his faith in God. In Lk 13: 29 Jesus tells that ‘many will come from East and West, and from North and South and sit at the table in the Kingdom of God’. Jesus came to preach the Kingdom of God (Mk 1:15) and his invitation extends to the whole humankind. “Clearly, then, for Jesus, saving faith is not only remotely accessible to pagans and foreigners; it is actually operative among them. So too foreigners may already belong to the Kingdom of God, the call to which extends beyond the limits of Israel’s chosen people.” 392
How do we reconcile the contradictory statements in Gospels: on the one hand, Jesus tells that he has come for the lost sheep of Israel and instructs his disciples to avoid foreign territories, on the other hand he acknowledges and appreciates
392 Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 47. 126
the faith of the people who do not belong to the ‘chosen folk’ and says all are capable of inheriting the Kingdom of God. He also sends his disciples to the whole world with his message at the end of his mission on earth (Mk 16:15). These are not to be understood as contradictions, but successive events in the ministry of Jesus. First of all, it was a call for Israel to follow the paths of God and subsequently the invitation was extended to all. 393 The criterion of Jesus’ mission was based on love, and not on religion or race. Jesus did not divide the human race into Jews and Gentiles . For him everyone is a child of God. In the Kingdom of God, it is not the religion that counts but the love of neighbour (Mt. 25: 31 46). Love of God and love of neighbour (Mk 12:3, Mat 22:39, Lk 10:27) provide the basis for a biblical mandate for Interreligious dialogue. 394 Pathrapankal observes:
It seems that all what the Christians have been doing to discriminate against the followers of other religions as inferior to them is not so much prompted by their love for Christ as their own selfishness and self centredness. The Jesus of the Gospels is very much different from the Jesus that is presented by many of his over zealous followers. To make him a part to their myopic views and centripetal thinking is just the opposite of what he expects from his followers. What he wanted was to build a community whose members can reach out to others at the level of being human and remain related to each other as sisters and brothers. 395
The attitude of the apostolic Church towards other religions is very ambivalent. There is a condemnation of pagans and Jews in Paul’s letter to Romans (1 3) who do not accept the message of the Gospel. In the apostolic Church, it is not Jews but Christians who are in a “privileged position” 396 by the virtue of their acceptance of Christ. However, there are several positive attitudes towards people of other faith in the apostolic church. The Church opened itself towards people of the nations and accepted others other into Christianity. The Universal appeal of the Gospel began to slowly rise above the territorial and racial limits to embrace the whole world. Peter’s experience at the house of the centurion (Acts 10: 1 44) is a clear indication that God’s message is open for all, because “truly
393 Cf. Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 47. 394 Cf. www.researchcommons.waikato.ac.nz/bitstream/10289/757/1/Pratt%20November% 202006.pdf (21.08.2010) 395 Pathrapankal: Bible and World Religions, pp. 109 – 110. 396 Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 48. 127
God shows no partiality, but in every nation anyone who fears him and does what is right is acceptable to him” (Acts 10:34 35).
The classical biblical basis for interreligious dialogue is the activities of Paul in Athens and Are op’agus ( Acts 17: 16 – 34). In Acts 17:17, we read that Paul “argued in the synagogue with Jews and devout persons and in the market place every day with those who chanced to be there.” The Greek word for argue is an imperfect tense form of the verb dialevgmai (dialegomai ) which means “to engage in speech interchange, converse, discuss, argue” 397 . The word ‘argue’ can be here understood as holding discussions, engaging in dialogue and debate. Paul’s speech at Are op’agus begins with a very positive note on the religions of the people there. He appreciated their religiosity and even quoted from their poets to bring his point clearer to his audience. Jason Barker writing on Christians and Interreligious dialogue says:
Paul also shows that Christians can acknowledge truth in their religions without accepting the entirety of the religion as true. His affirmative quotation from the Cretan poet Epimenides (whom he again quotes in Titus 1:12) is an example of approvingly noting a truth in the beliefs of the Athenians. The fact that he was nonetheless presenting the gospel, however, also shows that acknowledging the limited truth to which the Athenians held does not mean one should compromise advocating the supremacy of God’s revelation in Christ. 398
Paul also quotes again from another Greek writer Aratus (third century BCE) who had written: “For we are indeed God’s offspring” (Acts 17:28). 399 Paul’s teaching taken in its wholeness would clearly suggest an open approach to other religions because “God wants all to be saved” (1Tim 2:4) and the basic form of faith is available to all who seek Him (Heb 11:6).
Dupuis quoting Legrand explains the contrasting attitude of Paul in Romans 1 3 and in Acts 17 as two great axes of continuity and discontinuity.
Discontinuity places the stress on the radical newness of Christ and his resurrection and by contrast sees the ancient world as darkness and sin. This is the viewpoint of Rom 1. The continuity, on the contrary, underlines the homogeneity of salvation unfolding according to
397 www.standingtogether.org/Craig%20Blomberg.htm (21.08.2010) 398 www.watchman.org/reltop/christiandialogue.htm (21.08.2010) 399 Cf. Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 50. 128
God’s plan. It is the viewpoint of Acts 17, which, where the religion of gentiles is concerned, presents a Greek world waiting for the unknown God and prepared by its poet theologians. 400
The gradual appreciation for the people of other faiths and assimilating the good things of their culture was part of the mission of the apostolic Church. A lot of inculturation is made in the early Christianity to accommodate the elements of truth found in other cultural and religious traditions. Therefore along with the teaching of Jesus, the early Christian community sets an example for us to have dialogue with other religions and to accept the good elements that would strengthen human bond and harmony.
3.2.2. Patristic Basis for Dialogue
The Fathers of the Church were confronted with other religions in the early centuries of Christianity. Christianity as a new religion had to face several problems. From the Jews on the one hand, and from the religions surrounding Israel on the other hand. Christianity was not recognized by the State and its call to follow Jesus, the saviour of the world was accepted neither by Jews nor by people who belonged to other religions. It is in this context Christianity grew and its relations to other religions were shaped. While the early Christian community and Fathers of the Church accepted divine revelation in the Old Testament and subsequently in Judaism, they insisted that the ultimate revelation came through Jesus Christ. Therefore faith in Christ was the ultimate criteria for salvation. The divine truth was “hidden” 401 for the people who followed other religions and therefore they had to acknowledge their faith in Jesus to be saved. Despite the early Christian communities’ partial negative assessment of other religions, they recognized the fact the Christian message is universal and therefore ‘pagans’ can attain salvation by believing in God who is revealed through Jesus. The issues concerning other religions faced by the early Christians and Fathers of the Church and the issues concerning Christianity and other religions today are entirely different. However, we can draw some conclusions from their experience
400 Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 50. 401 Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 56. 129
to widen our theological assumptions in dealing with other religions in the contemporary world.
3.2.2.1. St. Justin Martyr
Justin Martyr, Christian apologist, born at Flavia Neapolis, about A.D. 100, converted to Christianity about A.D. 130, taught and defended the Christian religion in Asia Minor and at Rome, where he suffered martyrdom about the year 165. "Apologies" and "Dialogue with the Jew Tryphon" are two of his main writings. 402
The early Christianity was confronted with the Hellenistic philosophy and Semitic thought to explain the logic behind the new religious dispensation. The early Christianity made use of the Hellenistic term Logos or Word and its equivalent in Semitic thought ‘Dabar’ to illustrate Jesus Christ. In Hellenistic philosophy ‘Logos’ was understood as reason, logic and intelligibility. In the Old Testament and in Semitic thought ‘Dabar’ was understood as God’s dynamic intervention in the history of the chosen people through his words and deeds 403 . The gospel of John attributes to the term Logos to Jesus Christ to explain his role in the divine revelation.
Justin makes use of Logos to explain the cosmological function of Jesus. For him Jesus is the “energetic Word (logike dunamis), the creator and organizer of the cosmos Justin refers the term Christos not to the mission of Christ the man but more fundamentally to the creative and organizing function of the Logos”. 404
The cosmological activity of the Logos has a universal dimension and is not limited to Christians only. This is the basis of his approach to other religions. Although he tells that the other religions lack completeness with regard to revelation, he does not rule out the possibility of the traces of truth in other religions because the “Logos has ‘sown the seeds’ in the pre Christian religious traditions. In all men a seed of Logos (Spermatu Logu) may be found, for the Logos sower (Spermatikos Logos) sows in all. While in other religions He has
402 Cf. Heid: Justinos, Martyrer, pp. 1111 – 1112. 403 Cf. Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 54. 404 Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 56. 130
been manifested ‘partially’, to us (Christians) who have known Him in his Incarnation, He has been revealed entirely.” 405
Through the cosmological activities of the Logos in the world all are partakers in his revelation, although through Incarnation Logos has fully revealed to the Christians. The universal activity of the logos goes beyond the Christian religious boundaries and prior to Incarnation. Justin points out that the ‘seeds of logos’ found in other religions invites to respect other religious traditions and to recognize the positive elements in them. Justin’s thought is one of the foundations for interreligious dialogue.
3.2.2.2. St. Irenaeus
St. Irenaeus is believed to be born in Proconsular Asia around the first half of the second century. There is only very little information about his life. He was the Bishop of Lyons. He wrote a series of books against heresies. Adversus Haereses (Detection and Overthrow of the False Knowledge) was the most famous among them which refuted Gnosticism. In Adversus Haereses, he speaks about Logos as the eternal revealing Word of God. Based on Justin’s cosmological function of Logos, Irenaeus says that the first divine manifestation is creation itself. “The knowledge of God which human can reach through the cosmos is already on their part a response to a revelation of the Logos, for creation is itself a divine manifestation.” 406 The Word of God was part of everything that God created. He was also present in every act of God in the cosmos. Irenaeus says that the knowledge of the Father comes through the Son. The Father is invisible and therefore it is the Son who reveals the Father to all. Although He is revealed to all in the same manner, “all do not in the same way believe in them”.407 He speaks of four covenants that God made with human beings: “one through Adam, one through Noah, one through Moses and one through Jesus Christ; but ineach the Logos is operative.” 408 The Word was
405 Paranilam: Christian Openness to the World Religions, p. 19. 406 Adversus Haereses: IV, 20,7; as cited by Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 61. 407 Adversus Haereses: IV, 6, 6; as cited by Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 62. 408 Adversus Haereses: III, 11,8; as cited by Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 64. 131
present in making all these covenants. Logos prefigured through patriarch and prophets to reveal God to the world. Logos is finally revealed through His Incarnation. This manifestation of the Logos through Incarnation was “entirely new” 409 to the world.
Irenaeus on the one hand brought out a new concept of the significance of the Mosaic and Christian revelations in the history of salvation, and on the other he integrated the pre mosaic revelation in the history of salvation and thereby pointed out the significance of pre biblical religions in the history of salvation. 410 The cosmological dimension of Logos opens up a new perspective of understanding non Christian religions. The theology of revelation signified through Logos as narrated by Irenaeus is one of the bases for dialogue with non Christian religions.
