EMERGENCE AND ROLE OF MUSLIM CONFERENCE IN KASHMIR (1932-1939)
Thesis submitted to The University of Kashmir for the award of the Degree of M. Phil in History
By Muhammad Yousuf Ganai
Under the Supervision of Dr. Muhammad Ashraf Reader in History
Post-Graduate Department of History University of Kashmir-190006 // '( Acc. No ^ 1)
L4f« Univei^
T5238 (fti/^'^Ji-^^ This Is to certify that the M.Phll Dissertation of Muhammad Yousuf Ganale entitled **BQer^^nce end Role of Muslin Conference In Kashmir (1932-1939) carried out under my sapervlslon embodies the work of the candidate* The research vrork Is of original nature end has neither been submitted for M.phll nor for Ph.D. programoae so far. The thesis Is in satisfactory literary form and worthy of consideration for M.phll degree?
(Dr. %ilJ)amro'ad Ashraf ^mi) SJPERVISOR CONTENT Si
Paqg ^98 p I^ E F A C B l-v
CHAPTERS! X X X a) Nature of the State i b) OovemLng Class aPd o££lclaIdDiB- X 1—129 composition spd attittides. X X c) Agrartaa crisis X X d) Lsixaur Unrest X X ^ Education and ai^akening X X f) HindiuJ>i\(slim Antagpnitfa X XX g) SxtecnaX Support X
130—144 9t Muslim ggiftfaCflRgg
HI. Role of Mualicn Oonfarenee td Aims snd objectives of Muslim X Oonference—The3r/ end practice )< X l^ Nature X X c) Sjpllt X X d) Denands~-£coaomic«i>olitical»t X Educational and Religious X 145—201 X e) Social Welfare Programme X X £) Towards Forging Hindu-Muslim X Unity X X ^ Moaas Operandi X BIB|^IO(?RftpHy 202—208 j^. Rj — AdnlnL strative RQ>ort F. N. — Pile Number JKA -'-' Jsfoau and Kashmir Archives Ibid ""^ "IbldeP***! in the ame place I.e.' — "Id est"; That Is Vol, — Vblume Vlau: •— Namely p,N» —' Kx)t Note IMA "-^ IndisP National Archives 0«£,R. —•• Old Bicp.l8h Records.
Oont,^ Oontlnued P, ^ ^ ^ A -iiji It is very late, not earlier than4twenties of the present century that signs of sonsciousness against the dictatorial oppressive Raj begain geaminating in Kashmir. Houtver, it uas only in 1932 that this nasc^t awareness blossmed into the formation of the first known political organization of Kashmir •— All Dammu and Kashmir Pluslim Conferencey which i: was destined to play the main role in changing the pattern of Dogra Raj. Though the name of the Conference was changed in 1939 to practically demonstrate the open mindedness of the nuslim leadership to involve all the people of the state* irrespective of caste, colour and creedf to fight for common issuey, the basis for this Hindu<-nu8llm courtship and the programme of the nuslim Conference turned National Conference lay in the nature and character of the 1932-1939 duslim Conference. Needless to mention it is only the nomoidature of the Muslim Conference, which tends to create an impression of its being some communal organization with communal manifests* But whan we study the practical functioning of the Conference, it seems like any modern secular-progressive political organization. Now a genuine question can be asked that when the programme of the nuslim Conference was such, then what was the need of naming if after one particular community? However, if one cares to understand the communal character of the oogra Raj which demonstrated opan bias in favour of his non-Huslim subjects and the latter^ while following in the foot-steps of their patten did not less in antognizing the —11. /all rOuslim community while monoplising^^the high and low positions In the state administration, one's perplexed mind may immediately set at rest. Giving the undue favour the non-nusllm community received at the hands of the Oograe, their non-cooperation uith the (Muslims In fighting the unjust rule of the [*laharaja, uas quite under- standable; though compared to Huslims they were politically more alive as unlike the illijtrate l^usllm community, the Kashmiri Pandits were the most literate community in the uhole Indian sub-continent* Thus it uas not only the blatant refusal of the non-rnuslias, to fight against the misrule of the Maharaja, but their avoued policy of opposing, frustrating and sabatoging the emerging political 2 consciousness among the riuelime, which forced the !*1uslims of Kashmir to brand their political organization after the name of their own community. 1. Census Report of 1931, pp. 57-58, 2. Instances can be quoted to show the open policy of the Kashmiri Pandits to help MBharaje in crushing the i^uslim Political leadership. Here it ie suffice to quote the following objectives of Yuvak Sabha, which assumed political character after 1931 incident. i. Urging upon the government to see that the law and order was maintained in the state and helping the authorities in enforcing the same; ii« Infusing a spirit of patriotism among Kashmiri Pandits and helping the Maharaja in maintaining the state against anti state elements (For details about the Yuvak sabha see Khan, Freedom Movement in Kashmir, pp. 5?-59, The Hindus and their sympathisers launched a wide spread propaganda that the political movement of Kashmir was a foreign engineered movement. See the daily statesman, 13 December, 1931. —ill— Though 80 far many scholarly works have been written on the freedom movement of Kashmirt but no indepth study has been made to probe into the causes that accounted for the rise of political consciousness among the Huslims of Kashmir and the choice of the non-Huslims to opt out of tha struggle which the rnuslims launch«i in an organized pattern from 1932. It is also strange that the role of the Muslim Conference has not been properly high.lighted, it is important to mention here that unless the economic and political programme of the Conference and the struggle it launched to achieve its desired goals are properly understood, neither one can be able to understand the far reaching developments that took place in the economic, political, social and cultural life during these few years, nor one may be able to understand the subsequ^it developments that took place in the history of Kashmir after 1939« It is with this purpose of fulfilling this grave lacuna in the history of modern Kashmir, that prompted me to work on this subject. I have made an attempt to analyse all those factors which prepared the ground for a kind of plural politics in Kashmir—-Muslims hell bent upon changing the statusque and the non-muslims leaving no stone unturned to re-inforce it. Uhile analysing the role of the Conference, I have focussid on those issues which became the main concerns of its struggle, the techniques and methods it used to press for its demands, the extant of its achievements, its class charactar and above all how far the movement stood above the communal considera tions and worked for Hindu-Muslim honey-moon which culminated in the formation of National Conference in 1939 through fragile for want of adequate cooperation from non-nuslim community^* •iv- A feu words about sources seem pertinent. The contemporary evidence about the period in question is profesly available in official documents, resolutions of the Muslim Confereice, biographies, autobiographies, personal diaries, neuspapers, official correspondences, histories of the period (particularly those uritten by the contemporary scholar«—politician, P. N. Bazaz) and poetic literature. Above all, the most important kind of source of our information Is the living elders of Kashmir uho have spent a part of their grown up ages during the period of our study. It had been my endeavour to take as much benefit from these precious sources of Kashmir history as I could within the shortest possible time available to me. In completing this work, I have been helped and encouraged by my teachers, friends, and well wishers and it is a pleasant duty for me to acknowledge their help and advice from which I have benefited though it is incredibly difficult to put the words of gratitude on paper, ny grateful thanks are due first and foremost to my teacher and supervisor Dr. fluhammad Ashraf Uani, Reader, Post-Graudate Department of History, whose valuable guidance, advice and generous help have done me an immense deal of good. To have an opportunity of learning and working under his inspiring guidance has been my proud priviledge and I should be failing in my duties if I do not express further that it would have been rather impossible for me to complete this dissertation without his constant and inspiring guidance and valuable suggestions at every stage of this work. ../.•• I also owe a deep s&ase of gratitude tx) Professor A* 0. Elaflqul, Ptof. and Head* Departmeit of Hlstory# professor Muhammad Ishaq KhdQf Dr. Mushtaq Abmad/ Reader centre of Central Aslsn Studies University of Kashmir and Miss Shlrln Bakshi« Lecturer* Department of History for their help and encouragement*' I also esqpress my thanks to Mr. All MohaPmad shab* Mr,^ Kazim w^l« Prethlpal Singh/ Shaheen and Qui am Hasan Mlr> Research Scholars of the Department of History* My warn thanks are due to Mr. Reyaz Ahmad Khan (Advocate High courts and Mr. Sha%*kat Ahmad Gllkar#1 my room partners who adorned my lips with Invaluable emlles on the occasions*^ X used to be \inder mental strain. I afn greatful to G. A* Peer/ D. C* Sales Tax Kashmir/ who extended his cooperative hands in furnishing me revenue records of District Anantnag. I owe my gratitude to G. N. Hagroo (Advocate High Court)/; Altaf Hussain>Ex Agrarian 0:>mmlssic»ier Kashmir for their guidance and encouragement. 1 Qjn also grateful to the staff of JSdC Archives Department/ Iqbal Library/ University of Ka*mir and Seninar Library of the Department of History. I sm grateHf Indited to Mr. Ghul^ Muh?«dmad DaT/ Office Superintendent/ Department of History fcr typing this dissertation so beautifully and energitically# and j^aal Rashid Smior Assistant and other office members of the Department of History far their needfUil cooperation and support! Lastly my dissertation would not have AeacAedic a happy c»xlrainatLon had their not been an active financial support ^d perfiimed affection from the side of my paraats and other family member s^;f (Muhammad Yousuf Ganaie) Research Scholar CHAPTER.^ (F^ctora Behind the Barroatton of Kusltm oontarmqfH FACTORS BEHIND THE FORMATION OF MUSLIM CQNFERENCEt • • • • The first three years of the thirties of the present century form a watershed in the history of Kashmir as it is during these years that a growing concern developed among the Muslims of Jainmu and Kashmir to launch an organized struggle against the oppressive Dogra Raj« This concern ultimately concretized in the formations of the first ever-known political organisation of Kashmir* All Janwnu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, which received the formal ^proval of the Jammu and Kashmir Muslim leadership on October 15-17, 1932, Why did the Muslims of the state alone think of launching a struggle against the policies of the state when the non-Muslims formed a substantial portion of the population of Jammu and Kashmir state and why did the non-Muslims not only remain aloof from it but also took every step to frustrate any such nnove which «as aimed at forcing the Maharaja to change its policies?'lare the questions which immediately strike into one's mind? However, these questions cannot be satisfactorily answered unless one makes a thorough probing of the Maharaja's rule and understands its communal cantours. As a matter of fact, the Maharaja was zealous enough to unduely pamper his own religious community at the cost of the dominating Muslim population. Smell wonder, then, the majority stood for the change and minority threw its lot with the xMahareja, It is, therefore, not 1, See Infra, pp» jol—K2 for nothing that in the following pages v/e have proposed to give details about all those factors which alienated the Muslim 9 community of Kashmir from the Maharajas rule and prepared it to make no bones in offering sacrifices to force the Maharaja to change its anti-Muslim and# therefore, the anti people policies. Nature of the state? (It was on the lips of every ton paydr that the rule of Dharma, meant the pillage of the country) • The transfer of Kashmir to Maharaja Gulab Singh and to the "hair rnal* of his body in lieu of seventy five lakhs of rupees 2 by the Britishers in 1846 by virtue of the Treaty of Amritsar^ marks a watershed in the history of the people of Kashmir, Of the most significant consequences t^at f oi i'•ved f-i:y'\ this event was that it caused devastating effects upon the majority community of Kashmir i.e, Miislims, Taking advantage of the so called sale-deed of Kashmir* the Dogra Maharajas considered Kashmir as their 1. Shah Muhemroad Shahabadi, Baibooj Nam a, f, 2, For details about the Treaty See, K, M. Pannikar, Gulab Singh the Founder of Jajnnu and Kashuvlr State> p. 112. purchased property and did not cay to rule over their subjects like master rules o-zer his sieves. To perpetuate their rule, they on the one hand opted for autocratic type of government where in the people had no right to express their grievances and on the other created a supporting structure by pampering their co-religioniat even at the cost of the basic aspirations and tender feelings of the dominating Muslim population. Also the Dogra rulers, as we shall see in the following pages, were not free from the strong religious bias which they freely fallowed to interfere in guiding their state affairs. The Dogra rulers openly demonstrated their pro Hindu stance when they signalled their rule by ivhole-sele revoking of jagirs and "Inam grants* enjoyed by Muslims; and transferred the same to their 1, Robert Thorp, Kashmir Misqovernment, p. 26; E, F, Knight, Where Three Empires Meet, p. 28; ^aikh Muhammed Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 34; The Dogra propaganda that Kashmir was their purchased property gained so much currency among the public that teven the famous contenderary poet Sir Mxihammad Iqbal considered Kashmir to had been sold to Maharaja Guleb Singh; amd he 1-amented over this event in these coupletsi ^ V' * ( 0 breez, if thy happen to go Geneva way, carry a word to the nations of the world. Their fields, their crops, their streams, Sven the peasants in the vale* They sold, they sold all AlasJ How che^ was the sale). co-religionists. According to Dr. Elnnslie, who spent six years in Kashmir (1865-187 2), there were forty five jagirs in the Valley, of v*iich only five were enjoyed by the Muslims^ whereas the rest 2 belonged to the Hindu community. The transfer of jagirs from Muslims to non-Muslim subjects remained a dominant feature of the Dogra rule, Maharaja Hari Singh, who was considered to be an enlightened ruler in comparison to his fore fathers, was also not free from religious bias. Writing about the transfer of jagirs from Muslims to non-Muslims during his reign, 'Inqullab' an Urdu daily from Lahore, writes in its 29 November, 1931 issues "Right from the coronoation of Maharaja Hari Singh upto the present time about twenty Kashmiris were deprived of their jagira which valued from 5,000 to 10,000 each. These jegira were offered to other twenty persons among whom 18 were Rajputs and the rest two belonged to Muslim community" However, the most sensitive feature of this revokation— nqKS endCTJli^ment policy of the Dogra Maharajas was that on the one hand they confiscated the rent free grants enjoyed by the Muslim 4 religious persons and institutions, and on the other they established "Dharmath Trust" to which they endah4d ?=rre l^age amount of revenue for the encouragement of Hinduism, To add insult to injury, Muslims 1. JKA, File NOs 117 of 1896 2, Betes, Gazetteer of Kashmir, pp, 29-30, 3» "Inqileb", Lahore, November, 1931, 4, JKA, File N0» 117, of 1896, 5, Ibid.« were subjected to pay taxes known as 'Mandri* and 'Ashgal*. The former was meant for the raaintainence of Hindu temples and 2 latter for the support of Hindu priests. Though the Muslims constituted 77% of the total population of the state* but their share in government services wes simply 2a nominal. Even as late as 1931, one finds that the share of the 3 Muslims in the state services was not more than 15%, The revenue department, vrtiich had dealings with the Muslim masses was, it Should be remembered, from t<^ to bottom monopolised by the non- 4 Muslims. Leaving the detailed discussion of the composition and attitudes of officialdom to the following pages, it is suffice to Say that the Muslim masses were not only mal-treated by the non- Muslim officials but they also fatled themselves on illegal exactions better known as "nazrana" and "rasum" from the oppDeased 5 Muslim peasantry. The Maharajas also encouraged the contractors belonging to their Own religion end completely ignored the interests of the local aspirants. It is interesting to note that they invited the Hindu contractors from out side the state* and offered them contracts 1. Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, p. 416; Bates, Gazatter of Kashmir, p. lo2, 2. Ibid., 2a. For details see Infra, pp. !<: -i-^ 3. Riots Enquiry Committee Report, pp. 205-206; Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, pp. 400-401. 4. Ibid., 5. Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, p. 415; Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom In Kashmir, p. 144; Census of India, Part II,1931,p.40. 