3.2.2.3. St. Clement of Alexandria
Titus Flavius Clemens known as Clement of Alexandria was born in the second half of the second century. He was the head of the noted Catechetical School of Alexandria. He was the teacher of Origen. His well known works are the Protrepticus (Exhortation to the Greeks), Paidagogos (Instructor) and Stromateis (Miscellanies). His theology is also based on the Logos. According to him God is known through Logos. “We understand the Unknown by the divine grace, and by the Word alone that proceeds from him.” 411 According to him the influence of Logos is beyond Judeo Christian tradition. He said Logos was active in the philosophy of Greeks, which was directed towards God. God manifested Himself in different ways through the Logos to the world. To the Jews, he gave Law and to the Greeks philosophy. “To the Jews belonged the Law and to the Greeks philosophy, until the Advent, and after that came the universal calling to be a particular people of righteousness, through the teaching which flows from faith,
409 Adversus Haereses: IV, 34,1; as cited by Paranilam: Christian Openness to the World Religions, p.20. 410 Cf. Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 60. 411 Stromateis V, 12: as cited by Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 66. 132
brought together by one Lord, the only God of both Greeks and barbarians, or rather of the whole race of humans.” 412
According to him Law, Prophets and Philosophy were all preparation for the advent of Logos in Christ:
For God is the cause of all good things; but of some primarily, as of the Old and New Testament; and of others by consequence, as philosophy. Perchance too philosophy was given to the Greeks. For this was a schoolmaster (epaidagogei) to bring “Hellenic mind”, as the Law of Hebrews, to Christ. Philosophy, therefore, was a preparation, paving way for him who is perfected in Christ .. The way of truth is the therefore one. But into it, as into a perennial river, streams flow from all sides. 413
For Clement philosophy is a covenant that God made with Greeks as a preparation for the coming of Christ in the world, just as the Jewish Law itself as a preparation for the coming of Christ in the world. Clement goes beyond the Hebrew and Greek culture to find the activity of the Word in other cultures. He also mentions Indian philosopers and sages who were also supposed to be inspired by the Logos. “The Indian gymnosophists are also in the number, and the other non Greek philosophers. And of these there are two classes, some of them called Sarmanae, and other Brahmins some, too, of the Indians obey the precepts of Buddha; whom, on account of his extraordinary sanctity, they have raised to divine order.” 414 Clement acknowledges that there are divine interventions in Hinduism and Buddhism and these ancient traditions too are part of the history of salvation. For him God is active in the cosmos and nobody is outside the realm of salvation. “Hear, then, you who are far off, hear you who are near: the Word has not been hidden from any; light is common, it shines “on all human beings.” 415
412 Stromateis VI, 17: as cited by Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 67. 413 Stromateis I, 5, 1 3: as cited by Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 67. 414 Stromateis I, 15: as cited by Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 68. 415 Protrepticus IX, 88: as cited by Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 69. 133
Clement teaches about the cosmological function of the Logos in the world. For him other religions and philosophies are preparation for the coming of Logos in Christ. He finds positive values in these traditions, since they prepare the way of the coming of Christ. Although these traditions have significance only in relation to Christ, they have made positive contributions to know God, the creator of the cosmos.
3.2.2.4. St. Augustine
According to St. Augustine, “Christianity is the original primitive religion of all mankind.” 416 He observes:
The universal saving influence of Christ is before the incarnation. He proceeds further to the affirmation that the Church itself existed before Christ’s coming in the flesh, in fact, from the beginning: Ecclesia ab Abel. Abel, supposedly the first just man (primus Justus), and every just human person after him, whatever their historical situation, belong to Christ and his Church: Abel was the beginning of the City of God. (Enar.in Ps. 142,3). The Church ..was not absent on earth at the beginning of the human race. Abel the saint is the first fruits of it. (Enar. In Ps. 118 =Sermo 29,9). 417
Augustine further explains what he understands by the pre existence of Christian religion before its historical coming into being:
The very thing which is now called the Christian religion existed already among the ancients, nor was it absent at the beginning of the human race, until the coming of Christ in the flesh when the true religion which had already existed began to be called Christian .. Therefore, if I have written: “This is the religion which exists in our days, the Christian religion”, the meaning is not that it had not existed previously, but that it took the name Christian only later. 418
Here when he says that Christian religion pre existed, he does not mean the historical existence of the Church, but that salvation was available for all throughout the history through Jesus Christ. Like other Fathers of the Church, Augustine also tells the cosmological existence of Logos in the world. The
416 Confessions IX, 32: as cited by Paranilam: Christian Openness to the World Religions, p.20. 417 Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 81. 418 Retractions I, 13, 3: as cited by Dupuis: Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 81.
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cosmological activity of the Logos which leads to the salvation of all is a continuous process and Incarnation was the manifestation of the Logos in the world in its entirety.
The early patristic teachings appreciate the value of other religions. Although the early Fathers considered that these religions in general are a preparation for the Logos, they do not rule out the presence of the Logos among other religions, since God has created everything and that He has revealed Himself in different ways to the humankind. The presence of the Logos in other religions and the elements of truth found in non Christian religions are bases for interreligious dialogue.
The early Fathers of the Church set a positive outlook towards other religions through Logos theology and through the universal activity of the Spirit in the cosmos. The positive writings of the Fathers of the Church on other religions are a formidable ground for engaging in interreligious dialogue.
3.2.3. Trinitarian Basis for Dialogue
It may sound strange to hear that the doctrine of Trinity is one of the bases of the interreligious dialogue, as it is often misunderstood and in some religions, particularly in Islam such a concept of God is totally rejected. However, the Trinitarian concept of God will help Christians to build better relations with people of other religions. Here we do not make an exhaustive study of the doctrine of Trinity but will analyse the concept of person in Trinity and the relation between the creator and the created. The relation or the communion and the communication among the persons of the Triune God could be one of the foundations for Christians to engage in dialogue with other religions. The communion and communication among the persons of the Trinity are fundamental for any dialogue as it recognizes unity among diversity. The Trinitarian basis of dialogue seeks for a better understanding of communion among human beings who have the same origin and destiny in God.
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3.2.3.1. The Concept of Person in Trinity
Christians have traditionally learned to express their faith in Trinity as One God in Three Persons . How did we come to such a conclusion about the Trinity? Two major heresies that the early Church faced were Subordinationalism 419 and Modalism 420 . First of all, the Church had to clarify the relationship between Jesus and the Father, who is the God of the Old Testament, and subsequently the relationship with the Spirit. The Councils of Nicaea and Constantinople affirmed the co equality of the three against the background of Hellenistic philosophy, which sought to subordinate the Son and the Spirit to the Father, rendering them less than divine. This gave rise to the danger of Modalism. How to preserve the diversity of the three was the next question to be answered.
The Cappadocians were the first ones to suggest a way out of the impasse, coining the formula: one ousia (essence) , three hypostases (substances) . The term hypostasis stressed the concrete objectivity of the three. God exists in three objective manners of presentation. In the West, Augustine had to face the problem of translating the words one ousia , and three hypostasis into Latin. A literal translation of hypostasis would mean substantia . He was afraid of using such a term because it sounded to be tritheistic. Thus he reluctantly appropriated the term person . He was not too happy to apply this term, since it would give the impression of separate individuals. 421
Later on, in the medieval ages, the concept person received a philosophical attention. Boethius defined person as “an individual substance of a rational nature”. 422 But still the problem of ‘relation’ remained unsolved. Richard of St. Victor said that the nature of the three in God is love . He defined person as “the incommunicable existence of an intellectual nature”423 . The word existence is derived from the Latin word ex sistere, i.e. to step outside of. It has a rich meaning; sistere indicates that the person has its being in itself and not in
419 The Son and the Holy Spirit are subordinate to the Father; they are sublime creatures, created before the universe, but they are not God. 420 It is a heretical doctrine which says that the Trinity consists of three human ways of regarding the one and only God, or three ways (masks) in which this one and only God is revealed to human beings; God would not be a Trinity within God’s self, but strictly one and unique. 421 Cf. Dupuis: Towards a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 265. 422 O’Donnell: The Mystery of the Triune God, p. 101. 423 O’Donnell: The Mystery of the Triune God, p. 101 136
another. The person exists in and for himself. But the particle ex indicates the relationship of origin by which the person is constituted. Thus he makes clear the relation exists in the concept of person. 424
Aquinas defines the three persons of the Trinity as “subsistent relations”. 425 The relations are subsistent because each person is identical with the divine essence. The stress on subsistence preserves the notion of hypostasis , i.e. an objective presentation of the Godhead. The stress on relation indicates that each person is, who he is, precisely because he is related to the others. Thus for Aquinas person has a double connotation: esse in and esse ad . 426 Each person is subsistent in the Godhead and identical with the divine substance; at the same time one can only define the person by referring to the person’s relationship to the other.
The philosophical developments since the Enlightenment gave new dimensions to the concept person. Descartes shifted the focus from a cosmological point of view to an anthropological one that is from objectivity to subjectivity. His philosophy I think , therefore I am , paved the way for modern theories of subjectivity. According to this philosophy the person is identical with self consciousness. The person is an autonomous centre of action, disposing of self freedom. But when we apply the same to Trinity, we are confronted with a problem. When we say that God is one being in three persons, and if we understand by person a centre of consciousness and freedom, then God becomes three centres of consciousness and there are three I think in God. Such an understanding leads to Tritheism. 427
Karl Barth, in his answer to the emphasis of subjectivity in the concept of person, says that God is one in three modes of being, Father, Son and Holy Spirit. He tells that no speculative solution is possible to understand the concept of person, since it involves philosophical and linguistic confusion. 428 Barthian terminology gave an impression of modalism in the classical sense. But Karl Rahner wanted to avoid it. In his exposition of the concept person affirms the three distinct
424 Cf . Thazhathukunnel: Towards a Pneumatological Approach in Theology of Religions, p. 29. 425 O’Donnell: The Mystery of the Triune God, p. 102. 426 Cf. O’Donnell: The Mystery of the Triune God, p. 102. 427 Thazhathukunnel: Towards a Pneumatological Approach in Theology of Religions, p. 29. 428 Cf. Barth: Church Dogmatics, Vol. I, p. 359. 137
manners of subsisting. For Karl Rahner there is only one divine consciousness, which exists in a three fold way. 429
Modern theologians like Ratzinger and Moltmann do not agree with Barth and Rahner. Ratzinger says that God is not merely an I, over and against the human Thou . Such an understanding negates the aspect of We . For Christians the ultimate is the One beyond all being, but the ultimate is Community. The One includes We .430 Ratzinger further says, “The Christian concept of God has in principle given identical dignity both to multiplicity and to unity. While for the ancients multiplicity appeared only as the dissolution of unity, for the Christian faith, which thinks in Trinitarian terms, multiplicity possesses a priori the dignity as unity” 431 Moltmann sees in Barth and Rahner, an extreme individualism. According to him, both of them represent a repressive form of Monarchianism. He says that the Trinitarian concept of person cannot be thought in terms of Kant and Hegel, but he prefers the modern personalist philosophers such as Buber, Ebner and Rosenzweigh. Moltmann affirms a communitarian concept of God as persons in relation. 432 This model would offer the hope of grounding human community in divine community.
Trinitarian concepts of person and relation are to be considered as complimentary, because personality and relationality come into being at the same time. The divine persons exist not only in relation to one another, but also in one another. This intimate indwelling is expressed in the doctrine of Trinitarian perichoresis .433 God in his economy always acts as unity, although one person of the Trinity may act differently from but not independently of the other. It is the conviction of the patristic tradition that “where the Spirit is, there Christ is also. For wheresoever one person of the Trinity is, there the whole Trinity is present”. 434 By virtue of their love, they constitute a unique, incomparable and complete unity.
429 Cf. Rahner: The Trinity, p. 109. 430 Cf. as cited by O’Donnell: The Mystery of the Triune God, p. 105 431 As cited by O’Donnell: The Mystery of the Triune God, p. 105. 432 Cf. O’Donnell: The Mystery of the Triune God, p. 104. 433 Cf. Moltmann: History and the Triune God, p. 85. 434 Clapsis: The Holy Spirit in the Church, p. 340. 138
3.2.3.2. Immanent and Economic Trinity
Even though there is only one mystery of Trinity, to describe its nature and mission theology speaks of immanent and economic Trinity. Immanent and economic Trinity are identical. L. Boff describes the Immanent and Economic Trinity in the following words; Immanent Trinity means “The Trinity considered in itself, in its eternity and perichoretic communion between Father, Son and Holy Spirit” 435 . Economic Trinity is described as “The Trinity as it reveals itself in the history of humanity and acts with a view to our participation in the communion of the Trinity”. Immanent and economic Trinity are understood as ‘God in himself’ and ‘God for us’ respectively. 436 It is superfluous to treat the immanent and economic Trinity distinctively; and such a division makes Trinity irrelevant to the Christian life 437 . Meyendorff an Orthodox theologian says that, “God’s Being for us belongs to his Being in himself” 438 The relationship between the Father, Son and the Holy Spirit within the immanent Trinity is being revealed in the economic missions of the Son and the Spirit. This revelation of the immanent Trinity through the economic missions of the Son and the Spirit is inherently soteriological. The actions of the persons of the Trinity found in the economy of salvation, by which they reveal who they are in themselves and as they relate to one another, are the very same actions by which they make possible our incorporation into the life of the immanent Trinity. 439
The identity of the economic and immanent Trinity can be described as “Through Jesus Christ in the Holy Spirit God is the salvation of man” 440 Human salvation consists in nothing other than God himself. But God’s salvation comes to us through Jesus Christ and in his Spirit. This salvation would be undermined if we did not really have to do with God himself. Thus God in the economy of salvation must correspond to God as he is in his own divine life. The clearest instance of the identity between the immanent and the economic Trinity is the incarnation. Jesus is the real symbol of God, i.e. the human reality in which the divine comes
435 Boff: Trinity and Society, p. 242. 436 Cf. Weinandy: The Father’s Spirit of Sonship, p. 132. 437 Weinandy: The Father’s Spirit of Sonship p. 132. 438 O’Donnell: The Mystery of the Triune God, p. 36 439 Cf. Weinandy: The Father’s Spirit of Sonship, p. 102. 440 Kasper: The God of Jesus Christ, p. 270 139
to perfect visible expression. Salvation, which Jesus brought us, consists in our becoming through him sons and daughters of the Father. This self communication of God becomes an event in us through the Holy Spirit whom the Son pours into our hearts. What Jesus has by nature, we have by grace. Hence God’s indwelling in us has a Trinitarian structure.441 God comes to us through his son and in the Holy Spirit. Since there is a personal indwelling of the Spirit in us, we are united to the son and through him go to the Father. If one removes this Trinitarian structure of faith, one in effect undermines the entire experience of salvation. The role of the Holy Spirit in the economy of salvation is not to make himself known, but to manifest the love of God the Father and Jesus as Son. The Spirit by indwelling in us and transforming us into sons and daughters inserts us into the life of the Trinity where the Father becomes our father and we, in turn, cry out with the Son, Abba .442 Thus there is an intrinsic and inseparable bond between the revelation of the Trinity and our life within it. The Trinitarian theology helps the Christians to better understand other religions. Michael Fitzgerald observes:
Contemplation of the Father leads to the realisation that all the members of the human family are related as sons and daughters of God. Our faith impresses on us further that the Son of God, becoming incarnate, “has united himself in a certain manner to every person” (RH 13; GS 22), a fact which enhances the duty of respect and dialogue with all. Finally the Holy Spirit has always been at work in the hearts of human beings, and also in their rites and traditions, and so it can be said that dialogue need to follow the lead given by the Spirit. 443
Thus the Trinitarian understanding of other religions can lead to a fruitful dialogue with other religions.
3.2.3.3. Trinitarian Communion as Model for Dialogue
We have already analyzed the relation among the persons of the Trinity and their communion. “The three divine Persons subsist in an intimate relationship with one another. The Father does not act alone, Jesus does not act alone, nor does the Holy Spirit. Our God is a triune God, a God of loving, Trinitarian communion.
441 Cf. Thazhathukunnel: Towards a Pneumatological Approach in Theology of Religions, p. 40. 442 Cf. Weinandy: The Father’s Spirit if Sonship, p. 85 443 Fitzgerald: Dialogue and Proclamation, p. 213. 140
A community of loving relationships is the identifiable characteristic of the Trinity. This characteristic calls us to live a life similar loving relationships ., a life of unity and loving communion.” 444 Unitatis Redintegratio, speaking on the sacred mystery of the unity of the Church says, “The highest exemplar and source of this mystery is the unity, in the Trinity of Persons, of one God, the Father and the Son in the Holy Spirit.” (UR 2). The communion among the persons of the Trinity is best model to engage in interreligious dialogue. “The oneness of the persons in the trinity is absolute. There is a perfect unity by mutual surrender of everything except that which cannot be surrendered, i.e. the personhood. There is no domination or subordination, no superiority or inferiority, no anteriority or posteriority but complete equality. There is only mutual indwelling, co existence and inter penetration which the Greek Fathers called perichoresis .” 445 In Trinity a perfect unity exists, without limiting or subordinating the persons of the Trinity. Ratzinger says that “according to the nature of God, it is intrinsically personal. The dyad returns into unity in the Trinity without breaking up the dialogue. Dialogue is actually confirmed in just this way.” 446 The Trinitarian communion is the model of unity in diversity because “their communion is so intrinsic to their (shared) being that in fact it is their being, making them inconceivable apart from their communion. And yet, each person is irreducibly unique, not blended into an impersonal commonality by their one and indivisible nature.” 447 The unity and communion that exist among the three persons of the Trinity is a model for human community.
Kuttianimattathil says that “The Trinitarian basis for dialogue lies in the fact that the Trinity is a community of persons of communion. Created in the image and likeness of God and called to share in the divine life, our life on earth ought to be a reflection of the life of the trinity that is a life in communion with others and not in isolation.” 448 The Trinitarian communion is reflected in human beings because human beings are created in the image and likeness of God who is Trinitarian. Every human being is called to live in communion with his or her fellow human
444 Lavin: Theology for Ministry, p. 77. 445 Parapally:Communion among the Individual Churches: A Theological Reflection, p.753. 446 Ratzinger: The Holy Spirit as Communio: Concerning the Relationship of Pneumatology and Spirituality in Augustine, p. 327. 447 Skublics: Communion Ecclesiology: The Church as Sacramentum Mundi, p. 130. 448 Kuttianimattathil: Practice and Theology of Interreligious Dialogue, p. 585. 141
beings and God. The Trinitarian model of communion invites Christians to enter into dialogue with people of other religions, because they too are created in the image and likeness of the Triune God and are capable of entering into communion with others despite the diversity of beliefs and faiths. Dialogue begins when we accept diversity and pluralism. Dialogue does not demand us to give up our uniqueness but to accept the uniqueness of others. The uniqueness of each person in the Trinity and yet their communion among themselves invites Christians to broaden the communion of their fellowship, particularly with members of other religions. Ratzinger says that “becoming a Christian means becoming communion”. 449 Quoting on the French Roman Catholic Secretariat of Relations with Islam (S.R.I) Kärkkäinen describes how the Trinitarian concept of God leads to dialogue:
Human beings as created in the image of God are ‘obliged’ to relate to others, equally created in the image of the same God. God himself invites Christians to dialogue with others, and those others invite Christian as well. .. The Church is committed to dialogue above all because of her faith in the Trinitarian mystery of the one God. Christian revelation makes us catch sight of a life of fellowship and exchanges in God himself, source of all mission and all dialogue (p. 214). It is said that the triune God is in dialogue within himself. Dialogue corresponds to the Being of the triune God, which Christ has revealed. The reason for dialogue is human beings’ inherent teleological searching for God and God’s universal grace operative through the active presence of the Holy Spirit in every person (pp. 214 – 215). 450
The Trinitarian doctrine is one of the foundations for interreligious dialogue for Christians. We cannot use the doctrine per se especially with our encounter with Muslims. However, the Trinitarian doctrine opens Christians to engage in dialogue with others as the communion among the persons of the Trinity is the perfect model for Christians to live in a pluralistic environment. The nature of the Triune God is love (1Jn. 4:8). It is the love that exists between the Father, Son and the Holy Spirit, that makes communion among the persons of the Trinity possible. Human beings created in the image and likenesses of God are capable of loving and being loved and their love is expressed in their communion and relation with fellow human beings. “In communion with Christ we are drawn by
449 Ratzinger: The Holy Spirit as Communio: Concerning the Relationship of Pneumatology and Spirituality in Augustine, p.324. 450 Kärkkäinen: Trinity and Religious Pluralism, p. 160. 142
the Holy Spirit into relationship with the Father, becoming capable of working together (synergia) with the Triune God for the fulfilment of God’s loving design for the whole creation.” 451
The communion, reflected in the persons of the Trinity is a model for Christians to appreciate people of other faiths as every human being is created in the image of God and capable of communicating and dialoguing with his or her fellow beings. Communion fosters love, peace, unity, harmony and justice which would certainly hold the human beings together as every human being has same origin and destiny.
3.2.4. Christological Basis of dialogue The paschal mystery – the incarnation, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ is central to Christianity. Christian beliefs and teaching are centred on the Christic mystery. The Christic mystery has manifested itself in the incarnation. However the second person of the Trinity just like other persons in the Triune God is active eternally in the history of salvation and revelation. Therefore the presence of Christ in the cosmos goes beyond space and time. Jesus Christ is the centre of God’s plan of creation and centre of history of salvation. 452
Jesus Christ is the Word of God or Logos which took flesh and dwelt among human beings (Jn. 1:14). John identifies Word with God when he says: “In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.” (Jn.1:1). The Word was active in God’s creation: “God said .. (Gen. 1: 3ff; Ps. 33: 6 9; 107:20). Here we can speak of the universal significance of the Word in the world. Again Word is manifested in the divine Law (Ex. 20: 1 17; Deut. 5: 6 22). At times certain actions attributed to the Word, although not independent of Jahveh (Is. 55:11; Zechariah 5:1 4; Ps. 107:20; 147:15). In all these the Word is involved in creation and salvation. In the book of Wisdom, the Word is parallel to wisdom (18:15; 9: 1 2). 453
The early Church Fathers based on the prologue of the Gospel of John identified the Word or Logos with Jesus Christ and said the Logos was pre existent and
451 World Council of Churches: Christian Perspectives of Theological Anthropology, p. 14. 452 Cf. Dupuis: Who do you say that I am?, p. 150. 453 Cf. Dupuis: Towards a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p.42 – 43. 143
manifested himself in various forms. “In the second century Justin Martyr says that it was that same Logos who had been active in all, imparting to them whatever goodness and knowledge they possessed. The idea in Justin’s mind seems to have been that the presence of the Logos in Jesus Christ is to be understood as similar to a universal presence, though much greater in degree.” 454 The universal presence of the Logos implies that Logos is also present in other cultures and peoples.