6. Ranbir. Weekly Jammu, Samvat 4 Katak, 1981; A.R. of J&K Govt., 1924-25; M.Fazl.Hussain^Keshmir-Aur-Doqra Ra1# pp. 124-125. even at the cost of the state exchaqure. Not only this but 2 huge sums of money were luerred to them to take up any assignment. The October 15, 1931 issue of the "Inqulab" says that three leW:\ rupees were loaned to Baghat Singh, Sukh Dayal Singh and Amir Chand— the three contractors from Rawalpindi for developing the silk industry, though there was no scarcity of Muslim contractors 3 to accomplish this work. The feet that the state policy of pampering the non-local non-Muslim contractors was a great factor of resentment among the local Muslims can be gauged from the fact that the demand to abolish this practice figured in the memorandum submitted by some prominent Muslim representatives of Kashmir (even at the cost of their lives) on behalf of the local Muslims to Indian Viceroy Lord Reading (in 1924). The demand reads asi ••The government contracts, particularly those relating to forests, roads and construction, should be granted to the state nationals in general end to Muslims in 4 particular." The taxation policy of the state was also di3criminat4Wd which hit hard the Muslim subjects particularly those of Kashmir, To quote Dr. Elmsliej "Most of the oppressive restrictions and taxes are only imposed within the limits of the Valley. Hindus being the ruling class were exempted from the burden which pressed 5 heavily on the Muslims". 1, M, Fezel Hussein, Kashmir-Aur-Dogra Raj, pp. 124-125, 2, Ibidj., 3, "Inqllab;* October 19# 1931. 4, Memorandum of 1924 presented to Lord Reeding on his visit to Kashmir; Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Keshmir^ Vol. I, p.H; P.N, Bazaz* Stpiwqle For Freedom In Kashmir,, p. 138, 5, Bates, Gazettear of Kashmir, p, 102. AS already mentioned, the Muslims had not only to pay "mandri" and "ashgal" but they had also to pay marriage tax knovm as "Satrashahi? Added to this the Hindu subjects were cot ally exempted from the natorious exaction "beggar" and the whole burden 2 of it fell exclusively upon the Muslims especially the peasantry. It is also to be noted that the Kashmiri Muslim pessantry was deprived of ••haquq-i-melikana* (propriatory rights) whereas the 3 Same right was enjoyed by the peasantry of Jammu province. The state not only discriminated against the Muslirns on ecQStOHic front but what proved more crucial was that it interfered in the religious affairs of the Muslims, muzzled their religious free dom and did not hesitate in inflicting upon their religious sentiments On the whole the Dogra rulers vainly tried to encourage Hinduism at the cost of Islam* Without caring for the religions susceptibilities of the Muslims, the government confiscated many religious pieces of Muslims like Khanqah-i-3okhta, Khanqah-i-Bulbul Shah, Khanqah-i-Dare Shikoh, Pater Masjid( Srinagar) •• Malashah-i-Bagh Mosque (Ganderbel), Khanqah- 4 i-Safi Shah (Jammu), Bhu-Mosque (Jammu) and the Srinagar EidMh, The rulers added insult to the injury when they converted some confiscated Muslim shrines and mosques into store houses for grains 5 and artts. In addition to this, the state confiscated sone graveyards 1, Bates, Gazetteer of Kashmir, p. 102; Glancv Gomrnission Report vide Dastawaizat, p. 154, 2, Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, p. 412; M. i azl Hussain, Kashmir Aur-Ooqra Raj, p. 173; Robert Thorp, Kashmir Miscovernment^ p, 3 8; Saraf, Kgshmiris Fight For Freedom, p. 27 3; GlancY Gonroissic Report, vide Dastawaizat, pp. 141-42, 3, Memorial of 1931; M, Fazal Hussain, Kashmir-Aur-Dogra Raj, p. 133 4, Glancy Commission Report _Vlde Dastawaizat, ppT 89-90, 5, Robert Thorp, Kashmir Misqovernment, p. 38. of the Muslims and the property of their religious places and transferred the same to non-Muslims. The restoration of confiscated mosques, shrines and graveyards to the Muslims figured one among the important demands which the Kashmiri Muslim leadership demanded from the government through the memorandum submitted to Lord Reading in 1924.ro quotei The mosques and other religious properties which are in possession of the government to be irTi:Tiedlately restored end steps be taken to ensure that Muslim religious places and graveyards remain protected from future encroachment -2 by non-Musiims • The religious fanaticism of the Dogra rulers is no less demanstrated in their attempts to replace the Muslim names of some localities of Kashmir by the Hindu nomenclatures. Meheraie Guleb Singh, it is significant to note, changed the name of Islamabad (a famous town of Kashmir) into Anantneg. Similarly I'ekhti Suliaan (a mount at Dalgete in Srinagar) was renamed by Maharaja Ranbir 4 Singh as Shankaracharlya • Khawaja Gulam Hassan Nizami, a prominent Punjabi Muslim, v^o had Several meetings with Partab Singh (1885-1925) regarding the restoration of the rights of t-he Mu=lim5 in the sate says, "Maharaja Partab Singh was such an orthodox Hindu that he did not 5 like even to see the face of any Muslim upto afternoon*. It is also 1, Memorandum of 13 31, 2, Memorandum of 1924, 3, G.M.D. Sufi, Kashi The Muslims whom their religion enjoins upon to take beef, and who, in the face of recurrent food famines (of which they were the only targets), had no alternative but to slaughter their indispensable property i.e. ox or cow to feed their steiving families, were not only forbidden to do so but whosoever was found 'gulity* of slaughtering an ox, cow or buff el low, he was capitaly 2 punished or sentenced to rigorous imprisonment, rhe 'crime* of killing cow, on or bufellow &as commonly known as 'hathsi' (a degenerated term of Sanskrit word hathya). During the initial 3 phase of the 'Raj' the 'hathai' was awarded with death sentence. But subsequently the punishment was first reduced to life imprison- 4 ment and then to seven years rigorous imprisonment • Writing about the unfortxinate Muslim victims of the draconian 'cow slaughter* law E, F. Knight (who visited the Valjfey in 1391) says: "Until recently the killing of that sacred animal was punishable with death, Imprsbsonment for life is now penalty, and many an unfortunate Mohammedan, I believe, is lying injured in Hari tarbed: because in that time of famine he has Ventured to kill his own ox to save himself 5 and his family from starvation J 1, Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol, I, p. 67, 2, Knight, Where Three Empires Meet, p, ll5; F. N. 33za2, Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, p, 143; M. Fazal riussain, Kashmir-Aur-Doqra Rel, pp, 202-203; rasger# Tehrik-i-Hurriyat- Kashmir, Vol, I, p. 183, 3, Knight, Where Three Empires Meet, p, 115, 4, Robert Thorp, Kashmir Misqovernment, p. 39,, M, Fezal Hussain, Kashmir-Aur-Dogra Ra1» p, 142, 5» Knight, Where Three Bnnpires Meet, p. 115, We find that apart from imprisonment severe fines were imposed upon the people ^o were suspected to be involved in cow- slaughters. Even sometimes some localities, v^erein it was under stood that 'hathai' was committed, were brunt into ashes by the Dogra police, Chakpoth—» a village near modern Anantnag is still commencrative of the destruction caused by the Dogra police to those inhabitations whose inhabitants were found involved in 2 slaughter of cows oxen or buffellows. It may not be beside the point to mention here that 'hathai*— a generic term for the offence of killing cow, ox or buffellow—has become a classic term in Kashmir for an xinpordanable offence. If some one even today wants to convey that he has not done i»ifence '•^'^ 3 henious crime, he would say 'he has not committed 'hathai'* The fact that the Kashmiri Muslims of Srinagar, and somi other leading towns of the Valley are not beef eaters, should also be understood in the background of the harsh punishment which the Dogras awarded to them, as in comparison to the remote villages, the cities and towns were under surveillance of the law and order machinery. Otherwise, Srinagar city was the first place in Kashmir where there was fullfledged cow slaughter market in medieval times and according to a 16th century Brahmin chronicler*Suka| one thousand cOws were used 4 to be slaughtered in Srinagar every day • 1, M, Fazal Hussain, Kashmir-Aur-Doqra Ra1< p. 142, 2, Based on local informants of the village Chekpath, 3, •Hathai* it should be remembered is not used by the conmon Kashmiris as murder of a person, as it is understood among the Hindi speaking people of today, 4, Ralataranqnl (Eng, Tranalation, J.C. Dutt), p. 420 vide M,A, Wani, "Some aspects of the Socio-Economic and cultural life of the people of Kashmir under the Sultans, (unpublished) Ph.D, thesis, p, 155, It is strange that even the slaughter of sheep end goats was prohabited during the sacred festive days of the Hindus which numbered about sixty days in a year. This prohibition was considered by the Muslims as a serious interference in their religioxos freedom and consequently they complained against it before the Glancy 2 Commission (1931-32), Even after the acceptance of the recommendations of Glancy Commission by Maharaja Hari Singh on A.pril 10, 1932* no butcher could open his shop on four days viz,. Rem Navami, Janam- 3 Ashtami, Birthday of Maharaja and the Birth day of the heir apparent. It is also worth noticing that in the dominion of Maharaja nobody could cut the peipal tree or cut its branches because it was 4 considered sacred by the Hindus, The Dogras showed brazen religious fanaticism and policy of encouraging Hinduism and eroding Islam in Kashmir when they promulgated a law according to which, if any Muslim would embrace Hinduism, be was within his rights to inherit property and enjoy guardianship over his children, whereas in case a Hindu would 5 become a Muslim he was deprived of all such rights. This discrimina tory attitude of the state towards the Muslim community of Kashmir 1, Glancy Commission Report vide Dastawaizat* p, 154, 2, Ibid.> p. 188, 3, Ibid,, p. 155, 4, Ibid., 5, The abrogation of this law was one of the foremost demands of Kashmiri Muslim leadership; See Glancy Commission Report vide Dastawaizat* pp. 92-96 and infra, pp, 3ee also M, Fazal Hussain, Kashmir Aur Doqra Raj, p. I4l| P. N, Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir^ pp, 143-44, considerably boiled the blood of the Muslims which is amply clear by the fact that it was one of the main grievances of the Muslim community which they submitted to the Maharaja Hari Singh, through a memorandum in 1931, and repeatedly asked for its abrogation in the annual sessions of the Muslim Conference. To quote the 1931 Memorandumx "AS a Jjroof of the fact that the Muslim subjects of your Highness will in future be treated fairly, a declaration may kindly be made immediately to the effect that there would be complete religious freedom in the state and that conversion would entail no confiscation of property In favour of relatives as is the practice at present. Your Highness, who, we believe, fully recognizes the value of religious liberty and tolerance, will agree that there is no justification for a person to be deprived of his property on his conversion to another religion, for it amounts to religious interference and in the presence of such practice, your Highness Muslim subjects cannot have any sense of security in the matter of their being treated fairly. While Muslims were reeling under naked religious f antlcism ^'^i contnunal mentality of their rulers leading to their despondency end more so the mental torture, the community had at the same time no channel to voice their grievances. Quite aware of their unjiust rule and the resultant bearings of right of expression and formation of associations by oppressed community on their rule, the Maharajas did not allow any type of right of expression, so much so that the state did not even tolerate the representation of their lo Memorandum of 1931, grievances of purely non-political nature through extremely moderate means of submitting memorandums. It may be noted that vrtien the state came to know &f the memorandum submitted secretly by some prominent Muslim citizens of Kashmir^ike Khawaja Sad-ud-Din Shawl, Khawaja Maqbool Pandit, Khawaj a Noor Shah Naqashbandi, Khaweja Hassan Shah Neqashbandi (Jagirdar), Mirwaiz Kashmir Maulvi Ahmadullah Hamadani, Khawaja Sayed Hsssan Jalali, Khawaja Hassan Shah, Mufti Sharif-ud-Din, and others^to Lord Reading in 1924, regarding the redressal of their religious and economic grievances^ all of the memoralists were severely persecute:^, while some of them like Sad-ud-Din Shawl and Noor Shah Naqashbandi were exiled and their landed property confiscated, the two Mirwaiz's were let off with a warning^but all official privile^ges enjoyed by them were immediately stopped, Khawaja Noor Shah Naqashbandi was forced to resign from the post of Tehsildar where as Agha Sayed Hassan 2 Shah Jalali was dismissed from Zaildar» When in 1931, the Maharaja, under the pressure of 13 July, 1931 incident, allowed the Kashmiri Muslims to submit their grievance in written form, the demand of right of expression and formation of "anjumans" (associations) was fervently demanded. To quote* 1, P.N.Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, p. 138; S. M, Abdullah, Attash-i-caiinar^ p. 34; TaSeer, Tarikh-i-Hurrivat-i- Kashmir. Vol. I, p, 71; Ranbir, Weekly, Jammu (Samvat 4 Katak, 1981. 2, Witness of Pirzada Gulam Rasool, Headmaster Islamia High School, Srinagar, before the Riots Enquiry Committee, July, 1931 (Riots Enquiry Corttnittee Report, p. 193); Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, p. 138; Taseer, Tarik-i- Hurrivat-i-Keshmir, vol, I, p. 71| S. M. Abdullah, Attash-i- Chinar* pp. 34-35. "Your Highn«»»'8 subject* «o»t respectfully submit that no pcrmenent peace Is possible unless the seme law be enforced in the state for freedom of press, freedom of speech* and for the establishment of Anjumans and Associations as obtains in British India. As matters stand, we are deprived of ell the ways and means of intellectual and economic progress. Our wise men are unable to benefit the people by their wisdom* and our masses cannot improve their condition without organisation? In late twenties of the present century Muhammad-ud-Din Fa«M an eminent Journalist of Punjab expressed a desire to bring out a daily in Kashmir. But instead of permitting him to do s** the iMaharaJa forwarded his application to the Prime Minister with the remark that such applications should not be entertained at .11? It is surprising to note that the state did not allow the visit of a Muslim deputation led by Nawab of Dacca* Sayed Mohasin Shah to Kashmir* whose aim was to plead for the amelioration of the condition of Muslims by personally meeting the Maharaja of the time. Sir Albicm Banerji* the foreign and political Minister of Kashmir was so n^uch disgusted with such a state of affairs that he resigned from his portfolio and explained the reasons of his resignation before the press conference at Lahore on 15 March*1929* which highlights the Dogra autocracy. 1. Memorandum of 1931. 2. Tahrik«i-HurriYat»i.Kashmir. p. ^l-£i^ 3» Kashmir Aur Doqra Ral* p. I4l. "Jairmu and Kashmir state is labouring under many disadventages, with a large number of Mohammadan population absolutely illiterate, labouring under poverty and very low economic conditions of living in the villages end practically governed like dumb driven cattle. There is no touch between the government and the people, no suitable opportunity for representing grievances and the administrative machinary itself requires over-hauling from top to bottom to bring it upto the modem conditions of ^ficiency. It has at present little or no sympathy with the peoples wants and grivances. There is hardly any public opinion in the state* As regards the press it is practically non-exlstant with the result that the government is not benefitted to the extent that it should be by the impact of Wealthy critcism" Taking the nature of Dogra rule into account one cannot dispute with the term 'Dharam Raj* which the rulers and their non- Muslim Subjects assigned to the Dogra rule "Dharam Raj" meant pro-Hindu rule having no regards for the genuine rights and senti ments of other religious and religions communities. Consequently this "Raj** created a hell for Muslims and one of othem typically versified the disastrous effects of this rule upon themi Before concluding this account of "Dharm Raj" it may be worthwhile to quote the observations of a contemporary politician historian Prem Nath Bazaz— on the Raj, which he has frankly expressed in his celebrated work "Inside Kashnrdr" based on his personel knowledge of the timesi 1, Quoted from Kashmir Aur Dogra Ra-l> pp. 47-48; Se Struggle for i; reedom m K.asnmir# PP. 140-41. e also P.N.Bazaz, "Speaking generally and from the bourgecies point of view, the Dogra rule has been a Hindu Raj, Muslims have not been treated fairly by which I mean as fairly as the Hindus, Firstly, because contrary to all professions of treating all classes equally, it must be candidly admitted that Muslims were dealt with harshly in certain respects only because they were Muslims,,,'*, (11) Governing Class and flfflclaldonn—- Comp03ltlon_^and^Attltudes» • • • (Whenever the fbrest (^uar^ and ptirester will come to me for bribe end/l do not pay the hush money to them, they will complain to Range Officer. Hence even the fire wood of my domesticated tree (willow) will be declared as state projerty. (In 2 these circumstances) How can I indulge in romance?). Grievances against the Dogra Raj were many, but the most crucial one that created a strong resentment amoiic the messes in general and the sensitive and vocal section of the Muslim population- educated youth— in particular, was the recruitment policy of the government in state services and the rapacious and communal disposi tions of the bureaucracy. In this chapter we shell examine the 1, Bazaz, Inside Kashmir^ p. 250, 2, Kullyat'i Azad, pp. 27-28. con^lalnts persistently made by the Kashmiri Muslims that the state delibeately closed the doors of edmlnlstretion to them and see with the help of statistical data furnished by different varieties of contemporary sources as to how for the Muslinns were justified In their pleadings against the employment policy of the state. Further the role of bureaucracy in fueling the discontentment of Kashmiri Muslims will also b« examined. During the initial phase of the Dogra rule, the .iaharejas handed over all the l^ey positions to non-local Hindus end appointed 2 local Pandits on clerical positions, To one's utter dismay, in 1872 out of 327700 population of Keshmlrl Muslims one does not find a single Muslim occuping even a lov.'est position in state services, where as out of 75000 population of Keshmlrl Pandits 5572 were 3 working as clerks, with the passace of time the local fgndits rose to high positions especially in revenue department. No wounder therefore, in 1890 one finds all the positions of revenue departmert from village patwari to Wazir-i-Wazarat being nianopollzed by Kashmiri Pandits. In this context it is worth to quote Lawrence* ",••• In Kashmir the revenue administrirtion proceeds from the Patwari, the village accountant, end he is a Pandit,•• over the Patwari was a small band of Fandlts, who were employed in the Pehsil In various revenue capacities,,, over the Patwari and Tehsll Pandits was a Tehsildar end one or two **alb-T^sliders, mostly Fendlts, There were fifteen Tehsils and these Tahesils were divided Into three districts or Wazerata, which were presided over by the officers known as Wazlr-1-wazarats, all of whom 4 were Pandits". 