At this juncture one may ask, if Christ is eternally present in the world, what is the significance of incarnation? Judaism and Islam have difficulty in accepting that God took human flesh in Jesus Christ. S. Mark Heim speaks of the necessity of Incarnation in the following words:
In the incarnation God forms an irrevocable relation with the human being at the deepest possible level. The personal character of the relation of God and humanity, of creator and creature, is realized and confirmed. Furthermore, the communion with God in which Jesus participated in the incarnation as a human being is now a continuing possibility for us through a universalized relation with Christ. 455
Through the incarnation of the Word, God communicates to human being in a unique way. “In Jesus the divine human dialogue is fully revealed. He is dialogue in flesh. ..He has left us the example of a totally open attitude to all which made him receive people belonging to religious traditions other than that of the Jews and recognize in them ‘a faith greater than that of Israel.” 456 Jesus Christ is the “human face of God” 457 and it is in Jesus Christ God communicates himself to human beings. Thus incarnation is basically a dialogue or a communication of God with human beings. Nobody is outside the realm of God’s communication in Jesus Christ. The divine human dialogue which took place in incarnation signifies openness to other religious traditions. The Synod of Church of England observes:
The Incarnation is the sign of the God who does not stand over against but who identifies with all humanity, even the outsider and the sinner. Here is a pattern of relating to others so
454 Board for Mission and Unity of the General Synod of the Church of England: Towards a Theology for Interfaith Dialogue, p. 18. 455 Kärkkäinen: Trinity and Religious Pluralism, p.137. 456 CBCI Guidelines for Interreligious dialogue, 1989, pp. 28 and 29, as cited by Kuttianimattathil: Practice and Theology of interreligious dialogue, p. 585. 457 Dupuis: Towards a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 301. 144
revolutionary that it is hard to grasp. But here is a pattern for Christian discipleship involving openness to others, the acceptance of vulnerability and of pain. It is this God who liberated through self giving, whose great strength was proved paradoxically only in weakness that is the God whom Christians have to testify to in what they say and how they act in dialogue. 458
The universal presence of Christ in the world and his incarnation in space and time make the Christians to open themselves to dialogue with people of other faiths, even when we hold on to the uniqueness of Christ. Jesus is neither similar nor identical with other ‘saviours’ of the world. He has a unique position in the history of salvation. He is at the same time universal and unique. Dupuis explains the uniqueness and universality of Christ in the following words:
The uniqueness and universality of Jesus, as understood here, are neither ‘relative’ nor ‘absolute’. They are ‘constitutive’, insofar as Jesus Christ holds saving significance for the whole of humankind and the Christ event – in particular Paschal Mystery of Christ’s death and resurrection – is ‘cause’ of salvation. It is ‘relational’, insofar as the person and the event insert themselves in an overall design of God for humankind which is multifaceted and whose realization in history is made up of diverse times and moments. Jesus Christ, it will be suggested, is, among different saving figures in whom God is hiddenly present and operative, the one ‘human face’ in whom God, while remaining unseen, is fully disclosed and revealed. Throughout human history God has willed to be “in many various ways” (Heb. 1:1) a God of people; in Jesus Christ he became God of people in fully human way (Jn. 1:14): the Em manu el (Mt 1:23). 459
Thus the universality and uniqueness of Jesus suggests that Jesus is not a stumbling block in engaging in dialogue with people of other faiths. God’s universal activity in the cosmos and the incarnation of Jesus, revealing God’s love for humanity, are not contradictory but are sequences in God’s plan of salvation history. The universality of Christ opens ways for dialoguing with other religions and the uniqueness of Christ demands from Christians to commit themselves to dialogue with people of other faiths.
458 Board for Mission and Unity of the General Synod of the Church of England: Towards a Theology for Interfaith Dialogue, p. 19. 459 Dupuis: Towards a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, p. 283. 145
3.2.5. Pneumatological Basis of Dialogue The universal presence of the Holy Spirit in the world is yet another reason for the Christians to enter into interreligious dialogue. In the Bible the Holy Spirit is never defined, rather the Spirit is known through its works and activities. Both the Old Testament and the New Testament speak about the universal activity of the Holy Spirit (Ex. 15:8 10, Is.11: 2, Acts 8:17, 1Cor 12:13, Rom. 8: 8). While the Old Testament recognizes the presence of the Spirit right from the beginning of creation, the New Testament goes a step ahead declaring that it is the Spirit of God that continues the work of creation in the universe. In the Old Testament, Spirit is identified with the Spirit of Yahweh, and in the New Testament Spirit is often identified with the Spirit of Jesus. It is in the gospel of John and in the epistles that we find the Spirit as a distinct from Father and Son. 460
The word Ruah appears 378 times in the Old Testament. It denotes first of all, wind, or breath of air. Secondly, it is said to be the force that vivifies man – the principle of life or breath and the seat of knowledge and feeling. Thirdly, it indicates God himself, the force by which he acts and causes action, both at the physical and at the spiritual level. 461 The prophets of the Old Testament experienced ruach as the manifestation of the Holy Spirit or the Spirit of Yahweh, i.e. a power which is at the disposal of God and which originates in Him 462 .
The Ruah was active at creation. The Spirit of God is the source of all being and life (Gn. 1:2, Ps. 33:6, Job 33:4). According to the Yahwehist tradition, God created humans by giving them God’s Ruah (Gen.2:7). Therefore, all human beings, irrespective of race, colour or creed are touched by the Spirit. Thus, all human beings are of one family. The Spirit is omnipresent and is not territorially limited (Ps.139: 7 9). Spirit is the source of wisdom, which is present in the world and in all human beings. (Wis. 1: 5 7). The universal and life giving activities of the Spirit (Jdt. 16:14; Job 34: 14 15; Wis. 11: 24 – 12:1) are indications of the presence of the Spirit in other cultures and peoples. The inspiration of the writing prophets is attested by Third Isaiah (Is. 61:1), Ezekiel (2:2, 3:24) and Zechariah (7:12) .The salvific acts of the Spirit find expression in Isaiah and Ezekiel. The
460 Cf. Thazhathukunnel: Towards a Pneumatological Approach in Theology of Religions, p. 40. 461 Cf. Congar: I believe in the Holy Spirit, Vol.I, p.3. 462 Cf. Bilaniuk: Theology and Economy of the Holy Spirit, p. 8. 146
coming of the Messiah (Is. 11:2) or the Servant of God (Is. 42:1) is promised as one filled with the Spirit. The Spirit of God will turn the wilderness into a paradise and make it a place of justice and righteousness (Is. 32:16). He will raise people to new life (Ez. 37: 1 14) and create a new heart in them (Ez. 11:9, 18:31, 36:27; Ps.51:12). There will be also a universal outpouring of the Spirit on all flesh (Joel 3:1). In all these texts Spirit is conceived of as the power that produces a new creation. 463
In the New Testament, the Holy Spirit is active not only in the ministry of Jesus, but also in the formation of the new Christian community and its growth. There is no theological dimension in the New Testament, which is not pneumatologically determined. All the four evangelists place the account of Jesus’ baptism by John and the decent of the Spirit on Jesus, at the beginning of their gospels (Mk. 1:9 11). He is the messianic bearer of the Spirit and the servant of God (Is. 42:2ff., Is.11:2). Jesus begins his ministry by claiming that Is. 61:1 is fulfilled in him (Lk. 4:18). The earthly activity of Jesus is interpreted in Pneumatological terms ( Mt. 12:31ff., Lk. 4:14, 18, 10:21). 464
In the post resurrection era, the presence and action of the Spirit characterizes the age of the Church (Acts 2: 1 13). The Pentecost event echoes the Sinai event. It offers a new law and a new covenant, which embraces all, Jews as well as the pagans. At Pentecost the pagans emerge to be the people of God (Acts 15:14). It contrasts the confusion of languages at Babel (Gn. 11:1 9). At Pentecost the people hear the message of God in their own respective language. The divided and estranged peoples can once again understand one another by the power of the one Spirit. Thus Pentecost fulfils the prophesy of Joel that God will pour out his Spirit on all flesh (2. 16 21). The message of the Pentecost is destined for all and it makes the presence of the Spirit universal.
The Fathers of the Church recognized the presence of the Spirit outside the realm of the Church. St. Ambrosias said that “any truth, no matter by whom it is said, comes from the Holy Spirit.” 465 Rahner evaluates the role of the Holy Spirit in other religions from the perspective of universal salvific will of God. God cannot
463 Cf. Kasper: The God of Jesus Christ, pp. 202 – 203. 464 Cf. Hubner: The Holy Spirit in Holy Scripture, p. 324. 465 Zannini: History of the Christian Muslim Relationship, p. 196. 147
be limited to a particular culture and religion. God may be understood in a manner by a particular religion than in other religions. But it does not mean that particular religion has the monopoly of the revelation of God. In order to decipher the universal salvific activity of God in other religions, it is necessary to recognize the presence of the Holy Spirit in other religions. Thus Rahner’s reflection on the question of salvation of non Christians is based on the merits of Christ, communicated by the Holy Spirit. 466
Dupuis makes two theological principles, which make clear the influence of the Spirit in the history of Salvation: 1. The Holy Spirit is present and active in every personal experience of God . 2. The Holy Spirit is operative in the entire economy of salvation. 467 Dupuis argues that the presence of the Holy Spirit can be found in other religions in every personal encounter of God and in the progressive manifestation of God in the history of salvation. This view quite sufficiently opens the possibility of salvation for other religions. It should be noted here that Dupuis takes seriously the revelation of God in the history prior to the incarnation. It is here that he finds the presence of the Spirit actively communicating the will of God to the prophets of the Old Testament as well as ‘pagan’ saints. Unfortunately, with the incarnation and resurrection of Christ, the Christians try to limit the activity of the Holy Spirit with the confines of the Church. Jesus sent the Holy Spirit as an advocate for all. The role of the Holy Spirit as a communicator before the Incarnation, in the life of Jesus and after the Resurrection shows that the Holy Spirit was active throughout the history of salvation. Such an understanding of the Holy Spirit definitely extends to the non Christians as well. 468 We can explore the action of the Holy Spirit in the personal, social and devotional life of men and women committed to a non Christian faith. They are in the process of realizing their destiny in the secret obedience to the action of the Holy Spirit. 469
Pneumatology provides a common platform where all the religions can meet together for dialogue. Vatican II affirms strongly the universal will of God, which through the Holy Spirit, offers to every person the possibility of salvation (GS.
466 Cf. Rahner: Foundations of Christian Faith, p. 313. 467 Cf . Dupuis: Christ at the Encounter of World Religions, p. 166. 468 Cf. Dupuis: Christ at the Encounter of World Religions, p. 166 168. 469 Cf. Dupuis: Jesus Christ and His Spirit, p.183 –185. 148
22). All peoples make up a single community, which has God as its origin and goal (NA 1). God’s saving plan, as manifested in the ‘mission of the Son and the Holy Spirit’ embraces the whole universe leading it to the ultimate unification (AG 1). The Holy Spirit guides us to the truth (Jn 16:13). “The presence and activity of Jesus Christ and the Spirit of God everywhere results in the fact that truth can be better perceived in relation with others rather than in isolation.” 470 John Paul II says that “dialogue is a means of seeking after truth and sharing it with others.” 471 Thus, the Holy Spirit opens way to decipher the truth in other religions that would help the Christian to deepen their relationship with people of other religions.
3.2.6. Anthropological Basis of dialogue Anthropology is the study of the nature and origin of human beings. Anthropology asks: what is man? Anthropology has a wide variety of branches that deals with human beings’ relation with other sciences such as social anthropology, philosophical anthropology, linguistic anthropology, biological anthropology. We are here concerned with theological anthropology which deals with human beings and their relationship with God based on the biblical understanding of the creation of man who is created in the image and likeness of God (Gen. 1:27).
The biblical story of creation points out, that human beings are created in the image and likeness of God. Psalm 8: 4 – 5 explains the man in the creation:
What is man that thou are mindful of him, and the son of man that thou dost care for him? Yet thou hast made him little less than God, and dost crown him with glory and honour.