1, Younghusband, Kashmir, p. 186, 2. P,N,Bezaz, Inside Kashmir, pp, 202-203, • • Dr. Slmslle vide Bates, Ciazetteer of Kashmir, pp, 29-30, 4« Lawrence, Vallev of Kashmir., p. 4oTI The poor representation of Muslims in state apparatus even in (1923-24) is borne out by the following information recorded in the 7—8 November, 1923 issue of 3iyasat, published from Lahore* "There is no Muslim representation in the depertments of Hunting ^Defence, Research Sciences, Library, Archaeclocjy, Museum, Mining, Agriculture, Accounts, Dharmarth, RoadceSs, Custodian and Irrigation, Amono 16 courtiers of Maharaja there iS/ieven s single Muslim, Out of 205 Military' Officers there are only 36 Muslims, Among 205 Military Assistant Surgeans there is one Muslim only. From 27 forest officials the number of Muslims ia only 2, In the departments of Irrigation and permit the number of Hindus is 17 and those of Muslims one. In the revenue department the nu^nber of Hindus is 112 and Muslims 27, Similarly in the department of Health the number of Doctors is 28 among which there are only 2 Muslims, In the Department of Education the numr^er of Inspectors and Headmasters is 17 in wnich tiiere are only 3 Muslims, In the two colleges of Srinacar and Jammu the number of Professors is 33 in v^ich the Number of Muslims is only 3. Likewise in the Department of S-ericul- ture the number of gazetted officers is 45 in which only 4 are belonging to Muslim community". With the famous memorandum of 1924 the memorialists attached a statement prepared on the basis of the civil list which shows extreme inadequate representation of Muslim community in government Services, According to this statement the number of non-Muslim gazetted officers in Kashmir Valley was 421, who drew, as pay, a sum of rupees 16,50,114. However, the number of gazetted Officers belonging to Muslim community was hardly 55 whose pay amounted to 2 rupees 1.47,325. 1, "Siyasat", Lahore 7 and 3 NoVo, 1923; M, Fazel Hussaln, Kashmir-Aur-Dogra Ral, p, 41 • 2, S.M,Abdullah, Atash-i^Chin^, p. 34/ Caseer, TahriX-i-Hurriat-i- l^fl^l^nif, Vol, I^ p, 71, It may be noted that the majority of these Muslim Officers were outsiders, who hardly enjoyed any formidable say in government affairs© The fact that these Muslim Officers were just show pieces with no say, it is worth to quote Siaikh Mohammad /Abdullahj "No doubt there were some outsider Musi inn official-s of higher rank in the administration of Maharaja Hari Singh but they could not decide the things on their Own choice, I applied for scholarship end my application was forwarded to Education Minister for his consideration. The Minister concerned namely Agha Sayed Hussain Razvi called me to his office and expressed his helplessness in sanctioning the scholarship. Moreover, he told me that his example was just like a gram.aphone machine". During the reign of Meharaja Partab Singh (1885-1925), the administration was re-organized on modern lines necessitiating the man power well versed with new skills of administ.ration. Therefore, the rulers once again embarked on the policy of importing officials 2 from outside Kashmir, This create* a strong resentment among Kashmiri's especially the Kashmiri Pandits v^o constituted official class of Kashmir society* It was in response to this agitation that in 1927 a law defining the term "State Subject" was passed according to which in state services the preference was to be given to the subjects. This positive response of the state to the demand "Kashmir for the Kashmirisr 'ffowever, did not make any difference to Kashmiri 1» S, M, Abdullah, i^tash-i-Chinar» p. 20, 2, Younghusband, Kashmir, pp. 184-185; F, N. Bazaz, Inside Kashmir^ pp, 202-203, 3* NAI, Foreign Department, secret E. NGj 726-E, *pril, 1989; P.N.Bazaz, Struggle for freedom in Kashmir, pp. 135-136, 3a, P.N. Bazaz, Inside Kashmir, pp. 203-204« Muslims as the state did not give up the policy of co.Timunalisation of state affairs especially with regard to its employment policy. The following figures, probably, bring out neatly the policy of discrjmi- nation adopted by the Dogra Maharajas against the overwhelmingly dominant Muslim population of Kashmir in tstate services: TABLE —I Greedwise representation of Hindus and Muslims on gazetted positions of various departments. SOURCE* Riots Enquiry Committee Report, witness of Firzada Ghulam Rasool Headmaster, Islamia High School, Srinsgar, July, 1931, witness N0» 87), Department Hindus Muslims State Department 3 —• Personal Department 7 Military Secretary's Department 18 —i Foreign and Political Secretariat 2 1 Games, Fish, Visitors Bureau 2 1 Police Department 35 5 Muncipalities 4 1 Sanitary Department 61 13 Dharmorath Department Roadcess Fund Co-operative Department Department Hindus Muslims Civil Veterinary Department .-. 2 Agriculture and Horticulture 4 ••»«» Census Department 2 — Public Worlcs Department 18 — Irrigation Department 10 1 Electric Department 4 — Telephone and Telegraph i_ — Home Secretariat 3 — Medical and Jails 26 4 Education 52 7 Finance and Development Secretariat 1 — Accounts, Audits, Stamps and Treasuries 13 1 Customs and Excise Department 3 — Industries, Mining etc. 8 — Sericulture Department 8 1 Stationery and Press 5 — Forest 35 5 Judicial Department 37 8 TOTAL 341 5 3 Table —. II Creadwise representation in various cazettea end non-gaxetted positions of state services* SOURCE J Glancy Comnrdssjon Report vide Dastawaizat pp. llO-Hl, Inqileb^ Lehore, February^ 5, 1931, p. 2; June, 26, 1930, October 19, 1930, p. 4; January 4, 1331, p, 4; February, 15, 1931, p. 4; July 8, 1330; Kashmir-Aur Doqra Ra1, pp. 67-74, Department of Revenue Name of the Office Non-Mus • lims Muslims Revenue Minister 1 — Secretary — 1 Assistant Secretary 1 — Superintendents 2 1 H««d Clerks 8 1 Clerks 22 Copyists Jamadars 1 — Chaprasis 10 4 Governors 2 — Assistant Governors 2 — Wazir-i-Wazarats 8 2 Revenue Assistants 2 2 Naib Tehsildars 28 10 Tehsildars 26 5 Total: 113 31 Department of Customs Name of the Office Non-Muslims ;-luslims Inspector General Customs 1 Superintendents Deputy Inspector Glass I 3 — Deputy Inspector Class II c 1 Deputy Inspector Glass III 5 — Assistant Inspectors 21 2 Clerks 35 — Superintendent Excise (Clerks) 74 1 6 Totals 150 19 Department of Justice Chief Justice 1 — Judges Hitjh Court 1 1 Registrar — 1 Deputy Registrar 1 — Session Judge 2 — Additional Session Judge 2 — Additional District Magistrate 2 — Subj udge 9 — Munslffs 12 Government Advocates Public Prosecutors 2 Total 3 3 Departrnent of Health m Office NDn-Musli.Tis rluslims Chief Medical Officer 1 — ^sistant Surgeons Sub-Assistant Surgeons 3 6 Laboratory Assistants Senior Compounders runior Cornpounders 5 3 Female Compounders Nurses Female Helpers Male Helpers 38 Cooks 29 Totalt 175 32 Depertment of Folifies Inspector General Police Deputy Inspector General Police Superintendent of Police 6 1. Traffic Superintendents 1 #^ssistent Sup—erintendents 9 InSDector Police 17 afc^ Sub-Inspector Police 40 • n Heed Constables 1 ;3 Constables Class I 1 (- 7 7 Ordinary Constables , 1 -- ^: Total! 801 G26 Department of Education Office Non-Muslims 1 Muslims Education Minister — 1 Secretary Education Minister 1 — Assistant Secretary 1 — Director Education 1 — Principals of Colleges 2 — Inspector Schools 2 — Assistant Inspector Schools 5 i. Professors of Colleges 29 3 Headmaster High Schools 10 1 Total 51 6 Thus it is a!TTply borne out that the Muslim representation in different branches of administration was nonnin? 1 even in 1931- 32, Between 1910 and 1930, the Muslim repres«sintstion m state services did not exceed to 10 percent both in tne cazetted and non- gazetted ranks. Now the question arises how for the Muslims were justified in charging the government for its delibrate policy of ignoring the Muslims ^nd to what extent the government stand, chat tne -luslims were too educationally backward to be appointed or given adequate representation in the administration, was justified. 1, Riots Enquiry Committee Report, witness of Pir^ada Gulam Rasool, Headmaster Islsmie High 3chool, •-irinagcr witness NOs 87. It is to be noted that upto 1885» the administration of Kashmir was run on medieval lines where in Persian continued to enjoy the position of the official language^ The exclusion of Kashmiri Muslims, from the state administration even during th* !• JK^ File r:Os 24 of 1891 (OER) 2, See Supra, p, IV 3, JK», File NOi 21 of 1891 (OER) 4, P. N. Bazaz, Inside Kashmir, pp. 202-203, ^« Riots ii;nauirv Connmlttee,_ Report, p, 211 (wicnei-^s of Pirzada Gulam Rasool), witness NOj 87, It is s fcct that in comparison to iUnous, the i'uslin:i;ii;o of Kashmir were late to start modern education, but even^wiiin they acquired the requisite qualification^the state c io; ted a discrimina tory attitude against them end devised wa^^s and tu=c:ns to stop their entry into the influential positions of the govern :!or:t. As early as 1909 there were many Muslims wno nac passed their arts end by 1925 one finds the number of u.^lim crs'-aates remarkably sizeable, yet the share of Muslim r eri resent r-ci on in the 1 state services was significantly meagre* That the plea of the government end its spJloc is-c.-e was devoid of substance was also accepted by the Glenc-, Co-nTossion (1931-32) which puts it on record that tnere wer? ^•.'^ c re^aetes and 133 matriculates among Muslims who were unemployec wnen ::he 2 Commission bdganJts hearings. Aqain what about -ne recruitment to the non-technical services such as those of menials as even these positions were dominated by the Hindus? At that .i :ie ao oduc^tional qualification had yet been prescribed i or clsss 4t.h eiTtployees and, invariably all of them were illiterate and yet iiusli.n re; rasentation even in these departments was less than 2 5 percent. Instead of encouraring the educated Muslin youth, tr:e government 3 adopted an open policy of discouraging them, rhe^ n >t oniy denied suitable positions to the highly educated Muslims, out in order to 1. Ibid., 2» Glancy Com.mission Report vide Dastawaizat, p. Hi. 3, 3. M, Abdullah Atash-i-Chiner, pp. 19-20, forestall their entry in the administration, they adopted very strict rules, once the Muslims started returning from different Ifriiversitles with high academic degrees, A glerlnc example of the states discouragement to Muslim educated youth is *hat of S.M, Abdullah who inspite of being E,Sc in Chemistry VJSS appointed merely a school teacher/ whereas we find an illiterene person nemely nakhen -^inch holdirc the tost of Wezir- 2 i-Wazaret (i.e. Deputy Comnissioner) of Mirpur. Compla.ininc -gainst the discri-'Tiinatory attitudes of the state against tne Keshralri Muslims, unc'er the pretext of socalled educational backwardness Firzeda Gulam I- sool presented a written statement before the Riots inquiry Co!Trr!iC':ee in 1931 which reeds asj The principle of efficiency and merit is merely a smoke screen. -'o cite an example^ one of zhe two non-Muslim Jeputy Directors of Sericulture department had studied upto the Entrance end out of six Senior Assistants three non-Muslims had no eceaemic qualification, where as one Muslim creduate had been bracketed with them". The fact thct the poor representation of Muslims in administration v;as mainly because of religious feneticism rather than thei'avellc bility of competent Muslims can also be inferred '\ 1, P.K. BE2OZ, Struggle for freedom in Keshmic, pp. 147-148; S. M. Abdullah, AtcSh-i-Ghinar, p. 65. 2, M. Y, ier It was in 1930 that the governrr.ent of iihe Maharaja nari Singh formed a civil Service Recruitment BosriS, Besides, othex objectionable rules embodied in the laws qoverning che recruitment policy, only those candidates were eligible to epply vjao cauits from 2 'noble families'^ and were not above twenty years old, Finallv, the candidates had to pass a stiff competitive exarrination to q-aalify 3 themselves for appointment. These canditions were on the v/tiole against the i4uslim educated youth. All of them unlike the Keshndri Pandits^ did not come from a 'rich pedigree' Bnd •^^xi.-n-y-, of ::hem being first generation learners were above the prescribed age limit and definitely not in a po-sition to compete academiceHy wi-ii the boys belonging to the educated Pandit community of Kash:^lr, The melffide motives of govern;Tient in for^nulating new rules can also be geuged by the fact that while in these connpetitive examinations :;endi and Sanskrit were given the position of optional languages, UrduoPersian and sArsbic were totally aeleeced, An:i it any 1, rhe Kesh-niri Mussalmen^ Weekly, Lahore May 10, li^Bl, 2, 3, .", .Ao<-]ullah, Atash-i-Chinar, pp. 47-43? I. N. hazaz, Keshmir-Ks Gandhis r. 17; Caseer, rahrik-l-liurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. I, pp. 79-80, 3, 3, ::, Ab.lullah, »&tash-l-Chinar, pp. 47-48; F. N, Bazaz, Keshmlr-Kc-Gendhi, p. 17; Taseer, Vol. 1, pp. 7 9-80, Muslim cendidate succeeded in over coming these obstacles, even then he had no guarantee that he would be selected because the government reserved the right of rejecting any cendidate without giving any reasons. It is also to be noted that only 40 percent of the vacant seats were filled up through Recruitment Boord whereas remaining 60/v. seats were filled by the government 'without referring them to the :^oerd« Hov.s lor the new appointment rules accounted for unrest amonc the educated •nemployed Muslims of Kashmir forcinc them to think of some pressure tactics can be inferred from the following utterings of Sheilch Abdullah, who became the tercet of tne new recruitment policy of thr- state and thereby one of ch--- few out- :hite( 2 stendinc architects of Muslim Conference t 1. a.M, /• bdullah, Atesh-i-Chjner^ pp. 47-4S; Taseer, /ol. I, XT. 71-80, 2, 3. M, Abdullah ^tash-i- Chinar, pp. 47-48. It Is strange that an the one hand the government justified its policy of over representation of Kashmiri Hindus in the edmlns- tration on the basis that the Muslims were educstionelly backward, and on the other, ironically enough, the government did not take any step to encourage Muslims in favour of modern education. Instead, no stone was unturned to discourage them. This was not done sirnply by denying them positions equal to their -ualification, but more so they were denied the patronage which was invariably bestowed upon the non-Muslim students. /^ll in all, therefore, the discriminatory recruitment policy of the state against the Muslim youth became the main factor that led to the formation of All Jenrnu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, Little wonder, therefore, the architects of Muslim Conference were those Muslim youths of Kashmir »ho were denied the positions which they expected by virtue of their qualifications. It is also interesting to note that the Reading Room Party.Ai the fore runllft^ of Muslim Conference mainly focussed its attention on anti-Muslim 2 appointment policy of the state and before the formation of Muslim Conference, the leaders devoted much time in collecting information about the poor representation of Muslims in different branchiis of gdministration which was published in the daily 'Inqileb* with the avowed purpose of mobilizing public opinion in fevour of the movement, the educated Muslims of Kashmir were planning to launch 3 against the Maharaja, 1, For example scholarships were granted by the government to those students who used to go for higher education outside t.'ie state, were often bet Owed upon n on-Muslim students. See, M,Fazel Hussain, Keshmir-Aur-Doqra Ral, pp, 113-14; S.M.Abdulleh, Atash-i-Chinar^ pp. 19-20; M.Y, Saraf, p. 321, 2, See#Ata3h-i-Chinar, pp. 49-53, 3, Ibid., pp, 57-58, How the partisan attitude of the government against the Muslim educated youth cultivated rebellious tendencies amongst them to dismantle the existing cormiunal regime can be viewed from the following illustrative statement of 3, M, Abdullah who was repeatedly denied, what he otherwise deserved or expected— an 1 2 opportunity to do B.Sc.-^ In Jammu, a seat for M.B,3.3, , a scholar- 3 ship for going abroad for further studies , a scholarship tor doing 4 M.Sc,, In Allgarh end last but not least an equitable position to his qualification—M.Sc,, Chemistry* ^^,^ I , h h / ^ 1* S, M, Abdullah, Ata3h~i-Chinar# pp. 18-19, 2. Ibid., p. 15, 3. Ibid.^ pp. 19-20, 4. Ibid., p. 20» 5» Ibid., p. 22, This was not all; the Hindu officials were natorious for rapacious, short-slgnted and cruel treatment with their '-uslim subjects which quite naturally fuelled the resentment of Kashmiris against the Dogra Raj and its supporting structure—Hindu bureaucracy While the pro-Hindu recruitment policy of the state created a streng resentment mainly among the educated sections of the Muslim society, the corrupt, harsh and biased attitudes of Hindu official cl?ss bred a deep routed indignation among the common t'lusllms. This helped creating a mass base for the educated intellegeatia, who, while heving-tdenied their rights, had thought of no other way but to give an organized and sustained fight to the Raj t6|( forcf»^ it to chgnge its policy of discrinnnation against the Muslims, The examples of the corrupt and inhuman attitudes of the Hindu officials vis-a-vis the Muslim subjects are too numerous to be quoted here in view of the paucity of space, we shaJ.l, therefore, cite only a few examples to make our point, Lawrence, who had very intimate knowledge of the official class of Kashmir, by virtue of being the Land Settlement Commissioner of the Valley providing him also a unique opportunity to travel every nock and corner of Kashmir and to meet general masses, m&'Kes following observations of the Fandit officials, v*io while monopolisin< all the lower state offices, had direct dealings with Muslim messes of Kashmir, *They (Pandits) are very true to one another, and owing to their unity and to the fact that they have monopolized all state offices, their power has been enormous,,. In character, disposition and ability they are, as private Individuals, infinitely superior to the Mussalnnans of Kashmir, but*,, they have proUft/as officials, rapacious, short sighted and cruelj *•.,.• The Pandits are loyal to one another, and the village pstwari loiows that when awkward questions are asked he has friends at the Tehsil, at the headquarters of the Wgzir Wezarat, and in the Daftar-i-Diwani, It was a powerful ring of iron, inside which the village tax payer lay fascinated. In recent times there were few Pandits who were not in receipt of pay from the state, and the number of offices was legion. But though this generosity in the matter of official establish ments was an enormous boan to the Fandit class, jt was a curse and misfortune to the Mussalmans of Kashmir; for the Pandit does not value a post for its pay, but rather for its per quisites, and every post in the Valley was quickly made a -2 source of per-quisites". Apart from the opportunities for peculation offered by the prevailing revenue system, the officials made illegal exactions known as rasum* It consisted of requisitions for village produce ?nd was a form of purveyance on behalf of officials. Under this system officials would obtain iiifocxd, grass, milk, poultry, grain, blankets, 3 and an occasional pony, cows and sheep free of cost. 1, Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, p. 282, 2, Ibid,, p, 401; While Substantiating Lawrence, E, F, Kniqht writes, "Low salaried as these officials were, they enjoyed a luxerious life on the income they earned by all fraud means. It was not, therefore, surprising to see a Tehsildar with a small pay of thirty rupees a month spending three hundred to fiv hundred rupees a month,,,H See Knight, where Three Empires Meet, p. 29, 3, Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, pp. 414-415; See also. Census of India, Kashmir Part, p, 40; Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom in Kashm p,l44;M,Y, Saraf,Ke3hmris Fight for Freedom, p. 279. How the officials abused th*4r powers, it is worth to quote Lawrence in the context of blockmailing of Begar 06, themi "I have often been present when a requisition for carriage arrives in a village, and the following account of the system is a simple statement of what used to be en everyday occurence Some one in Srinagar wants ten coolies or porters to carry his bagge for a stage, or for one or more stages, i'he official to whOM the requisition is made passes on the order of the District Officer, and in order to make sure that there will be no deficiency in the number of the coolies writes that twentymen are wanted* The District Officer writes to the Tehsiider and, acting on the same prudent calculation, orders forty coolies. The Tehsildar then seizes ei^ty coolies from the villages. Nearly all these eightymen are engaged, perhaps, in iM^i^iiS^nq or watering their rlce# and as they do not know how lone; they may be kept waiting in Srinagar, end as they breed that in their absence their fields will run dry or will l^e choked vith weeds, they are not allured by the idea of a wage of four annas a day which they may or may not receive* Bargaining begins, end if the official Incharge of the business Is a smart men he will take Seventy four-annas from the seventy villagers whom he exempts, and will send in ten men to Srinagar. If he is a very •mart man he will take eighty four-annas from the eighty villagers, and will send in ten men to Srinagar,,. The instance, I have given above refers to the modest demand for carriage made by a European visitor, and in such instances the wage ot four annas per stage was Invaribly paid, but when the recuisition for coolies was on account of state work no wage would be paid,,.. And higher officials would build houses in the city or cultivate waste land through the unpaid labour of the villegers*. 1. Lawrence, Valley of Kashmiri, pp. 412-413; See also, Tyndale Biscoe, p. 236, The Muslim peasantry h^d not only to feed the revenue officials, Ubrst, they had to provide for the nejeds of their relatives and friends, knovn as 'nnutabiri Some officials like Tehsildars had always their'mutebirs' with them in the Tehsil, Small wonder, then the Muslims of Kashmir, in their memorandum of 1931 to the Haharaja Hari Singh* plaaded that "all unauthorized 2 exactions should be stopped". And in response to this general complaint of Kashmiri Muslims Glancy Commission (1931-32) also recommended that "where-ever a government official woula be found invtflV^ed in corruption, he should be severely punished. Moreover, the Chowkidars end Patwaris should be appointed from localities, they have been operating, so that it would help in steminc out 3 corruptionr The officials were not only corrupt, but in order to please their masters, they also resorted to ejttreme kinds of inhuman torturous methods to exact as much as they could from the femish peasantry. To quote E, F, KnightJ •^t the time of collecting the land revenue, the use of nettle scorage in summer and of plunging recurant tax payer into cold water in winter were popular methods cf torture carried out against the peasants,,. Through these corrupt practices and Oppressive methods of the revenue depextment* the Kuslim cultiva- 4 tors suffered unspeakable injustice and op}pression". 1, Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir^ p. 420» i;, F, Knight, where Three Qnpires Meet, p. 29, 2, Memorandum of 1931; Taseer, rahrik-i-Hurriyat~i-.Ka£hmirj Vol, I, P. 413, 3, Glancy Comraission Report vide, Dastawaizat, p, l4l, 4, Knight, Where Three Empires Meet, p. 29, It isAsurprise then that the mere sight of an official s visit to any village caused all hell to fall upon its dwellers, vrtiich is also Substantiated by Lawrence: ••The official visit/ which to us officials seems so pleasant to all concerned, sends the pulse of the village up many degrees and those are happy who dwell f«r away from the beaten tracks. He has good J^sason to hate and distrust them". It is not only the revenue officials who ha«i cau.sed navoc among the halpl-eas Muslim masses, but each m-smber of the officialdom was acting as an incubs to suck the life blood of the nasses, To quote Prem Neth Bazaz* "Almost the whole brunt of official corruption had been borne by the Muslim masses. The police, the Revenue derartmentf the forest officials and even the employees of the Cooperative socities, had their phems oiled bv 2 exaction of the unusual 'rasum'" 3i\t "E^eceitful tricks adopted by the officials to loot the Muslim messes hsve been beautifully versified by Abdul Ahad Azad— a famous conteiTTporary Kashmiri poet ^ /^ ^ ^C^yV^^-^^^^-^^"/^ i.^ 1. Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, p. 5. 2# P.N, Bezaz, Struggle For Freedom in Kashmir, p, 144. 3, Kulyet-i-Azad, pp. 27-28# "Whenever the forest, fauerd. and pbrester will come to me for bribe and if I do not pay the hush Tioney to tliem, they will complain to Ranger Officer. Hence even the fire wood of my demesticated tree (willow) will be declared as state property, H-;-; CH-I J indulge in romance'? He (official) will declare sheep as doc and dog as sheep. He will declare thorn as flower and flower as thron, I have no other alternative but to satisfy Pecwari, How can I indulge in romance?* How the poor wood cutters and mlkmen were fleeced oy che officials while entering into the city av^wmua, it is worth to quote two contemporaries— Sheikh Abdullah end Tyndale Biscoex 1. 3, M. Abdullah, Iktash-i-Chinar, p. 26. *1 have seen these nriillcnen sfter their lone; run vhen just outside the city stopped by the police and sepoys and forced to give up their milk on pretence that they have been sent by some big officiel* 3o unices tr^ere heppens to be some God fe?rinc m&n nec;r to defend them It is of no use their refusing. The ordinary mt to come upon them at thp* r.^ght mo-ner.t more than once"« On account of the ell prevailing corruption and co-nmur ?1 bias among all rungs of officials, the institutions of iustice b?:3 2 lost their meaning and hence perpetuated injustice crid Ov„;.rer.3ion, The pervertive role of judiciary and police is summed up in these verses of Gulem Ahmad Mahjoor— the contemporary national poet of Kashmir* 1, Cyndtale iBiscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight end Shade, p. 135, 2* Administration of Justice in Kashmir State, A >Jote by ihag .'.-:. a. Judicial Member of the Council, November 18, 1839, JKA, 3. Kulyet-i-Mahjoor, p. 310. Writing about the oppression of the police Lawrence saysj "A wise Kashmiri with whom I was conversing on the subject of the alleged oppression of the police, said, in answer to a question of mine "Of course the police annoy us, and I presume this is the purpose for which they are employed. There is no crime in the country and the police must have something to do". The Hindu officials were not only oppressing the Muslim majority of Kashmir, but in order to perpetuate th(feir monopoly over the state offices, they devised every possible means to close the 2 doors of officialdom to Muslims* Equally rather more irritating attitude of the officials was the insults they heaped, not only upon the contnon Muslims, but also Upon the respectable ones. How these insults caused a fire of 1. Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, p. 9, 2, "Following in the foot-steps of the Punjabis and Dogras, the Pandits by hook or jjcrook made it difficult for the Muslims to get even subordinate jobs? Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, pp. 147-148, vengence among the Muslims against their rulers can be viewed from the following expressions of Sheikh, he makes in the context of a public assault his brother was subjected to by a Hindu offic«9U y 'y^'. ^2yfA- 1, 3, M, Abdullah, Atash-i-China^ pp. 27-28* (i Thus the demand of the Muslinw, that^ In case the Muslims of Kashmir would not be considered fit for such appointment^ like governors and Superintendent of Pollae and customs, an englishmen or non-local Muslim Should be assigned these responsibilities, and that for lower positions the Muslim Matriculates should be given preference over non-Muslim graduates, should be understood in the background of the corrupt and comnunal dispositions of the Hindu officialdom who according to all impartial observers of contemporary Kashmir were main sources 3 of the misery of Kashmiri Muslims, This is not to Suggest that only Hindus were beset with these vices, but since the offices were monopolized by the Hindus giving only them the powers to fleece the people, naturally the primarily economic struggle also assumed communal cj^ntours especially when the Hindus, in order to pretect their vested interests, left no stone unturned to strengthen the Dogra ReJ» 1« Memorandum of 1924, Taseer* Tahrik-i-Hurrlvet-1-Kashmir, Vol, I, p. 71, 2, Memorandum of 1931, P, N, Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, p, 161; Memorandum of 1931, vide Taseer, Vol, I, pp. 79-80. 3, "It is a fact that for all these miseries (of the Muslims of Kashmir), government officials are responsible and it appears that nearly all of them are n<»i-Muslims, It is for this reason that the Maharaja does not hear about the feelings of the Muslims? Statement of a Christian ^iissionary in "Itihad-1-IslamT Lahore, dated April 4, 1924, Agrarian Crlslat U7A>L.?^vC>'b 'A^.Y^Ji^') \^.^ (Are there (in the next world) also zamindars, tenants, landless village brothers, end big Chakdars? Do there also the idlers enjoy syrnptous dishes and the working class suffers for the want of a morsal of foodj,?^ Each class of the Muslim community was seething with discontent ment Owing to the oppressive and communal rule of the Dogres, but perhaps the most discontented lot was the peasant class— the biggest Segment of the population of Kashmir, The causes of discontentment among the peasant class were many, b\it the most important were: 12 3 1, Monopolization of Jagirs , Chaks and Maufs by non-Muslims; 1» Next to the Maharaja the cless of people which appropriated a considerable portion of the revenues of the Valley were the Jagirdars, The whole village as a portion thereof whose revenues were assigned to a particular individual for various reasons end the etsignee was called Jagirdar. The Jagirs can be classified into four catagoriesi (a) Those given purely as a favour; (b) Those given as a reward for services rendered; (c) Those granted for the services to be rendered to the state and (d) Those granted for political reasons. There were both small and big Jagirs, And Jagirdars were not infrequently the proprietors of the lend too; For details about the jagirs see JKA, F. NQ» 117 of 1896; J, L, Kay, Note On A« R« of the Minor Jagirs of Kashmir; M, A. Beg, Agricultural Reforms in Kashmir, 2, The year 1362 witnessed the creation of a navel agrarian institution in Kashmir, which led to the emergence of a new class of landed aristocracy. This new institution was called as Chak, The creation of the institution of Chak was motivated by two objectives; to bring the follow land of the Valley under cultivation and to reinforce a class of favorlties; For details See A, Wingate, Report; JKA, F. NOt 76 of 1896; JXA. F, NOt 16 1902, « •/• • 2. Oppression of Muslim peasantry by the Jagirdars, Cha)sdars, Maufidars and the state through Hindu revenue func±ionaries> 3, Confiscation of proprietory rights in land by the state. Like any medieval society the social formation of Kashntdr society during the period of our study was feudal like as the major portion of the state revenues was appropriated by the state end its collaborators— the landed aristocracy like jagirdars, chakdars and raaufiders. Immediately after the Dogras took over as the rulers of Kashmir, they declared the ^lole land of Kashmir as the state property. While this declaration was obviously aimed at legitimating the maximization of land revenue end other demands, its no less purpose was to facilitate the revoking of landed estates enjoyed by the Muslim jagirdars and raaded-i-raa'ash holders, and thus creating 2 a new supporting structure to act as the props of the Raj« The new props were mainly recruited from the Hindu comnunity who were considered the only faithful subjects to rely upon. A big portion of land was appropriated by the jagirdars, chakdars end maufidars. This can be gauged by the fact that ebout 20% of the total revenue of the state was alienated as jagir and maufi* In Kashmir Valley alone an area siM± of 2,19,689 acres was under the F.N.3 Cont. 3« The rent free land grant given either for the life time or in perpetuity to religious classes, religious institutions end others was known as maufi or Dhermarth and the grantee was known as maufidar. For details see JKA, F.NQi 150 of 1895; JKA. F.NOt 96/G-4 of 1897; JKA. F.NO» 16/H-7 of 1902;~'jKA. Ain-i-Dharmarth^ pp. 1-15. 1. JKA, F.NQi 191/H-75 Of 1918; Robert Thorp, Kashmir Misqovemment, p, 62; K.M, Pannlkar. Gulab Sing the founder of Jammu and Kashmir State, Vol, II, p. 112, 2. For revoking of jagirs and other kinds of land grants enjoyed by the Muslims see JKA, F.NQi 117 of 1896. 