The biblical understanding of human beings makes clear the close relationship between God and human beings. Human beings have their origin in God and human beings are the crown of God’s creation. It signifies the relationship among human beings, who have their origin in God. “In Christian Anthropological vision there is a doubly strand of red which passes through man’s reality from the religious point of view: the divine in the heart of man and the action of God in the story of humanity.” 472 When we understand humanity in relation to God, our
470 Kuttianimattathil: Practice and Theology of interreligious dialogue, p. 585. 471 Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue, p. 365. 472 Selvadagi: Theological implications of the „sincere respect” recommended by Nostra Aetate, p. 76. 149
vision what is man deepens in us the knowledge that we are all sons and daughters of God. 473 Thus the “unity of human nature” 474 calls for interreligious dialogue. Jukko says that “the positive attitude of Christians towards non Chritian religions is due to a theology of creation and to the recognition of the Spirit’s presence in it.” 475
Interreligious dialogue especially with Muslims is guided by the Thomistic anthropology which teaches that “human beings, created in the image of God and capable of self determination, are oriented towards the transcendent, that is God.” 476 The Thomistic idea of exitus reditus says that “the act of creation through which all creatures proceed from God – natural order – and the principle of the return of all creatures to God – order of grace. All creatures are guided towards maximum unity with God. This is consonant with their ontological status.” 477 Nostra Aetate explains common origin and destiny of human beings in the following words:
All men form but one community. This is so because all stem from the one stock which God created to people the entire earth (Acts 17:26), and also because all share in a common destiny, namely God. His providence, evident goodness, and saving designs extend to all men (Wis. 8:1; Acts 14:17; Rom. 2: 6 7; 1Tim. 2:4). (NA.1).
Vatican II recognizes unity of human beings as created by the image and likeness of God. Therefore all share the common origin and destiny and salvation is offered to all. It speaks clearly that the God’s saving grace goes beyond the boundaries of Christianity and embraces every human being. Such an insight would help Christians to perceive people of other religions as images and likeness of God whom they worship. It would build up a positive attitude and encourage Christians to commit themselves to interreligious dialogue. Speaking on the interrelatedness of human beings, Ratzinger says, “The paradox of the being man is that he can find the ‘universal’ in himself in tension with the
473 Cf. Leuze: Christentum und Islam, p.234 – 235. 474 Arinze: Meeting other Believers, 20. 475 Jukko: Theological Foundations of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue in Christian Muslim Relations, p. 14. 476 Kärkkäinen: Trinity and Religious Pluralism, p. 156. 477 Summa Theologie 3a. 8.3. as cited by Jukko: Theological Foundations of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue in Christian Muslim Relations, p. 13. 150
‘particular’, with a history that comes from without, so that man can be described and postulates, as it were, a priori , as the receiver of a revelation history”. 478
Human life is basically a life in community. The life in community has privilege responsibility. The privilege comes from the understanding that human beings are created in the image of God and the responsibility of the human beings is to live this divine image in the community of human beings. 479 Human beings always experience the distinction of ‘I – You’ or the experience of identity and otherness. “The first experience of an individual is the experience of a second individual: ‘You’ and therefore, ‘We’ come before ‘I’ or, at least come with it.” 480 The experience of the other leads to a social relationship. It is a relationship of communication, intention, reciprocity, and control etc. The ‘other’ is in some way like ‘I’ but to a great extent the ‘other’ is unlike 'I’. 481 The experience of the other leads to uniqueness and diversity. The diversity and uniqueness of human nature call for respect and solidarity a life according to the image of the divine. Every human being is created as social being. We need the ‘other’ in order to develop our potentials. 482 The relationality of the human beings invites them to engage in dialogue with one another. Human dialogue is in the larger framework of human divine dialogue. 483 The relationships between God and human beings and between human beings are essential to engage in interreligious dialogue. It is ultimately the love of God and love of neighbour that enables human beings to enter into genuine dialogue. 484
Despite our understanding of human beings as images of God, and that this image differs in every person, human beings are not often ready to accept the diversity of humanity. “O Lord, how manifold are your works! In wisdom you have made them all; the earth is full of your creatures” (Ps. 104: 24). The Psalmist praises the diversity in the creation. “But human beings often live ways that do not express their true identity as created in the image of God. They may deny the
478 Ratzinger: Principles of Catholic Theology, p. 163. 479 Cf. Cameron: An Introduction to Theological Anthropology, p. 58. 480 Selvadagi: Theological implications of the „sincere respect” recommended by Nostra Aetate, p. 77. 481 Eller: Introducing Anthropology of Religions, p. 9. 482 Cf. Arinze: Meeting other Believers, p. 51. 483 Cf. Paranilam: Christian Openness to other religions, p. 7. 484 Cf. Tracy: Dialogue with the other, p. 95. 151
gift of relationality, and fear and reject the gift of diversity. The longing to be “at home” and secure carries within it the potential for the exclusion of others.” 485 It is the failure of accepting the diversity in the creation that leads to conflicts and divisions in the world. God has created every human being in his or her own uniqueness and the same applies to the rest of creation. Human beings privileged responsibility invites them to accept diversity and recognise the image of God in the other . Pope John Paul II said:
Human beings are not always aware of their fundamental unity of origin, destiny and insertion in the same design of God. When human beings profess different religions incompatible with one another, they might feel that their divisions cannot overcome. But, in spite of this, they are taken up in God’s great and unique plan in Jesus Christ, ‘who has united Himself in some fashion with every man’ (GS 22), even if they are not aware of it. 486
“Interreligious dialogue is first a dialogue between human beings before being a dialogue between religions. It is an encounter between human beings in order to share with one another things that concern them intimately as human persons in their relationship with God, with the world, and with one another.” 487 The awareness of what is man in relation to God enables Christians to look at the members of other religions as people who share the same inheritance as sons and daughters of God and have the same image and likeness of God. Such awareness leads to love, peace, justice, respect, tolerance and solidarity with one another. The theological anthropological understanding of human being is the point of departure for interreligious dialogue, especially with Muslims who share along with Jews and Christians that human beings are created by God.
3.3. Magisterial Teachings on Christian – Muslim Dialogue The bases of interreligious dialogue pave the way for Christian openness to other religions. The Catholic understanding of other religions unfolds itself in the teachings of the magisterial teachings and in a special way at the Second Vatican Council. Let us examine here the pre Vatican II attitude of the Church towards other religions, in order to have a better understanding of the teachings
485 World Council of Churches: Christian Perspectives of Theological Anthropology, p. 7. 486 Degryse: Interreligious Dialogue, p.16. 487 Onah: Reflections on Dignitatis Humane, p. 84.
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of the Vatican II and the subsequent teachings of the Popes. Vatican II made a radical paradigm shift with regards to Catholic understanding of people of other faiths. The pace of interreligious dialogue continues through various encyclicals, synods of bishops, teachings of the popes and through the documents of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious dialogue. Here I would like to pin point documents related to interreligious dialogue in general and documents relevant to Christian Muslim dialogue in particular.
3.3.1. Pre – Vatican II understanding of Interreligious Dialogue In order to understand the pre Vatican II attitude of the Church towards interreligious dialogue, it is necessary to understand the general attitude of the Church towards other religions. The Church’s relation with other religions was based on the question of salvation offered by Christ. Christ event shaped the Christian view of other religions. The early Fathers of the Church perceived that through Christ event salvation is possible for all. However in the course of time, belongingness to Catholic Church became a central question with regards to salvation and thereby to the attitude of the church towards people of other faiths.
3.3.1.2. Ecclesiocentrism
The extreme ecclesiocentrism of the Church contains on the axiom Outside the Church no salvation (Extra ecclesiam nulla salus). For over several centuries this axiom directed the Catholic Church’s attitude towards other religions. The origin of this axiom traces back to St. Cyprian of Carthage (+258). It originated in the context of the schisms and heresies in the Church. This axiom was originally applied to the schismatics and heretics who left the Church over Christian doctrinal disputes. Later on unfortunately, this axiom was applied to all who did not explicitly belong to the Catholic Church. The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) stated that outside the Church, no salvation at all. In 1302, Pope Boniface VIII through a papal bull Unam Sanctam declared that one has to belong to the Catholic Church and accept the papal authority in order to attain salvation. In
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1442, the Council of Florence reiterated once again the necessity of belonging to the Catholic Church in order to attain salvation. 488
The Council of Trent (1545 – 1563) considered the possibility of being saved outside the Catholic Church, by introducing the theology of baptism of desire . By baptism of desire, the Church meant that anyone who follows his or her conscience and follows a moral life and has an implicit desire to join the church will thereby attain salvation. 489 In 1863, Pope Pius IX wrote in Quanto Conficiamur Moerore that it is possible to consider non Roman Catholics also in a state of grace . Through this document the church accepted the possibility of salvation for those who live a godly life, although they are not part of the Roman Catholic Church. 490
The axiom No salvation outside the Church once again gathered attention, when Fr. Feeney who taught in USA that anyone who was not a member of the Roman Catholic Church would not be saved. In 1949, Propaganda Fide wrote to Archbishop of Boston in response to the teachings of Fr. Feeney, “that to attain salvation does not always require a person be incorporated in reality as a member of the Church, but it is required that he belongs to it at least in desire and longing ( in voto et desiderio )” 491 Fr. Feeney and his group did not accept the explanation of the Propaganda Fide. He was excommunicated and found himself outside the Church. This debate has positively helped the Church to explain her attitude towards other religions. It also put an end to extreme ecclesiocentrism of the Church in attaining salvation and opened the possibility of salvation outside the Church.
3.3.1.2. Christianity in Dialogue with Islam
Since the inception of Islam, Christianity and Islam were in close contact, at times friendly and at times hostile. The inception of Islam began with the revelations that Muhammad received in Medina and Mecca which also had Christian and Jewish populations. It is reported that young Muhammad had contact with a
488 Cf. Michel: A Christian View of Islam, p. xii. 489 Cf. Neuner/Dupuis: The Christian Faith, p. 808. 490 Cf. Neuner/Dupuis: The Christian Faith, p. 312. 491 Onwubiko: Ecclesiam Suam (58 – 108), p. 7. 154
Christian monk called Bahira. Muhammad’s cousin Waraqua was a Christian and it is he who told him that the angel that appeared to him was Gabriel. It is said that when the Muslims had to flee from Mecca due to persecution, it was the Christians of Abyssinia who granted them asylum. 492 Although there were fundamental differences between Christianity and Islam, the Christians and Muslims of the early Islamic centuries valued dialogue as a means of understanding each other. However, most of these encounters were apologetic in its nature and yet they respected each other’s religion.
St. John Damascene (+749) is a theologian, who recognized Muhammad as a great person who led his people “from idolatry to a monotheistic religion though full of errors.” 493 He had a good knowledge of Islamic teachings and considered Islam a Christian heresy. Zannini writes that “he had a fairly good knowledge of the Muslim positions and as a consequence he was able to show the main point in common with Christianity and enquire properly on the obscure points of the Islamic doctrine, with a sincere desire of helping Muslims to overcome the impasses they found in the logical and theological, development of it. As a result he had a big influence on the formation of the Muslim philosophy and theology.” 494
The Catholicos Timothy I (728 – 823) was Patriarch of the Nestorian Church from 780 to 823. His meetings and talks with Caliph al Mahdi are another example of early Christian Muslim encounter. Although his approach to Islam was apologetic, he never hurt the sentiments of Muslims and avoided answering negatively about Islam and Muhammad. He praised Muhammad as person who “walked in the path of the prophets”. 495
The Eastern Christianity slowly succumbed to the power of Muslim invasion. In the West the rising Islamic power was resisted. Crusades set Christianity in direct conflict with Islam. Yet there were people who wanted to enter into a dialogue with Islam. Pope Gregory VII (1020 – 1085) was confronted with Christian Islam warfare in many parts of Europe and North Africa. In a letter to al Nasir (1062 –
492 Cf. Newman: The early Christian Muslim Dialog, p.1. 493 Zannini: History of the Christian Muslim Relationship, p. 197. 494 Zannini: History of the Christian Muslim Relationship, pp. 197 – 198. 495 Gaudeul: Encounters and Clashes, Vol. I, p. 37. 155
1088) who was the ruler of present day Tunisia and Eastern Algeria, Pope Gregory made some remarkable points that would help the Christian Muslim dialogue. He wrote 496 :
The two communities are proclaimed “one” (quoting Ep. 2, 14), and their relationship is defined as one of love, preferential love. For indeed God almighty who wants all met to be saved (1Tim. 2,3) and none to perish (Mt. 18:14, 2 Peter 3.9), likes nothing more in each one us that the love of the neighbour after the love of God (Mt. 22: 37 40), and our care to avoid doing to others what we would not like them to do to us (Mt. 7:12 and Lk. 6:31). The pope emphasizes his conviction that God is at work among Muslims, and wants their salvation. There is only a discreet allusion to conversion which is defined as “being received by God”, not as an entry into the Church. Pope Gregory’s letter clearly shows that his desire to engage in dialogue with Muslims.