3. P, N, Bazazt Inside Kashmir,, p. 230, heriditsry jagirdarsl These figures do not include those jagirslands which were assigned for life time or during the pleasure of the government to persons for their loyal services, The total area of land held as CtiaK is not Icnown, But it is to be remanbered that of all the categories of land bestowed by the Wabarajas upon their 3 favourities, the area of chak was greater than the area under jagir« The big size of lend occupied by the above Tientioned different categories of landlords can also be inferred by the feet that iittnediately after the independence *P 55 laWis of kanals were trensfered to the tillers by passing the famous Agrarian Act. The 4 Abolition of Big Landed Estates Act (1947), It may be noted the.t by viftue of this Act only that land was transfered from the landlords which exceeded 182 kenals and the orchards were exempted from the Act, Though this Act was only a beginning towards the abolition of landlordism in Kashmir, yet by virtue of it 396 big jegirs were revoked and 2 lakh and 50 thousand tillers became the proprietors 5 of land. These figures have been quoted to show that a vast area of the land of Kashmir was under different types of landlords during the period of our study, 1, Ibid., 2, Ibid., 3, This is based on nny personal study of the lend records of Tehsil Anantnag, which I opted for case study. It may be noted that while a considerable portion of land of the Tehsil was held as Chak and Meufi, one does not find even a single Jagir from the available misli Haqiqats, consulted by me, 4, M, A, Beg, Agricultural Reformer in Kashmir, pp. 2-3, 5, Atash-i-Chinar, pp. 439-490, The mo3t critical feature 6i landlordism of our period was that the dominating majority of landlords belonged to Hindu cormiunity ^o constituted only 20X of the total population of Janmu and Kashmir state and not more than 10% of Kashmir Valley. The statistical information about the creed wise preportion of landlords is not available* However, all the conteiT5)Orary sources are unaninnous that the dominating majority of the landed aristocracy belonged to Hindu 2 community^ Besides, there are some stray references vAiich leave no doubt about the prepojjndrence of Hindu landlords. For example we have some statistical information about the land held as jagir by 30 Jagirdars in 1890-91, Out of the total 326 villages valuing rupees 2,85,358 as revenue, held as Jagir by these 30 Jagirdars, 258 villages valuing rupees 22,341 were held by Hindu Jagirdars whose number was 17, whereas the remainder 13 Muslim Jagirdars held 86 3 villages ipriiose annual value was pnly rupees 61,942^ In this context it may also be noted that after 1890 many Muslim Jagirdars weri 4 deprived of from their Jagirs, The accurate statistics about the overwhelming numerical strength of Hindu landlords of the period can be obtainftd only by consulting the village land record document Misl-.i-HaqiQat which 1, Census of India, 1931, pp. 73-74, 2, See Wingate Report; Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir^ p, 414; Atash-i-Chinar. pp. 449-90, 3, JKA. F. NOi 7 of 1890; Ctnsus of 1891. pp. 5-7; JKA. F. N0» ll7. of 1896; A. R. Of Mian Jagirs, by H.L. Rivett; A. R, of Mian Jagirs, Lawrence, op, cit.« pp, 238-39, 4, "Right from the coronation of Maharaja Hari Singh \q>to November 29, 1931 about 20 Kashmiri Muslims were deprived of tk±li their Jagirs which valued from 5,000 to 10,P00 each? Ingilab. Lahore, November 29, 1931, p, 2, can be found in the custody of each village patwarl of present day Kashmir, Since because of the paucity of time it was not possible for me to collect the information from each village of the Valley, I opted for a case study of the available Misl-i~Haqigat of the villages of one Tehsil namely Anantnag, which yielded following information about the religious-wise proportionate number of Chakdars and Maufidarsi Qiakdars in Tehsil An antnag During 1947j s Land held in No« Name of the Chakdar Village kanals 1. Ritan Lai Akingoom 225 2. Pandit Prem Nath Mohripoura 322 3, Pandit Pran Nath Badasgum 275 4. Pandit Rada Krishan Hilar 185 5, Pandit Orakar Nath Sag am 340 6. Pandit Jawaher Lai Soaf 233 7, Pandit Bansi Lai Kungaimag 147 8. Pandit Govind Ram Wailloo 357 9. Pandit Boshan Lai Kokemag 209 10, Pandit Moti Lai Divalgam 166 11. Pandit Amber Nath Hangalgund 381 12, Raja Suba Khan Hardtouru 300 13, Clonol Solay Singh Khundru 223 11. Peer Ahmed Sha Khundru 21 15. Pandit Neel Kanth Braiangan 184 s Land held in Noi Name of the GiaXdar Village Kanals 16. Pandit Soom Nath Chittergul 205 17, Pandit Mehshar Nath Rainipoura 327 18. Peer Jalal-ud-Dln Tailwani 194 19. Peer Zafar She Brakpoura 3ftft 20, Sardar Thakur Singh Palpoura 27 2 21, Samandar Khan Gopalpoura 328 22, Pandit Preethvi Nath Brenti 263 23. Pandit Boodri Nath Mattan 297 24. Pandit Dia Ram Salar 411 25. Sham S under & Omkar Nath X^tersoo 75 26. Rada Krishna & Rada Mali Uttersoo 144 27. Nath Ram Oudsoo 46 28. Raj Diilari & Fool a Kumari Oudsoo 69 29. Nand Lai Dadru Oudsoo 31 30. Kashi Nath and others Khundru 169 31. Peer Mohamad Sha Ashmooqam 208 32. Peer Safii-ud-Din Anchidoura 3 21 33. Gulara Nabi Indrabi Chee 275 34. Pandit MaWian Lai Larkipora 281 35. Sardar Joginder Singh Chits ingpoura 235 36, Syed Yousf Sha Sali 354 37, Mian Ram Chand Seer 428 38. Peer Abdual Salam Babagund 207 39. Pandit Makhan Lai Sogam 325 40. Raja Dilaver Khan Rartibeer Singhpoura 251 3 Land held in NOs Name of the ChaXdar Village kanals 41. Molvi Afzal Sha Pehru 183 42. Raja Jabar Khan Hootmore 274 43. Raja Zafar An Waiboog 312 44. Pandit Trulookl Nath Lamoo 117 Maufidar's in Anantnag Tehsil(1947) Land held in NOi Name of the Maufidar Village kanals I. Bava Krishanand Uttersoo 205 2« Bava Krishanand BrahamachJ L Uttersoo 325 3. Shamboo Nath & Jagir Nath Uttersoo 274 4. Mashar Nath Ordsoo 84 5. Pandit Ram Krishan Chittergul 218 6. Pandit Rara Koul Matt an 425 7. Pandit Prera Nath & others Anantnag (Town) 375 8. Pandit Tara Chand Salar 235 9. Pandit Ram Dass Hangal Gound 430 10. Pandit Janki Nath Achabal 375 II. Pandit Nand Ram Akingoom 475 12. Pandit Deena Nath Larkipoura 327 13. Pandit Samsar Chand Sag am 237 14. Pandit Troloki Nath Kamad (Gound) 275 15. Pandit Ram Krishan Hardutouru 255 Land held in NOs Name of the Maufidar Village Kanals 16, Pandit Soom Nath Br ah 225 17, Pandit Shamboo Nath Ranipora 353 18, Pandit Troloki Nath Nowgam 427 19, Pandit Jegar Nath Keri 345 20, Pandit Dia Ram Seer 263 21* Pandit Deena Nath wailoo 327 22, P endit Nath Ram Kikernag 412 23, Pandit Nanand Lai Wangam 245 24, Pandit Mahshirnath Ashimoo-qam 347 25, Pandit Tara Chand Babagund 210 26, Pandit Keshevrar Nath Hootmore 408 27, Pandit Kashi Neth Nunnbal Numbal 313 28, Pandit Jai Lai Chaklipoura 145 29, Pandit Tarachand Tehigiwara 185 30, Pandit Soom Nath Soaf 230 31, Pandit Anant Ram Sheergund 311 9,261 Thxja out of 44 Chakdars of the Tehsil in question, 31 were Hindus and 13 Muslims, Whereas the 31 Hindu* Chakdars held 6,392 kanals of land, the total land under Muslim Chakdars was only 3,727 kanals. It is also important to note that the big Muslim Chakdars with iOian Sirnames were non-local Muslim supporters of the Maharaja who were settled In the Valley to counter-paise the local Muslim opposition. It is strange that out of 31 Maufidara of the Tehsil under reference* one does not find even a single Muslim Maufidar as all the 31 Maufidara enjoying 9261 kanals of land belonged exclusively to the Hindu coninunity# No wonder then, the abolition of landlordism, became one of the main slogans of Muslim Conference and it is also not to be wondered at why the Big Landed Estates Abolition Act (1947) evoked stiff resentment among the 2 Hindus of Kashmir and their synpathAsers like Sardar Pat el. Equally rather more irritating was the oppreasive treatment meted out to the Muslim peasantry at the hands of the state, the landlords and the Hindu revenue functionaries (who acted aaTmedi^rie'1' s between the state and the peasants in Khalsa lands,]Th3\ e main factors .n which caused tremendous resentment among the Muslim peasantry of 1« Local Informants. 2, To quote Shaikh Abdullaht ^ „ ^^dy/tI''' /:^ iJ-.11 ,9/ ^ Jl:-1 3, See Supra, pp. 3_^. " / 'y"^ -^ • f Kashmir and consequently touched the deepest corners of the sensibility of the thinking section of the Muslim community particularly the modern educated youth, were the confiscation of proprietory rights in land, the high pitch of lend revenue demand, illegal exactions, beOar end the apathatic attitude of the state towards the basic problems of the peasant class# The Dogra rule was ushered in by many retrograde policies. But the most baclcward step taken by it was the confiscation of proprietory rights in land which the Kashmiri peasantry was enjoying without any interuptions since the earliest times. In the new circumstances to quote A, Wingate the government became "a farmer working with coolies under a management closely approximating forced 2 labour". The peasants not only lost proprietory rights but they also 3 lost the •cQi:5)ancy rightf. It is significant to note here that it was Only the Kashmiri peasant whose proprietory rights in land were confiscated. The new law did not apply to Jemmu peaSBBt, He continued to enjoy the proprietory rights in land obviously because the majority 4 Of the peasantry of Jammu belonged to Hindu community# It was at the instance of the strong recormiendations made by A, Wingate and his successor Settlement Officer w, R. Lawrence that occi^ancy rights were carefered upon the peasantry in 1894-95. But 1« For the proprietory rights enjoyed by Kashmiri peasantry during medieval times. See M.A, Wani ''Some Aspects of the Socio-Bconomic and Cultural Life of the People of Kashmir under the Sultans*, 2, A, Wingate Report, p, 56. I 3, Ibid., p. 94, 4, Glancy Conrmission Report vide Dastawaizat, p. 121, 5, For the pervasive reconmendations made by A, Wingate that the peasants should be given proprietory rights and Walter Lawrence's that they should be given only occupancy rights. See Wingate, Report, p. 61| Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, pp. 432-433, the peasants of the Jegirs, chaks and maufls continued to remain as tenants at will. Thus while the majority of the peasant population working In the lands held as Wialsa enjoyed occupancy rights on the eve of the foundation of Muslim Conference, a good number of peasant class were no more than farm labourers. However, the mere cwiferment of occupancy rights did not satisfy the peasantry as the confiscation of proprietory rights In land was not only regarded a serious Interference In the age old rights of the peasantry but it was also considered tentamount to denlgradlng, uprooting and dislodging the peasant population. The confiscation of proprietory rights also took 2 the hearts of the peasantry out of cultivation* Besides, the confiscation of proprietory rights In land was u^^J^ as a weapcm by the state to legitimize Its policy of rockrentlng. Small wonder, then that the restoration of the peasant proprietory rights In land figured one among the Important demands made by the Kashmiri leadership through their memorandums right from the diy of \N.6 6. JKA, F. N0» 27/H.34 Of 1896; F.NQi H/75 Of 1896; A. R, of J&K State, 1895-96, pp. 127-13t; Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, pp. pp. 424-53, 1, Till the passage of Tenancy Act (1933) the landlords could evict any peasant at their sweet will. After the passage of this Act they had to take the Tehslldar Into confidence. See Appendices A and B, 2, Though Glancy Commission was not in favour of confering proprietory rights upon the peasantry (See Glancy Commission Report vide Dastawaigat. p, 121), yet he made no bones in accepting the fact that "It is said that if the peasant are given proprietory rights in land it will Instill a sense of confidence end dignity in them and this will help in cultivating amoig them love for the land they have been working on. In this way they will understand more the significance of these adventages which they have been reaping from the land. Doubtless there is a great substance in this argument? Glancy Commission Report vide Dastawaizat, pp. 122-124, nascent signs of conscioxisness among the Muslims of Kashmir, In this context one may refer to the memorandums submitted to the Maharaja by the Kashmiri Muslims in 1924 and 1931, It would be in the fitness of things to qu«te the demand for the restoration of proprietory rights made by the Muslims of Kashmir in 1931 through the memorandum submitted to Maharaja Hari Singh in response to the royal proclamation of 1931» "Zamindars of Kashmir are deprived of proprietory rights over their lends where as those of Jammu fully enjoy these rights. The people of Kashmir cannot sell or mortgage their lands on their own will. They can not even cut the mulbery, the walnut and the chinar trees grown on their private lands or make use of them, nor they can remove dead and fallen timber of such trees with the result that Kashmiri zamindar is no better than a mere tenant* There is no reason to make a distinction between Kashmir and other parts of the state. No government has the right to seftl the proprietory rights of the lands belonging to the people. We, therefore, request your Highness to be most graciously pleased to restore your Highness Zamindar Subjects to their full proprietory rights". It may also be important to mention here that this was also one of the main issues of Muslim Conference till they succeeded in achiving it in 1933. However, even after 1933, a sizeable peasant 1, See Memorial of 1924, and Memorial of 1931, 2, Ibid., 3, Presidential address delivered by S, M, Abdullah in the Second Annual Session of Muslim Conference on 15~17 December, 19J3 at Mirpur vide Destawaizat, p, 200# population vl*. thoam who w«r« working In jaglr, ch«X end raaufl lands continued to raraeln eithar mara crop aharaa •r tananta at will, Tha confiscation of proprlatory rights In casa of warusi, peasants^ of Kashmir and the creation of a naw class of tananta at will by the grant of chaks end jagirs, was a sufficient causa of generating deep aeated resentment among the peasant rnssses. However* the oppressive policy of the governnnent and its colloborators— landed aristocracy and the r evenue functionfries 1*10 were niostly Hindus, angered them beyond any scope for reconciletion. The hioh pitch of land revenue and other taxes, the faulty method of lend revenue assesament and collection, the exaction of Illegal taxes (resaii), and begar and the gross negligence of the state and landlords towards the basic problems of the peasantry were the main grievances of the peasantry. On the eve of the formation of Muslim Conference the magnitude of land revenue in case of the Wialsa land of Kashmir V lley was 1/3 of the gross produce. Strangely enough it was lighter in J«Rinu as only 1/4 of the total produce was charged •» land revenue there. How much heavier was the land revenue in Kashmir Valley in coeqpi^rison to 1. See Supra, P« 5^ 2. Merusl peasanta were those peasants 1^0 were not only occupants but alao proprletora of land since very early times. Leih:ence» Valley of Kashmir, p. 428, 3. Presidential address delivered by s. M, Abdullah in the Second ^mnual Seaalon of Muallm C Before we enumerate other taxes and overall impact of the lend revenue and other taxes on the peasantry, it is important to mention here that the land revenue assessment was also not free from some grave lacuna as the productivity of land did not only vary from one area to another area, from one village to another village, but also between one holding and another holding of the same villege—a fact which was prominently highlighted by W, Lawrence, but could not 2 translate it into practice because of many li-nitations. Thus all those peasants had to suffer v^ose lands yielded less than v^at was fixed as the standard per unit productivity of land, Glancy also 3 makes a parsing mention of it in his report. The method of revenue collection and mode of payment was also oppressive. It may be remembered that the state realized its share both in cash as well as in kind. While 2/3 of the assessed revenue was 1, Presidential address delivered by Sheikh Abdullah in the 6th Annual Session of Muslim Conference on 25th—27th March, 1938, at Jammu vide Dastawaizat, p. 463, 2, Lawrence, Velley of Kashmir, pp, 435- 36, 3, Glancy Commission Report vide Dastawaizat, pp, 128-130, paid in cash, 1/3 of it was paid in kind. The rates fixed for paddy and other crops were very high. Naturally the Kashmiri peasant, who always suffered for want of money currency had to depend upon money lenders commonly Xnown as Waddars in Kashmir, who while exploiting the helplessness of the peasantry lended them money on 2 high interest or purchased the grains at very low rates. Thus v*iile on the One hand peasant was exploited by the state by charging exorbitant rates from the peasant for the revenue due to it, hs was also exploited by the Wadd^r ^o either charged high interest on the money he lended to the former for payment of lend revenue in cash or purchased the peasant produce at very cheaper rates which deprived the 3 peasant of major part of his produce. The payment of 1/3 of the land 4 revenue in kind, which wes kncwn as mu-jwaza caused much hgvoc to the peasantry because by snatching away 1/3 of the produce in kind, the peasant was left with a small quantity of produce hardly sufficient to 5 fulfil his basic food ne^ds and that too only for a few months. This can be properly understood ^d\en it is borne in mind that in Kashmir 1, Glancy Corrmission Report vide Dastewaizat^ p. 139, 2, For details about the Waddcr s see l ewrence, p. 5; In order to check the exploitation of the money lenders, the state passed a law in 1928 by which the interest rate was fixed. However, the law remained only a dead letter. See Giancy Ccromission Report vide Dastawaizet. pp. 137-138, 3, The horrible stories about the exploiration of the Waddors have been revealed to me by the living conteirporei-ies of the period, 4, Lawrence, p, 403; Glancy Coirmission Report vide, Lastawaizet, p,139, 5, Based on native informants. This is also why the government under th4 public pressure changed the mode of collection in jagir lends in 1933, Thus the jagir peasant was to pay in kind Instead of cash, vrtiich was the practice then. See M, A, Beg, Agricultural Reforms in Kashmir, p, 11, only one crop was raised In a year and that the per unit productivity of land was not more than 2 to 3 Wiarwars (Wiarwar is eqiial«nt to 80 kg's) per trak (trak of land is eqvialent to 2 kanals). However since the government was over concered to feed the 2 vocel city population on cheep shall, it, thereforet recerdlessly realized e pert of revenue in kind from the docile village population even if a peasant could produce only as much of paddey as could fulfil his bearest food necessities for only a few months. Here it is worth 3 ^not mentioning that^only the incidence of tax was uniform , but mulweza was also imposed on every peasant with no consideration of big 4 disparities in the size of land between one and the other peasant* Given the peculiar conditions of Kashmir it is no wonder to find a Kashmiri peasant shuddering to hear the name mujwaza (payment in kind) and it is also no surprise to find the Kashmiri leadership demanding thats "•The department of shall (rice) should be liquidated and the restrictions imposed on the impart of food grains from outside the state, be removed. In order to reduce the burden on peasants who had to pay revenue in the form of "shali" food rationing in 5 Srinagar be restricted to poor people only". 