In 1219, St. Francis of Assisi went to Egypt and preached to the Sultan al Malik al Kamil. The Sultan appreciated his zeal and detachment. Gaudeul writes that the Sultan “showed his openness and tolerance on this occasion as he did in offering fair conditions of truce to this Crusade (1219) and to the one that followed in 1229.” 497 Although his intention to convert the Sultan and his followers did not materialize, he made a good impression upon them as a Christian, who did not seek the power of the sword.
The subsequent centuries witnessed the emergence of Islam as a major political power in the east. The Ottoman Empire consolidated itself and poised a threat to western nations. The relationship between Christians and Muslims was primarily based on contacts between the Christian West and the Islamic East. The religious dimension of the relationship was often overshadowed by political rivalries of the time. The church was occupied with reformation and counter reformation, as well as the missionary expansion alongside with colonization. As a result the relationship with Muslims was not a significant issue for the church to deal with.
496 Cf. Gaudeul: Encounters and Clashes, Vol. II, pp. 52 53. 497 Gaudeul: Encounters and Clashes, Vol. I, pp. 173 – 174. 156
It is worth mentioning here the work of Fr. Charles de Foucauld (1858 – 1916) and Louis Massignon(1883 – 1962). They approached Islam from a spiritual perspective. Fr. Charles de Foucault was a French soldier who became Trappist monk and lived in Syria and Algeria. Later on he left his religious order and lived as a hermit in the Sahara where he came into contact with Muslims. He shared his experience of Christ with his Muslim neighbours. His simple life, prayer and care for the poor were greatly appreciated by the Muslims. He was an example of living a true Christian life among Muslims and they were inspired by his way of life. 498
Louis Massignon was born near Paris. He was an Islam scholar who viewed religions from their spirituality rather than from their legal norms. His research on Muslim saint and martyr Mansur al Hallaj (+922) enabled him to discover the elements of mysticism which unites Christians and Muslims. His basic concepts were sacred hospitality and mystical substitution . The concept of hospitality comes from the Islamic commandment of hospitality which demands to be at the service of others. It also denotes peaceful co existence. The concept of substitution derives from Massignon’s conviction that one can atone for the sins of others. Jesus’ death on the cross for the redemption of the world inspired him to develop this concept. He started the Badaliyya (substitution) movement in Damietta, Egypt in 1934 which contributed to the mutual understanding and dialogue between Christians and Muslims in the Middle East. He had a positive view of Islam and its spirituality. His appreciation of Islam helped Vatican II to adopt a positive approach to dialogue with Islam. 499
3.3.2. Vatican II and Interreligious dialogue In 1962, Pope John XXIII convened the Second Vatican Council opening the windows of the Church to the modern world. The Council dealt with a variety of issues that affects the church in the contemporary society. One of the great concerns of the church was its relation to non Christian religions. He died in 1963 before the materialisation of a document dealing with other religions. Between the first and second secession of the Council, his successor Pope Paul VI,
498 Cf. Zannini: History of the Christian Muslim Relationship, p. 208. 499 Cf. www.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_Massignon (10.10.2010) 157
published his first Encyclical Eccelsiam Suam , which made a positive impact on the discussions on interreligious dialogue in the council. During the council, in a number of documents a positive attitude towards other religions emerged. I would like to examine these documents from the Christian Muslim dialogue perspective.
3.3.2.1. Ecclesiam Suam
Pope Paul VI outlined the priorities of his Papacy in Ecclesiam Suam . In consistent with the thought of the Council, he said: “The aim of this encyclical will be to demonstrate with increasing clarity how vital it is for the world, and how greatly desired by the Catholic Church, that the two should meet together, and get to know and love one another” (ES 3). The tendency of keeping the Catholic Church above the world and apart from the world was slowly melting in the Council; as the Council Fathers recognized the need of the Church to engage with the world. His three principles that would guide his Pontificate were: deeper self knowledge of the Church, internal renewal of the Church and dialogue within and outside the Church.
Ecclesiam Suam understands dialogue as “internal drive of charity which seeks expression in the external gift of charity” (ES 64). The Encyclical says that the history of salvation is a history of dialogue between God and human beings, which “begins with God and which He prolongs with men in so many different ways” (ES 70). God took initiative to dialogue with human beings and therefore it is the responsibility of the Church to engage in dialogue with other human beings (ES 72). It further tells that the “dialogue of salvation is accessible to all” (ES 76). The universal availability of salvation for all demonstrates the willingness of the Church to appreciate other religions.
Eccelsiam Suam 107 speaks specifically on Judaism and Islam. It tells that Jews deserve our “respect and love” (ES 107) as they worship the one Supreme God. It admires Muslims “for all that is good and true in their worship of God” (ES 107). The Encyclical appreciates both monotheistic religions and seeks to dialogue with them. It further speaks of the areas of co operation with other religions which the later magisterial teachings defined as dialogue of life and dialogue of action.
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Ecclesiam Suam 108 speaks:
But we do not wish to turn a blind eye to the spiritual and moral values of the various non Christian religions, for we desire to join with them in promoting and defending common ideals in the spheres of religious liberty, human brotherhood, education, culture, social welfare, and civic order. Dialogue is possible in all these great projects, which are our concern as much as theirs and we will not fail to offer opportunities for discussion in the event of such an offer being favourably received in genuine, mutual respect.
The openness of the church to enter into dialogue with other religions through various spheres of human activities took the church a step closer to non Christian religions. Ecclesiam Suam influenced to a great extent the Church’s attitude towards non Christian religions in the Second Vatican Council.
3.3.2.2. Lumen Gentium
Lumen Gentium , the dogmatic constitution on the Church significantly contributed to the changing attitude of the Church towards other religions. The document after illustrating that Christ is the light of humanity (LG 1) and the universality of the people of God (LG 13), describes how the followers of other religions are people of God and their orientation towards the Church (LG 16). It says that non Christians belong to the people of God in different ways and they all can attain salvation because God intends the salvation of all (1 Tim. 2: 4). First of all it speaks of Jews, to whom the covenants and promises were made. Secondly, it speaks of Muslims because they acknowledge God as the Creator and profess the faith of Abraham, which Jews, Christians and Muslims commonly share.
The plan of salvation also includes those who acknowledge the Creator, in the first place amongst whom are Moslems; these profess to hold the faith of Abraham, and together with us these adore the one, merciful God, mankind’s judge on the last day (LG 16).
The understanding of God as one, merciful and mankind’s judge of the last day are common to Christians and Muslims. The recognition of Islamic understanding of God is a paradigm shift in Catholic view of Islamic theology. Vatican II discovered the values and treasures that both Christians and Muslims share in their understanding of God. This positive step towards Islam made a significant contribution towards defining Christian Muslim dialogue. 159
LG 16 goes a step ahead and states the Church’s view on other religions in the following words:
Nor is God remote from those who in shadows and images seek the unknown God, since he gives to all men life and breath and all things (Acts 17: 25 – 28), and since the Saviour wills all men to be saved (1Tim. 2: 4). Those who, through no fault of their own, do not know Gospel of Christ or his Church, but who nevertheless seek God with a sincere heart, and moved by grace, try in their actions to do his will as they know it through the dictates of their conscience – those too may achieve eternal salvation.
This radical change on the part of the Church to accept that salvation is extended to people who totally differ from the Christian understanding of God. It reaffirms once again Church’s conviction that all are created by God and that God will the salvation of every human being. It considers that salvation is attainable for all who seek God with a sincere heart follow the dictates of their conscience and lead a good life (LG 16). It opens the possibility of salvation for the people who have not heard of Christ, for no fault of their own. “For if such people have struggled to lead a correct life, then that could not have been without the grace of God, that means that there is then ‘something good’, and, so ‘something true’, hence ‘something uniting’ and thus ‘something beautiful’, among such people. It follows that grace of God is working also outside the Church.” 500 Hence the universal salvation that God offers is for all.
3.3.2.3. Nostra Aetate
Nostra Aetate or the Declaration on the Relation of the Church to non Christian Religions is the shortest of the sixteen documents promulgated by the second Vatican council. However, it is one of the documents that had far reaching consequences on Church’s relations with world religions. This tiny document began its journey way back in 1960, when Pope John XXIII established the Secretariat for Promoting Christian Unity to promote ecumenism. During its first meeting, it was told also to deal with Catholic Jewish relations. How did this come about? In June 1960, Pope John XXIII met Jules Issac, an 81 year old French Jew, founder of Amitié Judeo Chrétienne, who told the Pope that
500 Egbulefu: Lumen Gentium: The Mystery and the Membership of the Church: An interpretation, p. 30 160
Christian contempt for Judaism was in essence anti Christian and that can be purified by being faithful to the acts and teachings of Christ. 501
Cardinal Augustine Bea, then President of the Secretariat for promoting Christian unity, was entrusted with the task of making a document dealing with the Church’s attitude towards Judaism. It went through several inconclusive debates and deliberations for years leading to the Vatican council. There was no consensus on several issues dealing with Jewish relations as it had political and diplomatic ramifications, since Arab – Israeli war was at its peak during this time. The Eastern Catholic Patriarchs objected the draft which was submitted at the end of the second secession. The Asian and African bishops demanded to enlarge the schema to include other non Christian religions. Cardinal Franz König who was well acquainted with non Christian religions 502 too played an important role in bringing out Nostra Aetate .503 The council fathers reduced the schema on Jews and included other non Christian religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam. This is how Nostra Aetate after several hurdles and compromises came into being. 504 Michael Fitzgerald termed Nostra Aetate as the gift of the Holy Spirit to the Church. 505 Cardinal Bea recalling the six year long journey said: “the tiny mustard seed of Jules Isaac’s conversation with Good Pope John grew into the large tree that warmly hosts in its branches so many men and women of non Christian religions.” 506
Nostra Aetate has five articles. The first article is an introductory article which speaks about theological basis for the unity of human beings. The second article speaks about various religions and the third speaks specifically about Islam. The fourth article elaborates the Christian Jewish relations and the concluding article describes the universal fraternity. 507 Although the objective of this document is pastoral and non doctrinal, the document has well developed dogmatic
501 Cf. www.americamagazine.org/content/article.cfm?article_id=4431 (12.10.2010) 502 Cf. König: Offen für Gott – Offen für die Welt: Kirche im Dialog, p. 129. 503 Cf. Siebenrock: Nostra Aetate, p. 643. 504 Cf. Cassidy: Eucmenism and Interreligious dialogue, p.128. 505 Cf. Fitzgerald: Die Erklärung Nostra Aetate, p.29. 506 www.americamagazine.org/content/article.cfm?article_id=4431 (12.10.2010) 507 Cf. Gioia: Interreligious Dialogue, pp. 43 – 46. 161
foundation for a pastoral approach. 508 I would like to make an analysis of Nostra Aetate in view of Christian Muslim dialogue.