1» Based on local informants. 2« For vhement criticism against this policy of the state see Lawrence, p. t Serdar Budh Sinah, •Kashmir-main-qahat" vide Ranbir, weekly Janmu, Vol. 8, June-July, 1932-33, 3, For the nationalist criticism against the regressive taxation policy of the state see Infra, pp. 4a Based on local informants, 5, Memorandum of 1924, Here again the Kashtkar (peasant working on j agir, chak and maufi lands) was worst hit because the system of gala-batai (crop sharing) was the method of land revenue assessment and collection in jegir, chak end maufi lands. As such unlike the } 1, While the system of ghalla-batai continued unabated in chak and maufi lends till 1947, the system was discouraged in case of jagir lands. See Clancy Commission Report, p, 135; Inside Kashmir^ p. 231, 2, For oral information see Appendices A and B; See also Glancy Commission Report, vide Dastawaizat, p. 135e 3, See Appendices A and B, 4, For an excellant information about the Hill agrarian economy of Kashmir, See Lawrence, pp. 436-37, This was not* howsver* all* The peasants were subjected to a nimtber of other legal and Illegal taxes. Apart from land revenue the peasants h«d to pay 12 annas t» Chowkidari and a cess of 6 plsa per rupee (from Muslim peasantry only) for the repairs of Jam!a Masjid. In addlticm to this the peasants had to pay Kahchsxai(grazing 3 tax) and tax on walnut trees and all IcLnds of orchards. Varied kinds of perquisities comnonly known as "rss^^* were exacted from the peasants. Thus a peasant had not only to part a portion of land produce with different officials but he had also to Share his poultry* cattle* wealth* domestic made blankets* ghee« fcoder especially grass and wood* timber and infact almost every thing ^ich a peasant produced* Though Lawrence had strongly recommended that the urgent steps should be taken against the exaction ^^ 'X£ll£5 ^^ °® K;tion seems to have been taken in this regard as it had been a comnon complaint of Kashmiri peasantry. Thus one does not only find this grievance figuring in the memorandums submitted by 6 the Kashmiri leadership to the government in 1924 and 1931 * but Glancy also gave a prominent place to this complaint of Kashmiri peasantry in his report* To quotes 1* Glancy Commission Report vide Dastawaisft, pp. 128-133* 2* Memorandum of 1924. 3« Glancy ConBdssion Report vide Dastawaixet. pp. 125rl55 4* See Appendices A & B| See also Glancy Commission Report vide Dastawaisat. p. 140. 5* Lavrencs* p* 484* 6* Meworandums of 1924 and 1931. atF«rtni«nt such «• police* fac««t« r«v«n(M •tcf cotrttption is r«np*at« ^ SIMII gopir«maMnt •erv«nt lik* forest Qu«rd« gwmm w«teh«r liv« on the •xpensec of villegers and execttd bribes by the v«y of texie froia the vlllegere In • res^ulerised .1 8y pertlng • mejor portion of prMace with the etete mnA the officiele efter paying b'>th legel end illegal teieee, the reaaent 2 w«e left with BO more thwn 1/4 of hla produce. Ho %»orider then* the peaattita lived for the !»o«t part on rlee groel* vegetablea* wild frait and other aiab-atandard kinds of diet* sold theiir property in lie of peultry suns iind becma easy victlTts of food femioes and epidefiies* Qiymn the eoaditions it beeoiaes saple clear as to why the political leaders often ssng the following faiaous revolutimisry couplet of Iqbal in the public gatheringst ^ ^ '•) !• Olwxnr Coonlssion Report* vide Dastswaiaat^ p. 140* 2* Local InfoaTAants, 3« It is coonon to heer in the village* (A Keehmir thst this piece of land has been sol4/purchesed in lieu of one tirSk of rice or one seer of tea and the like* 4* tor a statistical Infor^netion about the stable population of Keshadr on account of food famines see wing ate* R«>ort^ pp. 52.53. —^ 5. Sheikh Abdullah seys that he frequently sang this couplet before public gatherings. See ^^,«s^4,.ct>4t|f^a, p. 490. These conditions reduced the position of a peasant to a mere food gatherer vrtio while not getting it within the Valley even by rooming from place to place, crossed the difficult mountain passes in search of it some where in the plains. The Kashmiri Muslim students >dio were studying in different Universities of India were deeply moved by the pothatic conditions of food gathering Kashmiri peasantry. Sheikh Abdullah who was one among them quotes this heart rending nostalgias o ^ 0 '' \^J<^•-a^^:.CJ •' / - "./ '/ w^^ yy ^- ^ ,t y 1, S,M, Abdullah, Ataah~i-C3iinar# pp. 37-38; For details see also presidential address delivered by Chaudhri. Gulam Abbas Khan in the 4th Annual Session of Muslim Confere1»ce vide Dastawaizat. pp. 388-89, y^ -. ^— 'j^iry^y. /0 Wk \^IJ^M^J^^^^'^ ^f-i^ CJ VM-^? ^/<^y [y^ i/ 1^ i^h -^u^^j'fc/'? .i> ^ J -^ V ^J"VXl- \IJ\ tJ^'^yy-^^k^ .-vv / • ''•yy ^i^.Jt< /J, /, M/ '^es/xh -y;yj [>pJu^!./, ^ [£-,•?^^^!/Wr ^. ^ CJ , y -f .4 7j}K7'- ^^- J iy^ -i^-7^' .-e-^ -J I ^ ''yiy^yyut^^ ^-n^/^c. I ^ .^^^y/>/ etc fjiJ The peasant was not only robbad off of tha major portion of his produce* but he was also subjected to ta another inhumsn exaction called "begar" ^ kar.i-sarkar (laiuaA^ltfeliniJ « Though the horror of Gilgit "begar* was no more there after the construction of Gilgit Cart Road and though •*begar* was abolished by the government 2 on the recomoendations of Lawrence in 1893 , but "begar" of different forms continued unabated. Because of medieval means of conniunication« over all technological under devel<^rtient mud the prevelance of feudal expenditure pattern of tho state and the consequent meagre resources at the disposal of the government* the problem of raising labour power for carriage and constructicm purposes on nominal wages formed a critical feature of the Dogra «dtnini strati on. Besides* the government order that the remuneration should be paid to the forced labourers applied only to labourers requisitioned for )car-i-sarXar( oovernment 3 work) • So far as the exaction of "begar" for personal needs of the officials was concerned* the state neither made any mention of it* nor the implementation agencies could let any such order to apply on themselves in the absence of any strict watch over them* %riiich was unfortunately lacking* At the same time the positicM of peasants 1. For details about Gilgit "begar" Sf»e Laurence* pp* 4l3-14| E, F* Kni^t* pp. 68-70# 2. JKA. F. NOt /G»57 Of 1920* 3* Clancy Ccmtnisaion Report, vide Dastaw^iapft. pp. 141-42* working on chek, jsoir and maufl land* was no rnore than serfs of their lords. Therefore, the exaction of 'begar' was en Indispen- 2 ssble feeture of the maljlc-kashtker relationship No wonder then the abolition of 'begar' was frequently demanded by the Kashmiri Muslims in their memorandums submitted ks 3 in the twenties of the present century. Even as late as 1932 Glancy found the government order regarding the abolition of 'begar* a deed letter. To quotei "So for as the 'begar* is concerned His Highness issued orders that adequate payment should be made to those who would be forced to do some labour under government orders,»• complaints have been received that not unoften the govern ment officials disobey the orders of His Highness and forced the villagers to carry the loads of the officials to far off places without any remuneration. As a matter of 4 fact they exact other kinds of unpal* services from them". Though for many kinds of ker-i-sarkar like constructlcai of roads and carrying of loads, some nominal remuneration, w«s paid , but this too was exploited by the officials to the dlsadventage of the hopeless peasantry. In this context it is worth quoting Lawrencei 1, To quote Prem Nath Bazaz# "I shuddered when I heard the condition of the people living in the Jagirs, The depredations of the jagirdars are monstrous. There is no law but the will of the Jagirdars in these parts of the state, I was told that the people may not marry oven their daughters against the wishes of the Jaglrdar? See Inside Kashmir, p, 232, 2, See Appendices A and B, 3, See the memorandum submitted by the Anjuraan-1-Nusrat-ul-Islam in 1922 and the memorandum submitted by the prominent Kashmiri Muslims to Lord Reding In 1924, 4, See Glancy Connrnlsslon Report vide Dastawaizat, pp. 141-42, 5» Ibld» p, 141, "I have often horn present when a re<^l8ltlon for carriage arrives In a vtllage* and the fisllowing acoount of the systfliB Is a simple statement of what used to be efi ever? day occurence* some one In Srlnagar w^it 10 coolies or porters to carry his baggage fiDr a stage or far one or more stages. The official to viiom the r€»(|uisitlon is made passes on the orders of the district officer/ and in order to maJce sure that there will be no deficiency in the niuaber of the oaollea wrles 20 men are wanted. The District officer writes to the Tehslldar and Tehslldar then seizes 80 coolies from the village. Nearly all these 80 men are engaged perheps In weeding or watering their rlce# end as they da not Ictiow how long they may Xept waiting in Srlnagar* end as they dreed that in their absence their fields will run dry or will be chaked with weeds/ they are not allured by the idea of a wage of 4 annas a day Wilch they may or may not receive. Bargaining begins/ end if the official Incharge of the business is a smart msP. he will te^e 74 annas from the 74 villagers whom he exempts end will send in 10 men to Srlnagar. And if he is a very anart meti he will talce 84 ennas from the 80 villagers* end vill still send to men to Srlnagarf The indiscriminate and regardless menner in vUch the peasant masses were recjmestioned to do lcar~i~aarkar can be better geiaged from the follo%fing incident ^oted by Sh^ Lai Kapur the editor of "Oum Ganthal** in the issue of 3.1.1927 of his papers "AS the Nawab of Mallrkatlo desired to visit all hiss statiois in Kashmir. The government had placed at his diafx>sal a large number of laJx>urers to carry his cainp* on momlng while riding a horse he saw a group of wretched labourers sitting in the i^tmediate neighbourhood* so he %rant there to have a few wards with them. In course of the talX he was 1. W. Lawrence* Valley of Kashmir.^ pp. 412-13.'* extremely sorry to learn that they were the members of a Barat (marriage party) who had been ieized while on their way back with the bride to attend c» his camp. Even the bride-groom was not spared. He too was seized at the same time and not even allowed to accompany his bride to his new home? The adventerous, joys and religious quest of the affuluent class from within and without the Valley was a bolt from blue for the Kashmiri peasant as no such activity of the pis asure seekers and piligrlms could be fulfilled without exacting forced labour from the peasant and treating him not better than beasts of burden. In this context it is interesting to quote SheiWi Alia Mohammad Advocate, the one time President of Muslim Kashmiri Conference, who madie an on the Spot study of the condition of Kashmiri Muslimsi •The nat\iral beauty of Kashmir, its meadous, its villages, forests are the bounties of nature, but this paradise on earth is a hell for the sons of the soil. The Kashmir have been ruthlessly crushed,,,. Every year thousands of Hindus go to Amarnath cave on religious piligrimage but it is strange that the cave is being visited by riding on the backs of 2 hundreds of Kashmiri Muslims who are requestioned for begar? It may also be noted that the order of 1893 regarding the abolition of 'begar' did not apply to the construction of canals^ embankments and the like. As a matter of f«&^ till 1947, it was obligatory upon the villagers to construct end repair the canals and 3 embankments, besides helping the rulers and high officials in hunting 1, "Guru Ganthal", Lahore, 3,1,1927, 2, Statement of SheiXh Atta Mohammad vide, Kashmir-Aur Doqra Ra1> pp, 37-38, 3, Local Informants^ spot and to row the boets of the royal river processions 2 without any remuneration. And If any one showed negligence, he was 3 harshly punished and fined* It may also be not«d that though the construction of Leh— Treaty Road considerably lessened the terror of Gilgit 'begar*, but Gilgit mettfte still haunted the mental ppace of many villagers particularly those living near the Road and those vrfio were in possession of horses, mules and asses for load purposes as they were 4 Often forced to carry the loads known as "ras". It may not be beside the point to mention here that the vrtiole burden of 'begar' fell exclusively upon the conmon Muslim peasantry as the Hindus, Salyids, Thalcurs, Rajputs and SiWis were exem-pted 5 from it« This was no 1 ess a source of resentment among the Muslims of Kashmir, That is why Giancy recommends that when a requisition for labourers for lcar-i~sarX^ would arrive in a village, the burden should be uniformally in^osed upon all sections of the agricultural community* 1, Whenever, the Maharaja or tny high official or government guest would wish to go for hunting in any forest of Kashmir, it was obligatory t^^on the peasants of that area to help facilitate the hunting pursuit of the adventurer without any kind of remuneration. The service rendered in this context was contnonly known as 'haq'« Based on local informants, 2, Local Inforrnants, 3, Local Informants, 4, Giancy Conmission Report vide Dastawaizat, p. 142, 5, Ibid., 6, Ibid,, The pathatic conditiai of the peasantry of the period has been beautifully versified by a famous contemporary Kashmiri poet, Abdul Ahad Azadt >' y r (I cannot escape frcwn begar^ paying revenue in kind and facing the merchant who would come to clear the debt I owe to him. How in these circumstances I can indulge in romance^ It is p ity to note that though the peasant was the backbone of the society and a source of strength and prosperity of the country^ the government and the higher echlones of the society, )iVI^ no attention was paid towards *Se basic necessities of his life. While all facilities were provided to the city dwellers, the villager was still deprived of primary school facilitiea «€ did not have even those minimxsn medical facilities available, which to quote a political 3 leader of the time ''were available to the animals of cities", 1, Kulivat-i-Azad, p. 227, 2, Even till 1947 the villages with 500 population and below did not even have primary school fecilities. See Supra, p, 3, Cf. Presidential Address, delivered by Sheikh Abdullrfi to Sixth Annual Session of the Muslim Conference vide Dastawaizat^ p. 464, Appendix-«-A Interview with Kh, Afzal Jalali, R/0 Hawal, Srlnagar Mr. Jalali Is a well known freedom fighter and belongs to a Chakdar family of our period of study. He is about sixty six years old. Q* Since you had been yourself a Chakdar, could you tell us how the produce of the chak land was divided between the Chakdar and his Kashtkar, A, First paddy and the grass was divided into two equal parts. One was taken by the Chalcdar and the other by his Kashtkar. Then from the share of the Kashtkar* two traWis per Wiarwar was also taken by the Chakdar. Since because of the absence of modem fertilizers and high yielding crops, the yield per unit of area of lend was very less, therefore a very small quantity of paddy was left with the peasant after he parted with a major share of his produce with his Chakdar* In this context it may also be noted that the peasant also paid his village landless, brothers, like barber, carpenter, cowherd, shephard, Ironsraith etc# ^o served him in different ways, in terms of fixed quantity of paddy. Therefore, what was 1-eft with the poor peasant, hardly sufficed his two or three month's basic food needs, Q, Did the Chakders exact rasuitj from the peasants? A, Yes; definitely. The poor peasants used to bring every kind of rasuni. wood, grass etc from their respective villages to the Chakdar >*io generally belonged to Srlnagar. They carried the loads of rasum by boats and from the ghats to chakdars hawalll (mansion) on their backs. The Chakdars treated them worst than animals. The Chakdar did not allow them to spend the nl^t in his mansion; instead they were asked to stay in some mosque vrtiere they shivered with cold. Q, How the Cha)cdar evicted his peasant? A. Before the passage of Tenancy Act— the Chekder ejected his Kashtkar at his sweet will. But after the Tenano-y Act was passed* the Chakdar had to request the Tehslldar In this regard, Q# On What grounds the Kashtkars were evicted? A» There were two reasonai One If the Kashtkar failed to cultivate the land and two If he was not prompt In paying rasutn, Q, Did Chakdar exact any kind of begar from his Kashtkar A, Yes, If the Chakdar had to construct his house, he employed his Kashtkars for this purpose and that too without any remuneration. Once ray father, Salyld Shah Jalall took two boats of earthem pots to Gamroo Gada Khud situated In Tehsll Sonawarl and In lieu of them got a wall constructed around 1700 kanals of land. This Incident also speaks of the pathetic condition of Kashtkars. Appendix—B Interview with Gh, Hasan Genai, R/0 Qrdsoo, Tehsil end District Anantnag. Age 95. Profession Peasant-cum Naiubardar (Naraardari hereditary profession) ******************* Q« Could a Chakdar evict a peasant around 1930? Mhen wire propriatory rights in land given to peasants working in chak lands? A« Yes.» why not. In 1930 my father, Aziz Ganai who vss also a Nambardar was ejected by his CSiakdar Nath Ram, Evictions were common. It was iirenediately after 1947 that the government of ShaiWi Abdullah stopped the eviction powers of the Oiakdar. The *-^ekdar of the Dogra period found no problem in evicting his peasant. It was only after the passage of Tenancy Act, 19^^:5 that the Chakdar had also to seek the consent of the Tehsildar in this context, Qt How the Chakdar realized his share and **aet was its magnitude? Did he realize any other 'Legal* or 'Illegal'tax? A, When the harvest season approached, the CJiakdar used to arrive the village of his estate with his entourage and stayed for days together in advance till his share would be brought safely to the place he would order to Kashtkars to carry it. During the period of his stay in the village he was fed by his Kashtkars, Rice, oil, pQidtry and other eatables which the Kashtkars were supposed to provide to the Chakdar was known as "Ras", It was necessary to harvest and thresh the crops in presence of the Chakdar, If any Kashtkar by chance, harvested the crop, in the absence of Chakdar, he had to pay to the C3iakdar the same quantity as was paid by him in the proceeding year. T remember that when a Kashtkar of our village, Ibrahim Ganai shifted the paddy crop from one place to another place without the consent of the Chakdar, he was mercilessly beaten by his landlord named Nath Ram« I am witness to different kinds of begar exacted by Oiakdars from his peasants. For example if the Oiakder had to construct a house, he employed his Xashtkars for the purpose and did not pay them any thing in return. If any Kashtkar hesitated in responding to the orders of his lord, he was evicted from the land. In the presence of Qiakdar the produce was divided into two equal parts; one would go to Chekdar and another to his Kashtkar, In addition to this, two traWis per kharwar of the gross produce were taken by the Chakdar. This was known as •frakee; Q« What was the condition of common peasantry? A, The peasants (generally known in Kashmir as Zamindars) were living in an extremely chronic poverty. There used to be hardly a few families in a village which fulfilled their bearest necessities, out of their land produce, which was left to them after paying 'mujwaza'Cpayment of lend revenue in kind). The common peasantry exhausted the produce, that was left to them after forcing them to pay muiwaza, within two or three months after they harvested their staple crop—paddy. For the remaining nine months they lived on vegetables, fruits, etc. During winter they left for Punjab where they worked as wage labourers. Q« Who were the revenue officials and what was their attitude towards peasantry? A» The revenue officials were Zaildars, Tehsildars, Girdawars, Patwarls, Numbardars, and Chakdars, They often enployed the peasants in their lands without any remuneration. Ssfltt Besides, they also forced the peasants to share with them grass, poultry, blankets, ghee, fowl and other items which a peasant produced domesticmlly* The exaction of these perquisities was collectively known as 'rasumj If any peasant hesitated in paying rasunu he was not only severely beaten, but also persecuted in different ways by these officials. The peasant had no access to the highest officials to whom he would make a complaint. And for that matter all the officials from top to bottom were in league with one another. It is only after the formation of Muslim Conference that some sense of coifldence started developing among the peasantry nctt here and there , there are individual cases where the peasant objected to harash treatment meted out to them by the revenue and other officials. Labour Unrest» • • • V C (It is because of his (Keshnrdri ertisanj^^^AA.^^ t^^ that the rich people are dressed in silken qebe (buljjw^ he can hardly afford a torn rag to protect his body) Next to the peasantry the biggest segment of the population conrprised of the skilled and unskilled labourers, meinly coming from the \irban centres especially Srinager end exclusively belonging to Muslim conmunity* On the eve of the foundation of Muslim Conference the artisans and labourers were the most discontented lot probably more discontented than the peasantry. Phis was becausd of many factors. Firstly the demand of Kashmiri goods in European markets had heavily suffered because of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870 and the economic depression of 1929, Secondly, the importation of machine made goods had caused severe blow to many indigenous industries, throwing a lot of people out of employment, At the Sj,me time because of the influx of money currency and Increase in inports and exports, (other than the exports of crafts), the prices of basic necesscities had sore very high. To add insult to injury government was adopting a non-chalant attitude towards the miserable plight of the craftsmen as it did not show any interest towards preserving, let alone developing the world famous Kashmiri crafts^ 1, Robert Thorp, Kashmir Misqovernment, p, 41; M, Fazal Hussaint Kashmir-AurlPoore Ra1. PP. 127-128. It is to btt remembered that the shawl-Industry was the leading industry of Kashmir upto 1870. It etflplayed about 29115 Muslims shawl-weavers besides an innuiaerable numner of spinners. However, inspite of being the backbone of Kashmirs economy, the shawl-weaver was the worst hit of the Dogra oppression. They were 2 exorbitantly taxed and like serfs tied to the looms. No w After 1870 the condition of the shawl-weavers worsened beyond recovery. It is a well known fact that out of the total 5 quantum of exports of Kashmir shawls 80% was purchased by France, However, after the France-Prussian war of 1870 leading to the eaonomic bankrx^xry of France, Kashmiri shawl almost lost its market, Thus the majority of the shawl-bafs was thrown out of employment, some of them going to plains to become daily labourers. 1, Figiires presented by Dr, £mslie vide Bates, Gazetteer of Kashmir, p, 30, 2* Hanbir, weekly, Jamrau, January' 6, 1925; Knight, ^here Three Bwpires Meet, p. 179| i^obert Phorp, Kashmir Mi^qovernmept, p, 4; 3, For details see, JKA. F, N0> 313-£ of 1865; Robert Thorp, Kashmir Misqjvernment. pp, 47,48| Hassan Jhah, rarikh-i-Kashwir« p. 98, 4, These are the words of Dr, tinsile (1865-1872), vid« Bates, Gazetteer of Kashmir, p. 33, 5, Bates, Qazetteef of Kashmir^ pp, 69-70, „______^^^ 6, Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, p. 375| ». H, /^Itlrtah, "^-4> Atpash-i-Ch4nsry p, 5, /^r \ 11 ( Ace. No •".- ;, ^fJiffl^Uni-?^ some taking up agriculture, and some opting for lesser profitable crafts. Those who continued their traditional profession, they had to be contented with very meagre wages as a natural corollary of demend-supply relationship, rhe government took no step to maintain the world famous shawl industry of Kashmir by exploring new markets once the French market was closed to it. Phis wes the main grievance of the Kcshmiri craftsmen and the intelligentsia egainst the rulers. To quote P» N. Bazazj •The Government of Kashmir tell us that the Franco- German war of 1870 gave a fatal blow to the shawl-trade in the west from which it could not revive, 3ut this is no defence when we know that sudi blows had been dealt upon the industry prior to 1870. If the market in the west lost temporarilyja governmentj^could create new market else-where. But this could be achieved only 2 if the governmentj were sympathetic and wide awake*. Sheikh Abdullah— one of the founder fathers of Muslim Conference, and the one belonging to a karkhendar family gives a heart rending details about the destitute condition of the shawlbafs (shawl-we avers) and rafugers (embroidiers) owing to the downfall of shawl—industry after 1870, 1. JKA. F. NOi 306 of Samvat, 1922; Hoorcreft, Travels^ p. 67, P. N, Bazaz, Inside Kashmir, pp. 79-80; Thorp, Kashmir Misqovernment, p. 45; Bates, Gazetteer of Kashmir, p. 69, 2, P. N. Bazaz, Inside Kashmir, p. 78, "A boy living In my neighbourhood, Abdul Ahad by name worked with me in an embroidery centre installed in our house. He was attractive, good looking end also highly civilized and eliquelte loving inspite of his poverty. He remained away from the centre perhaps on account of illness as reported, but soon after he was declared dead. I went to his home to console his parents. It was given out that his homstead had been running in debt of a usurer* who had continuously been asking for clearing the debt. He also insulted them in the bargain. My sensitive friend could not withstand this all. Hence he would save money for clearing debts on pain of starvation. He would somehow manage to feed his two younger sisters but himself remained feeding on chaft. This broke down his health and resulted in his consumption to death?,., •A similar incident also writs large in my mind, I was now a grown up boy and would do some chores at home. When shawl business went down over large sums of money were left unpaid with the artisans. To recover the money we went to the court. The court passed the orders of seizing the property of one such artisan of Dab-worker village of Tehsil Ganderbal. I was sent elongwith the court officials to confiscate his property. My heart was moved as I saw in the home of the debtor nothing but some torn out pieces of matting and earthenware pots. After seeing this deplorable condition of the artisan, I was extremely grieved, I begain realizing that these artisans are the real sources of our prosperity* And if the shawl trade declined, why should these poor artisans be blamed (for not paying the debts)? 1, S, M, Abdullah, Atash-1-Chinar, p, 24» 2. Ibid., p, 25, The famous poet Sir M, Iqbal was also touched by the pitiable condition of Kashndri shawl-veavers which he versified es» (It is the Kashmiri artisan vrfio provides (fluffy and warm) du-shawls to the rich. (But alasi), he (the poor artisan) himself remains naked even in the numbing cold winds of winter). The Dagh-shawl Department which regulated the shawl-trade was exclusively manned by Keshmiri Pandits, Whereas the Muslim shawl-weaver lived in a very chronic poverty so much so that he could hardly manage two square meals, the Hindu officials associated with the collection of taxes from the shawl-weavers were living a pompous life. The following casual reference given by Lawrence brings out clearly the marked contrast between the Pandit official and the Muslim sh awl-weaver $ * The houses (in Srinagar) vary in size from the large and rapacious burnt brick palaces of the Pandit aristocrat and his 500 retainers, warmed in the winter by hammarms, to the doll house of three stories and their rooms of wood and sun dried bricks, where the poor shawl-weaver li^es his squalid cramped life and shivers in the frosty weather"2 1, A Department had been functioning in Keshmir during the non- loccl rule of Sikhs and Dogras which was known as Dag-shawl, It used to realize oppressive taxes from the shawl-weavers and kerkhandars. The Hindu official machinery of the departnnent was so corrupt and cruel that it exposed the weavers to penury and untold misery* 2, Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, p. 35, The deplorable condition of shawl-bafs has also been highlighted by Madusuden Ganju* "The standard of living of the workers engaged in the woolen industry as a whole is very low, Their food is poor, clothing tattered, and the houses in the most dislapidated condition. They cannot afford to drink milk and eat mutton say even once a week. Their staple food in Kashmir province is rice which they eat with an ordinary kind of cooked vegetable leaves, called hak» Some of them cannot afford even that much»j 1 The dlscontentiDent of a big and vocal class of shawl-weavers, majority of whom were shahar-bashia (city dwellers) provided a fertile ground to those few sensitive souls who had realized that for inaugurating a new and just era there was no other alternative but to launch a sustained struggle against the Dogra RaJ# The downfall of the Kashmiri craft* and the resultant pathetic condition of the artisan class was voiced by Kashmiri freedom fighters and their Indian supporters. Jairmen Dass, a famous Indian nationalist eiipressed his grief in th*se wordst "During the previous times, Kashmir was famous in India and abroad for its arts and crafts, its shawl and pashmina« Now the position is reverse and the cloth from foreign lands is imported thus resulting in the economic devastation of the villages 2 which used to be centres of arts and crefts", 1» Madusadun GanjU# Textile Industry in Kashmir, p. lo9# 2, Speech of Jairman Dass et Srinager dated 27,2,1929, vide Kashmir-Aur-Dogra Ra-j, Similarly the daily 'Partab* published from Lahore expressed its grief over the ruin of Kashmiri arts and crafts in the following words t "The old arts and crafts of Kashmir are being wiped out but the government has done nothing to develop these ancient traditions, Kashmir is famous throughout the world for its shawls end wood work, Alas i all these arts and crafts will become things of the pest*. As a matter of fact the deplorable condition of the ?»rtisan class and the apathetic attitude of the rulers became one of the important issues debated in the Annuel Sessions of Miaslim Conference In his Presidential address to the Second Annual Session of Muslim Conference 3, M, Abdullah saidj "From times immemoriii Kashmir was known for its arts and crafts and the Kashmiri artisans were famous throughout the world for their skill, The European Kings and nobles were fond of Kashmiri crafts. But the downfall of market and the disorganization of Kashmiri artisans gave a blow to the arts and crafts of Kashmir, The lack of government patronage added to the devastation and ruination of Kashmiri crafts. No doubt the government has established an Industries Department; but if this department will be asked what has it contributed towards the welfare of craftsmen like shawl-we avers, carpet- weavers, willow workers, gold-smithy carpenters, black smiths, paper makers, gun-makers end other artisans^ and other artisans, and the development of these crafts? The answer would be totally negative. If the government provided any assistance to any one it is sortie outsider silk trader or Mr. F,K, Wetals brother Awater Krishen Watal a carpet trader or Raja Hari Krishan's brother 1, Daily Par tab, Lahore, Dated 27,2,1926, Pandit Daya Krishen Koul, the owner of Match factory. But upto this time no Muslim karkhandar (industrialist) or artisan received any such assistance". Shawl-wear wes not the only discontented artisan of Kashmir. In fact, all the artisans and craftsmen of Kashmir were hard-hit by the Economic Depression and the importation of machine made goods* If the former resulted into the drastic fall of Kashmir's exports, leading to the decline of Kashmir's crafts, the latter did not less in this direction since the hand made goods were vmable to compete with the cheep machine made goods. That is vrtiy the Census Commissioner of 1931 observedi *,,,, artisans >rtio have to face a severe corr^setition of machine made goods have been severely hit and have turned to land,., land is the only safety value to v*iich all castes took for an escape from the disaster facing them. The old economic division of society has to a very large extent disf5)pearcd. Most of the castes are cut off from their ancient moorings, which has led to 2 xinemployment and economic distress? Silk industry was probably the only industry which maintained its flourishing condition throughout tKe' period. It was a government 3 undertaking which provided livelihood to thousands of people. The 1, Presidential Address delived by S, M, Abdullah in the Second Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaizat, p» 304, 2, Census of India^ 1931, p, 222, 3, Younghusband, Kashmir^ p. 213, Srinagar silk factory alone employed 5,000 workers* All these workers, it is to be noted, were Muslims and almost all the officials 2 of the silk industry belonged to non-Muslim community. In the famous memorial of 1924, submitted by the Kashmiri leaders to Lord Reading, the problems of the Muslim labour of silk industry were also high lighted. It prayed for the appointment of Muslims in higher positions of Silk industry, "Since the entire labour force of silk factory consists of Muslims, it is essential that latter be appointed to 3 higher administrative posts in the factory*. In 1924, the labours were paid daily wage of 4^5 annas per head which was obviously too inadequate, especially in view of the rising 4 cost of living and the huge profit it earned, Phe corruptiCTi was so ramptant, that even a part of the wages were shamelessly pocketed by the Kashmiri Fendit officials^' The workers of the factory had constantly been complaining against the insufficiency of wages, the corruption of the officials and the tyranny of the inspecting staff. The contention of these labourers was that in addition to their low wages, they were insulted by the officials vrfio demanded bribes from 1, Census of India. 