Unity of Human beings Nostra Aetate is the basic Catholic Church’s document which deals with Catholic Church’s understanding of non Christian religions. The document has its name ‘Nostra Aetate’ from the starting words of the document, which is translated in English as ‘in this age of ours’. “In this age of ours, when men are drawing more closely together and the bonds of friendship between different peoples are being strengthened, the Church examines with greater care the relation which she has to non Christian religions.” (NA 1) The opening words of the document clearly state the longing of the Catholic Church to have a closer relationship with non Christian religions. The Church recognizes that at this time and age of ours, the responsibility of Catholic Church to foster friendship and unity not only between persons but also between religions. The motive for dialogue is not based on the mission command, but comes from church’s conviction of being at the service of humanity. 509
The purpose of the document is to foster unity and charity among individuals because human beings as a whole form one community. The reason for the unity of human beings is based on the conception that all human beings are created by God and all share one common destiny. The common origin and destiny in God make human beings aware that they are part of one community. The unity of humanity is the basis for dialogue and co operation among human beings. The Church does not deny the differences among human beings, but the basic unity is more important than the differences. 510 The unity of humanity is not to be understood philosophically but against the background of the salvation history based on the Bible. 511
The Church acknowledges the plurality of religions and their relevance in this age of ours. The different religions try to answer various puzzles and mysteries surrounding the human life. The acknowledgement that God is the origin and
508 Cf. Ugeux: Church’s Service in the Context of Religious Pluralism, p. 133. 509 Cf. Siebenrock: Nostra Aetate, pp. 649 – 650. 510 Cf. Fitzgerald: Die Erklärung Nostra Aetate, p. 31 511 Cf. Siebenrock: Nostra Aetate, p. 650. 162
destiny of human beings, offers answers to the anthropological questions of life, which is common to the whole humanity. This is the basis for human beings to come together to the interreligious dialogue in fellowship and charity.
The recognition of various religions The search for the answers to the mysteries of life gave rise to recognize a Supreme Being. 512 Some of these religions attempt to answer the mystery of life through well developed concepts and categories. In this context the document makes references to Hinduism and Buddhism. It also points out that other religions have in their own ways try to “clam the hearts of men by outlining a program of life covering doctrine, moral precepts, and sacred rites” (NA 2). The document further says: The Catholic Church rejects nothing that is true and holy in these religions. She has high regard for the manner of life and conduct, the precepts and doctrines which, although differing in many ways from her own teaching, nevertheless often reflect a ray of that truth which enlightens all men.
Through this article the Catholic Church makes a quantum leap in her relationship with other religions which she often described as imperfect and paganism. The recognition of what is true and holy, in other religions is an acknowledgment of the values of other religions. The concepts true and holy stand in relation to God. The concepts true and holy have their basis in creation theology of John’s Gospel (1,9). The recognition of the church what is true and holy as well as rays of truth in other religions creates a positive atmosphere of dialogue. The norm of dialogue is not the Church but Christ himself. Therefore, Christians are called to witness to Christ in their relationship with other religions. The document encourages Christians to enter into dialogue with other religions in prudence and love, recognizing and preserving spiritual and moral truth found in other religions. Dialogue is not a self acknowledgement but a fostering of the values of the others. 513
Muslims In continuity with the teachings of Lumen Gentium (16), Nostra Aetate further elaborates the Church’s desire to have a deeper relationship with Muslims. This
512 Cf. Cassidy: Ecumenism and Interreligious dialogue, p.129. 513 Cf. Siebenrock: Nostra Aetate, pp. 657 – 658. 163
article illustrates common ground for Christian Muslim dialogue. It also acknowledges the difficulties of the past and calls both Christians and Muslims to begin a new chapter in their relationship. Christians are asked to acknowledge the monotheistic tradition of Islam which is linked to Judeo Christian understanding of God. Borrmans describes the monotheistic link between these three religions in the following words:
(1) as one of the many great human expressions of the search for God through complete submission ( islam) and a disciplined life of worship; (2) as a particular preparation for meeting the God of Abraham, Moses and Jesus; (3) as a place of privilege where access is gained to divine mercy and, thence, to salvation; (4) as a providently provided historical intermediary whose adherents, by the example of their righteous lives, point the way to the blessings of divine grace. 514
High regard for Muslims : The article begins with a statement which recognizes the Church’s high regard for Muslims. During the past thirteen centuries Christians and Muslims had many reasons to disrespect one another. The Church is making a conscious effort to reach out to the Muslim community in terms of its new theological understanding, which traces back the unity of humanity in God, in whom is the origin and destiny of human beings. The document calls for a special relationship with Muslims as Christians and Muslims have many things in common, which accords the Church’s high regard for Islam and Muslims. 515
The worship of One God : It is an acknowledgement of monotheism in Islam. The attributes given to God such as “living, and subsistent, merciful and almighty, the Creator of heaven and earth” are in line with the Christian understanding of God. The document traces back to Pope Gregory VII, who said that Muslims and Christians are worshiping the same God in different ways. 516 Borrmans writes that “it is natural that both Christians and Muslims should think that they have much to say to one another about the divine mystery, since the Bible of the
514 Borrmans: Guidelines for Dialogue between Christians and Muslims, p. 65. 515 Cf. Siebenrock: Nostra Aetate, p. 658 516 Cf. Siebenrock: Nostra Aetate, p. 659. 164
Christians is full of wonderful Names of God, of evocative parables and meaningful revelations.” 517 He further says:
Christians are encouraged by the Second Vatican Council to respect the sincere worship of the living God by Muslims. Even though the forms and ceremonies of their prayer, fasting, almsgiving and pilgrimage differ in various ways, Muslims and Christians are conscious that they possess in common certain ancient practices of invocation, litany, intercession, meditation and retreat, and that by means of these they renew continually their spiritual energy and moral strength. 518
Submission to God’s will : The meaning of Islam is complete submission to God individually and collectively. Muslim means submissive one . The faith of the Muslims consists in being submissive to the will of God. 519 Maurice Borrmans describes the submission to the will of God in Islam in the following words:
A believer’s dignity is found in complete submission to the universal lordship of God, with all that such an attitude involves of surrender, confidence and obedience. Submission means an active attachment to the will of God and a voluntary, tranquil and deliberate committal of oneself to the infinite divine wisdom .. Both reformers and modernists within Muslim community insist that “submission” (islam) constitutes the dignity, grandeur and responsibility of believers, while at the same time affirming that God is the source of it as well as its goal. Submission is, then, an active and responsible attachment to the will of God. 520
The submission to God in Islam corresponds to Christian understanding of the relationship between God and human beings. ‘They strive to submit themselves’ indicates that Islam is not Fatalism, as it is being accused by many, but a genuine effort to commit themselves to God. 521 Borrmans says that Christians can better understand the faith of Muslims and their submission to God. 522
Abraham : For Muslims, Abraham is the friend of God first submissive one (Muslim) in the history (Quran 3:67). He is the prophet of monotheism and destroyer of idols. His obedience to the will of God make unparallel submissive
517 Borrmans: Guidelines for Dialogue between Christians and Muslims, pp. 60 – 61. 518 Borrmans: Guidelines for Dialogue between Christians and Muslims, p. 62. 519 Cf. Siebenrock: Nostra Aetate, p. 659 520 Borrmans: Guidelines for Dialogue between Christians and Muslims, p. 46. 521 Cf. Fitzgerald: Die Erklärung Nostra Aetate, p. 37. 522 Cf. Borrmans: Guidelines for Dialogue between Christians and Muslims, p. 16. 165
one (Muslim). Islam considers itself as the perfect restoration of Abrahamic monotheism. The Book of Genesis mentions Abraham as the father in the faith (Gen. 22: 1 18; Röm 4. 20) . However there are differences in Christian and Islamic understanding of Abraham. According to Bechmann:
Abraham symbolizes the common base of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. An exemplary analysis of both the Koran and the New Testament, however, illustrates that Ibrahim stands in the centre of Islamic faith, but nor Abraham in the centre of Christianity. This difference may suffice to show that the fundamental level of the inter religious dialogue operating such paradigms is to be found in an attitude of compromisingly accepting the other one in order to live together in peaceful way. Abraham and Ibrahim may serve as a marker of the inter religious dialogue, but not as its base. 523
According to Borrmanns despite the differences of Christian and Islamic understanding of Abrahamic tradition, those who are engaged in dialogue can find that some elements of commonality, which would help interreligious dialogue.524
Jesus: Quran considers Jesus ( Isa ) as one of the great prophets who brought Gospel to the world (Quran 5: 46). He is “truly a Word emanating from God” (Quran 3:39). There are several detailed descriptions about Jesus and his ministry. However, Quran does not consider the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus. But Allah took him up to Himself (Quran 4:157). They do not acknowledge him as God but venerate him as a prophet. Christians can appreciate the place of Jesus in Quran. However, there are fundamental differences between Biblical and Quranic understanding of Jesus. 525
Mary : Mary occupies an important place in Quran as the mother of Jesus. Quran considers Mary was chaste and bore Jesus as a token for all people (Quran 21: 91). She was considered to be the chosen one of Allah and preferred woman of all creation (Quran 3:42). Maria’s intercession is sought through popular
523 Bechmann, Abraham und Ibrahim, p. 126. 524 Cf. Borrmans: Guidelines for Dialogue between Christians and Muslims, p. 51. 525 Cf. Siebenrock: Nostra Aetate, p. 659. 166
devotions. The honour that Islam accords to Mary again illustrates the common elements of devotion among Christians and Muslims. 526
Day of Judgment and Resurrection : Sura 75 speaks of the Day of Judgment and resurrection. It is one of the articles of faith. Nobody knows the time or Day of Judgment. There are several similarities of Christian and Islamic understanding of Eschatology. Both religions consider prayer, fasting, alms giving and other goods will help the faithful to stand upright on the Day of Judgment. 527 Here the document mentions three of the five pillars of Islam. The common elements in both religions are viable means of a fruitful interreligious dialogue. 528
Forgetting the past : The history of Christian Muslim existence for the last fourteen centuries is marked by conflicts, hostilities and misunderstanding. There were political and cultural confrontations with the Byzantines and later on with the Europeans. Both have inflicted injustices and humiliations on one another. The clash of civilizations that took place in the past based on religions has no more relevance in today’s pluralistic world. Arab civilization cannot be exclusively identified with Islam, because the great majority of Muslims are not part of Arab countries. Similarly, Christianity cannot be identified with the West, as its origin is in the Middle East and a large number of Christians belong to other continents of the world. Christians and Muslims should make self criticism and seek new ways of fostering the relationship. The document calls for forgetting the past to create conducive atmosphere for dialogue. 529
Peace, liberty, social justice and moral values : The document invites Christians and Muslims to preserve and promote peace, liberty, social justice and moral values. They should strive to defend human rights, which is based on the dignity of human beings (DH 2). 530 These are in fact the goals of the interreligious dialogue. By striving to achieve these goals, one can preserve religious harmony and promote dialogue among religions.
526 Cf. Fitzgerald: Die Erklärung Nostra Aetate, p. 38. 527 Cf. Siebenrock: Nostra Aetate, p. 660. 528 Cf. Cassidy: Eucmenism and Interreligious dialogue, p.131. 529 Cf. Borrmans: Guidelines for Dialogue between Christians and Muslims, p. 68. 530 Cf. Fitzgerald: Die Erklärung Nostra Aetate, p. 38. 167
The fourth article specifically speaks about Christian Jewish relationship.
Universal Fraternity : The document in its concluding article once again reminds that every human being is an image of God and therefore the dignity of human beings are to be upheld. There is no place for discrimination based on race, colour and social status in life or religion in Christianity. The command of Jesus to love alone suffices to overcome prejudices and to promote love, peace, justice, liberty and moral values among human beings, and to be truly sons and daughters of the same Father. The principle of love enables human beings to open up for dialogue with people of other faiths. The Church by engaging in dialogue with other religions raises her position in the world and she becomes a “sign of the nations” 531 which longs to live in peace and harmony.
An evaluation of Nostra Aetate 3 points out that despite the positive attitude created by NA towards Muslims, one cannot ignore omissions and silence on certain issues in NA 3. NA does not speak of Islam as a religion but of Muslims. But Hinduism, Buddhism (NA 2) and Judaism (NA 4) are mentioned as religions. The high regard is accorded to individual Muslims, not to Islam as a religion. Islam claims that it is the best religion (Quran 3, 110) and the Church cannot afford to say that. Prophet Mohammed is not mentioned in the text. It is inconsistence with the teachings of the Church that the fullness of revelation is in Jesus Christ. 532 Neither Quran nor Sharia is mentioned in NA. 533 The silence of NA over these issues shows the on the one hand the ambiguity of the Church in dealing with such issues and on the other hand it shows that it stands by its basic positions. 534 All these indicate the complexity of dealing with Islam as a religion and the subsequent difficulties in engaging in dialogue with Muslims.
3.3.2.4. Dignitatis Humane
The Declaration on Religious Liberty, Dignitatis Humane , is another document which deals with religions and religious freedom. “The Vatican council declares that the human person has a right to religious freedom. Freedom of this kind
531 Siebenrock: Nostra Aetate, p. 664. 532 Cf. Neuner/Dupuis: The Christian Faith, pp. 58 – 59. 533 Cf. Zirker: Christentum und Islam, pp. 46 – 52. 534 Siebenrock: Nostra Aetate, p. 661. 168
means that all men should be immune from coercion ..that, within due limits, nobody is forced to act against his convictions in religious matters” (DH 2). Vatican II understands religious freedom as absence of coercion. The time of Vatican II coincided with many totalitarian regimes which denied religious freedom and also states with a huge majority of a particular religion, in which the minority religions were not given adequate religious freedom. It tells that the individual convictions regarding religion should be respected.
The council further tells that the “right to religious freedom is based in the very dignity of the human person known through the revealed Word of God and by reason itself” (DH 2). The dignity of a human person is the basic argument for religious freedom. 535 “Religious freedom is based on human dignity, and the source of human dignity is man’s nature as the image of God. Conversely, religious freedom, like every genuine freedom is a manifestation of the divine image in man.” 536 The understanding that every human being is an image of God opens him/her to God. Therefore the right to religious freedom is in the very nature of human beings (DH 2).
Therefore human beings should not be prevented from practicing their religious rituals in a community. Religious communities should have the freedom to preach and bear witness to their beliefs. In spreading one’s religion, religions should avoid coercion and dishonest persuasion. (DH 4). According to Arinze:
The human person has an innate God given dignity which deserves respect. Religion should be proposed, not imposed. Religious affiliation or unity in belief arrived at as a result of pressure be that pressure physical, psychological, political, economic, social or otherwise – is not worthy of the human person. It insults the person on whom it is exerted. It is ignoble of the one who applies such pressure. It does not do honour to God to whom all true religious acts are directed. 537
The document invites to respect all religious traditions and religious freedom. Since there is a variety of religious experience, one may ask, which one is true and authentic. Onah says that “the only reasonable option open to human beings
535 Cf. Siebenrock: Dignitatis Humanae, p. 170. 536 Onah: Reflections on Dignitatis Humane, p. 101. 537 Arinze: Meeting other believers, p. 43. 169
in this situation is for the various groups to share their experiences with one another honestly and openly and thus learn from each other what the various religions offer, or claim to offer. This is what interreligious dialogue entails.” 538 The respect for other religions lies in the fact that every human being is an image of God and every human being’s dignity is to be respected. It is worth quoting here Martin Buber, who said that “dialogue begins where humanity begins.” 539 The understanding of human dignity enables human beings to respect one another’s religious freedom and opens the windows of dialogue to understand one another better.
3.3.2.5. Ad Gentes
Ad Gentes , the decree on the Church’s missionary activity invites Christians to respect other religious traditions and enter into dialogue with other religions. This decree enlightens on Church’s missionary activity, which was tied to conversion and implantation for several centuries. 540 The decree speaks of the “work of the Spirit in the world before Christ was glorified” (AG 4) and the same Spirit “calls all men to Christ and arouses in their hearts the submission of faith by the seed of the word and the preaching of the Gospel (AG 15). The mission of the Church in today’s world is by “all Christians by the example of their lives and witness of the word .. so that others, seeing their good works, might glorify the Father” (AG 11). Christians can bear witness to Christ in a non Christian environment through the example of their lives through their good works and by practicing the Word of God in their lives. The life of Charles de Foucauld, who lived among the Muslims, is exemplary. 541
The Council invites Christians to respect and love the traditions and cultures in the society. Ad Gentes 11 speaks of the seeds of the Word which lie hidden in non Christian cultures. The church is acknowledging here the positive elements found in other cultures and religions. This positive attitude leads to a path of patient dialogue with other cultures and religions.
538 Onah: Reflections on Dignitatis Humane, p. 106. 539 Buber: Between Man and Man, p. 35. 540 Cf. Jong: Ad Gentes, p. 117. 541 Cf. Hünermann: Ad Gentes, p. 276. 170
Just as Christ penetrated to the hearts of men and by a truly human dialogue led them to the divine light, so too his disciples, profoundly pervaded by the Spirit of Christ, should know and converse with those men might learn of the riches which a generous God has distributed among the nations. They must at the same time endeavour to illuminate these riches with the light of the gospel, set them free, and bring them once more under the dominion of God the saviour (AG 11) .
The decree says that the customs, traditions, wisdom, teaching, arts and science in a society can be used by all to praise the glory of the Creator (AG 22). Ad Gentes 12 speaks of dialogue of action in which Christians are invited to join in the efforts with other people to promote peace and raise the standard of living, and in the fight against social evils. The decree makes a special focus on priestly formation in order to equip the candidates of priesthood to better understand their own culture and traditions which would help to dialogue with non Christian religions in their particular region (AG 16).
The positive approach of the Church towards other religions found in Ad Gentes is in accord with the general attitude of the council Fathers who wanted to foster relations between the Church and the non Christian religions.
3.3.2.6. Gaudium et spes
The pastoral constitution on the Church in the modern world, Gaudium et spes , which means, joy and hope , manifests Church’s the engagement with the modern world. The document exhorts Church to read the signs of times and to interpret them in the light of the Gospel, to carry out her task in the world (GS 4). In relation to non Christian religions and dialogue, the constitution makes some valid observations. Following the teaching of LG 16, Gaudium et spes too speaks of God’s grace in every human being and God offers salvation for all.
All this holds true not for Christians only but also for all men of good will in whose hearts grace is active invisibly. For since Christ died for all (Rom. 8:32), and since all men are in fact called to one and the destiny, which is divine, we must hold that the Holy Spirit offers to all the possibility of being made partners, in a way known to God, in paschal mystery (GS 22).
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This article clearly speaks all human beings have one and same destiny and that the Holy Spirit offers the partnership in the paschal mystery to every human being, in a way known to God alone. The universal salvation offered by God for all is a clear departure from the Church’s position about non Christians and it offers the basic respect for non Christians. 542 Article 41 asserts that the Spirit of God touches the lives of the people in the past and present. The document also calls for tolerance and respect of all religions and seek cooperation among individuals of different religions (GS73).
The article 92 underlines the importance of dialogue in the modern world. The church respects all religious traditions and hopes for a frank dialogue with them. It excludes no one from dialogue.
For our part, our eagerness for such dialogue, conducted with appropriate discretion and leading to truth by way of love alone, excludes nobody; we would like to include those who respect outstanding human values without realizing who the author of those is, as well as those who oppose the Church and persecute it in various ways. Since God the Father is the beginning and the end of all things, we are all called to be brothers; we ought to work together without violence and without deceit to build up the world in a spirit of genuine peace (GS 92).
The Church realizes the importance of dialogue and it wants to engage with everyone, even those who differ from her perspective. The recognition that God is the beginning and end of human destiny makes every human being unique and they are as brothers and sisters bound together to build up a world, where peace reigns. This openness offers the pastoral constitution its true dimension in the modern world. 543
All these documents of Vatican II provide a theological framework for interreligious dialogue and they create a positive approach to non Christian religions. Lane sums up the reasons for the Church to reach out to other religions and engage in interreligious dialogue in the following statements 544 :
All are created by God’s grace to salvation (LG 13);
542 Cf. Sander: Gaudium et Spes, p. 742. 543 Cf. Sander: Gaudium et Spes, p. 825. 544 Cf. Lane: Nostra Aetate, p. 209. 172
The Spirit offers to all the possibility of being partners in the Paschal mystery (GS 22): The Spirit of God was active in other religions before Christ (AG 4); The seeds of the Word are hidden in these religious traditions (AG 11); ‘Elements of truth and grace’ can be found in other religions (AG 9); Other religions often reflect a ray of that truth which enlightens all (NA2).
The positive attitude of the Church regarding non Christians found in the documents of the Vatican II had far reaching consequences in the world. The exclusive tendencies of the Church were abandoned for respect and openness to other religions. The Church recognized the positive elements in those religions as the basis for interreligious dialogue. Vatican II continues to guide the church’s relations with the non Christian religions.
3.3.3. Post-Conciliar Documents
Some of post conciliar documents too specifically spoke about the interreligious dialogue. Some of these documents further clarified and enlarged the vision of the Church on interreligious dialogue.
3.3.3.1. Redemptor Hominis
Redemptor Hominis (1979) is the first encyclical of Pope John Paul II. The first encyclical is like a manifesto , which speaks of his agenda for his Pontificate. The articles 6 and 11 illustrate the Pope’s approach to dialogue with other Christians and non Christian religions. The article 6 tells about non Christian religions in the following words:
Although in another way and with due differences, to activity for coming closer together with the representatives of the non Christian religions, an activity expressed through dialogue, contacts, prayer in common, and investigation of the treasures of human spirituality, in which, as we know well, the members of these religions also are not lacking. It sometimes happens that the firm belief of the followers on non Christian religions – a belief that is also an effect of the Spirit of truth operating outside the visible confines of the Mystical Body.RH 6).
The Pope acknowledges here the validity of other religions, although they differ in many ways with Christianity. Dialogue, contacts, prayer and search for the treasures of their spirituality can bring people of different religions together. The 173
beliefs of these religions too are the work of the Spirit of the truth, which is operating outside the Church. The Pope reiterates here the universal activity of the Spirit and the Spirit is not confined to the Church alone. Such an understanding of the universality of the Spirit opens immense possibilities of engaging in dialogue with other religions. “God’s grace is limited neither to the Church nor to the sacraments. He gives freely to whom and as He wills and He desires that all men be saved and come to the knowledge of the truth. “Salvation is found in the truth” ( Dominus Iesus 22). 545 In dialoguing with other religions Christians should analyse other religions in order to better understand them and to recognize them. This does not mean that one loses the certitude about one’s own faith. “Dialogue is a two way street. We give from our bounty and receive in our poverty.” 546
Through the article 11 Pope John Paul II reaffirms once again the Church’s commitment to dialogue expressed in Nostra Aetate. The seeds of the Word and the reflections of one truth provide adequate reason to respect and acknowledge other religions. It says that the aim of every religion is to reach God, though the path differs.