1931, 2, Memorial of 1924, 3, Ibid., 4, M. Y. Saraf, p. 333, 5, Ibid,» themi The silk factory of Srinagar also remained closed for two or three months In a yeer for which no wages vere given to the workers* On the persistent demand from the labourers, an enquiry was at last instituted. The alligations of corruption were found to be true but instead of taking action against the gulity they were 3 mutually transferred from one block of the factory to another. It happened because the administration was entirely manned by the Hindus, who unfortunately considered it a part of their duty to 4 protect each other. The failure of the government, to punish the gulity officials especially when the allegations had proved true created a lot of resentment amon^ the workers against the barorrates. The government, in order to suppress the popular resentment of the workers arrested sc»ne kK of their ring leaders. This happened in 5 -to July, 1924, In order to register their protest andvmake a deminstra- tion of their solidarity with their imprisoned comrades, the entire labour force marched in a procession, joined by their women and children. The processionists were entirely peaceful and wer« raising slogans demanding the release of their leaders, the punishment of ^X» Z^'A-^ lj-fcv*v Ct^tt. "il g corrupt officials and a geBponsibte^i'ei (a) Growth of Modern Education and the Emergence of Political Consciousness, Some one who is not aware of the educational history of Kashmir, especially its disproporationate growth between the two dominent communities— Hindus and Muslims, ©«n|^t*ab-*e wonder to notice the very late emergence of political consciousness in Kashmir, However, once it is learnt that the Muslim community— the oppressed subjects— started modern education very late, ones mind immediately sets at rest. Unlike the Hindus who besides having a strong pedigree of being literate corrmunity and were the most fltvoured subjects of the Dogre Raj which naturally encouraged and enabled them to profit themselves of the new opportunities provided by modernism, the Muslims except a handful rslicious class, had neither literary nor official pedigree nor they enjoyed any state patronage; instead they belonged to the oppressed mass. Education 2 to them, therefore, was a distent luxua^^ and wastage of time. The religious class— the only Muslim group— with educational background— 1, It is to be rerT*mbered that the Hindu community of Kashmir purely consists of Brahmins who preferred to stick to their Own faith even in the face of mess conversions to Islam during 14th and 15th centuries. They continued to act as official class by virtue of their being only experts in local administra- t4.on. Even during the Afghans, who have been portrayed as fanatics by later Hindu writers, the Kashmir Fandits monopolised the revenue department— the main wing of the state administra tion. Cf, Parmu, History of Muslim Rule in Keshmir^ pp,380-381, 2, The official version that the peasants regarded education useless by attributing this saying, "Pari Pathi geli Tarathi, Hal vaga Tukra KhageS Translation* "Education brings ruin. It is by plouging that bread can be hadT to them should be understood in this contexts. Census BBI Report of India, 1911^ p, 160; Census of India, 1931, p, 254, had so vast economic resources that for a long tiiite they did not feel the pressure of modernization, that had forced the Hindu 2 official class to favourably respond modern education. The Muslim religious class on the other hand discouraged the community from 3 receiving modern education. In this they had obvious vested interests. Until the beginning of the twentieth century one does not 4 find even a single Muslim boy in the Qiristian missionary schools. For political reasons the government also for a long time did not show any interest in dissiminating modern education among the Muslims as to quote P, N, Bazazs "The awareness that they (Dogras) were Hindus and the over whelming majority of the Kashmiris professed Islam, Constantly made them apprehensive, they disliked the idee of making their subjects politically conscious and thought that imparting of education was only an effective way of awakening 5 the people to their political and humtm rights". Funding of a few Madras a's and Maktabas wcs the only interest shown by the Dogra rulers till late 70's of the 19th century, 1, The core group of the religious class of Kashmiri Muslims, which formed the reference group of the Muslim community during pre-modern times, had large number of •rourids', who considered it a religious duty to part with a fixed quantity of their produce with their 'pir", This is to some extent true of modern times also. Besides, the 'pirs' were simultaneously imams and preachers of the big mosques, which also provided them large amount of money in terms of 'naiz' every Friday. Moreover, the •pir* also acted as judges and officiated the religious rites in lieu of \(^ich they also earned a good amount of money. Lawrence pp. 233, 291, 307, 2, Siscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, 3, The Muslim religious leaders stressed upon their community that the adoption of western education would turn them in apostates and thus they would not be able to distinguish between right and wrong. For details see. Inside Kashmir, p. 251; The Ahl-i-Hadis, Lahore, January 15, 1926, 1, Biscoe's Autobiogrephy, 1905, p, 1, 4, Prem Neth Bazaz, Daughters of Vitasta^f, p, 215, • ./• • The establishaent of BritJ.sh Residency in Kashmir in 1885 was a boon for Kashmiris in general and Muslims in perticular* It is after 1885 that the government showed some interest towards educating masses when some primary and middle scnools were opened in different parts of the Valley. However, even in 1891 there were only 18 schools in Kashmir out of which 17 were pri^Tiary schools and one middle school. Of the 18 schools, 10 were situated in Srineger and the rest 8 in other towns. Realizing the benful innpect of the educational backwardness of the Kashmiri Muslims, their sympathisers in India pressurised the Maharaja to pay attention towards the 2 educational aspirations of the Muslim community of Kashmir* With the result the government opened many schools and offered some financial assistance in the form of scholarships for attracting Muslims towards 3 modern education. On account of the opening up of modern schools in different parts of the Valley and providing some financial help to them, there was a good response of the Muslims towards modem education. 6. The following madrasas existed in Srinagar in I872i The Madrasa of Aisa Koul, The Madras a of Reinawari, The Madrasa of Nawakadal, The Madrasa of MaharaJ Gung and the Madrasa of B as ant Ba^h. The latter three Madrases were run by the government* NIA/Forelgn Pol, A, February 1874, Nos, 271-278, 1, Annual Administrative Report^ 1891-92, 2, For details see Sub-heading 'External Support' 3, Glency Cormiission Report vide Destawaizat, pp. l02_lo3. In 1910 the official records put the total number of Muslim literates at 4760, The number could be exaggerated but there is no denying the fact that a good trend was set in motion to educate the Muslims on modem lines. However, among the literates as indicated in the official records, majority were either simple literates 2 meaning knowing reeding er writing an ordinary letter or they were literates in traditional learning or they were simply possessing elementary education imparted in primary schools. It is with the beginning of the 20th century that one does not only come across an increasing number of Muslim literates owing to the expansion of 3 educational institutions, but one also finds a sizeable number of 4 middle pass and matriculate Muslim students, some of whom went for higher studies • In the twenty's of the present century the number of the Muslim students in educational institutions was equal if not greater 5 than the nOn-Muslim students. Of course, their number wes less in the colleges but an interesting feature of the education of Muslim community was that many of them, in imitation to Hindu boys, went 1, Census of India, 1921, p. 111, 2, For this contemporary definition of literacy see Census of India, 1911, p. 165; Census of India, 1941, p. 30, 3, In 1921 out of 1,000 Muslim males 19 were literates; Census of India. 1921, p. 121, 4, The distribution of jMuslim students of Jammu and Kashmir according to institutions is detailed as below* College 132, Secondary schools 21,478, Normal schools 30, Maktabas 1,779, Annual Administrative Report of J&K, 1921, pp, 97-98. 5, Ibid,, outside for higher acedemic degrees from different Universities of British India and it were these young educated Muslims who became the harbingers of political consciousness in Kashmir, The presence of a Sizeable number of Muslim literates in Kashmir who were mostly- middle pass and matriculates acted as active workers of the new leadership as in cort^erison to illiterate mass they could understand the message^ immediately it was dinned into their ears. The modern education made the educated iMus'-im youth conscious about their rights end the powers they possessed to turn the tables of the government with the support of the oppressed messes. The great seats of learning (i, e, the Indian Ihiversities) from which they obtained their degrees educated them about practical political icnowledge as these institutions were also the hubs of political activities. Moreover, the Indian situation which was experiencing a tremendous wave of patriotism and high sense of sacrifice among ith citizens for freedom, fired the imagination of the Kashmiri Muslim youth for liberating their land which was under the subjugation of more tyraniflOC rule than that of the British India. 'Siting about the impact of the Indian nationalism on the Muslim educated youth who received education from different Indian Universities^the contemporary freedom fighter|{ and historian P, N. Bazaz remarksj "The glorious chapter in the history ot the national movement of India could not but produce profound effect on the minds of the Kashmiri Muslim youngmen who were studying in different Universities and had, therefore, the opportunity to witness 1, Prem Nath Bazaz, Struggle For Freedom in Kashmir, p. 146,# M. Y, Saraf, Kashmiris tight tor Freedom^ p. 3t>i» the Vc.rioas phases of the movement with their own *yes. Some of them participated in the Muslim League Session at Allahabad in 1930 where for the first time Dr. Mohamnad Iqbel adumbrated his theory of panislamism and a separate stote for the Muslims of the sub-continent in his presiaential address* Fired with the spark of freedom and enthused with the emotion of panislsmism a batch of youngmen returned to their home eerly in 1931, The echoes and the reverberations of the ^ivil )^isobedience movement had been heard in whe mountedns of the valley of Kashmir in advance of the return of these youngmen. It had created sn atmosphere of defiance to cruel and despotic authority of the alien J-»ogra rulers. The stage was 3et with all the parapfkOrnalia; only the actors were needed to play their parts, who but these educated and enthusiastic youngmen were best suited for the task?? It is interesting to note that even those Kashmiri Muslim* students who had cone to Indie for receiving higher religious education, too returned as firebrand patriots obviously because each educational institution of India, whether secular or religious could not be uninfluenced by the temp^ytous wave of nationalism which had hardly left any body unmoved. Waiting about Mlrwaiz Yousuf Shah, who returned Kashmir in 1931 after receiving education from Davebond Daru'1 ^LlUun, and gave his whole hearted support to nascent 2 political oonsciousness of Kashmiri Muslims Sheikh A^bdullah saysj -^-^y^^^L L/fi/^iA iy^ U'^}K^^^y^l,jlJ=l- J •& 1, Prem Nath Bazaz, Strugc^le For Freedom in Kashmir, p. 146, 2, Atash-i-Chinar^ p. 71, (b) Educetional Grievancest If not Iminediately but definitely from the beginning of the present century the Keshmiri Muslims started reelizing bgckground and consequences of the apQthy of Doer a Raj towards educating tne Muslim masses. It was fully realized that the Government shriks its responsibility simply because of political considerations, apprehending that education would make them (Muslims )conscious against their exploiters. The Kashmiri Muslim leaders pleaded for providing educational facilities to the Muslims and devising ways and means for encouraging them towards education. However^ when all the pleas and petitions of Muslims went unheedsd they sought the support of their co-religionist sympathisers of r3ritish India especially that of Punjab, to exercise their influence for pressurising the Maharaja to acceed to the genxiine demand of Kashmiri Muslims, ^s g result, of this contact, the All Indie Muslim Educetional Conference, sent in 1913 a deputation headed by Sahibzada Aftab Ahmed Khan. The deputation presented a memorandum to the Maharaja requesting him to take care 2 of the educetional aspirations of the Muslim corrmunity. It iras in response to the pressure exerted by the Indian Muslirre that the 3 government appointed a Special Inspector for Muslim education end then an Educational Commission in Mgy 1916, under the chairmanship of Mr, Sharp, 1, P. N, Bazaz, Daughters of Vitasta, p. 215, 2, For details see, JKA, I, NQs 217/P-9 of 1913; Riots Enquiry Committee Report; July 1913, witness NOj 87, 3, The post existed in Kashmir on the eve of x:he appointment of Sharp Commission; See Clancy Commission Report vide Dastawaizatj p, 108* However, many recoranendations of the Sharp Commission were not implemented at ell. For example it had recommended thet the villages with 500 population should be provided with a primary school but the government •^urned a deaf ear to it, though tnis recommendation «as upheld by other Commissions appointed by the government from time to time to recommend ways and meens to improve 2 the lot of the people particularly that of the Muslim community. The insincerty of the government can be inferred, from the fact that it kept the recommendations of the Sharp Comnission as a cop secret 3 so that the Musliins did n 1, Glancy Commission Repo rt, vide Dastawaizat, p, 99* 2, Ibid,J See also K, G, SaiyQidJaVI 3, Soon after its publication the report was safety put in the archives from where nobody could find it out. The Muslims fightly felt aggrieved over such a state of affairs; See P* N, Bezaz, Struggle for Freedom in Ka3hmir# p. 251, 4, Glancy Commission RepO rt vide Destavaizat^ p. 98« In fact the Muslims were not at all happy with the response of the government to Sharp reconmendetions which they expressed time end again. In the draft of demands presented by the Kashmiri Muslims to Maharaja Heri Singh on October 19, 19 31 the I'luslim leadership compalined thati The Muslims of Kashmir are deplorably backward in educrtion,Unfortunately Mr. Sharp's report which would have benefitted us, is not acted upon..." It may be noted that predominant population of the Muslim community lived in villages and the predominant population of the 2 Hindu community were urban dwellers. Therefore, the negligence of the government in regard to the establishment of ven primary schools in about 8o% of the total villages of Kashmir was more disadventageous to the Muslim conmunity. It may be noted that out of 3,579 villages of Kashmiry613 villages were having elementry 3 educational facilities. Not satisfied with the government,^ attitude, the liuslims of Kashmir pleaded for taking some necessary steps to dissiminate education among the Muslims, In their memorandum submitted by the Kashmiri Muslim leaders to Lord Reeding in 1924 it was prayed thats 1, Memorial of 1931 vide Saraf, p. 430, 2, Out of 1,000 population of the Hindu comnunity 5 55 liteed in city and towns, where as the the number of Muslim urban dwellers was not more than 12o per thousand, Cf, Census of India, 1911|> p. 44, Census of India, 1921, p. 48, 3, It may be noted that out of 3,579 villages of Kashmir, there were 2,961 villages which had a population of 5,000 and below and till the end of our period even those the villages which possessed 5,000 population did not have even a primary school though the same was recommended by the JEducetion Coiroission appointed by the government from time to time to improve the educational system of Kashmir, See Sharp Report vide Dastawaizat, p. 99; Recommendations of the Educational Re-organization Committee, 1938« 5^ "A Muslim, aW iuropeen expert on education be it appointed to look after Muslim education^ compulsory free primary education be introduced and the same be initiated from Srinagar city. Muslims be recruited both as teachers and inspectors in greater number and sufficient number of scholarships be made available to them for higher education in India and abroad"# The over- riding concern and the growing consciousness of the Muslim cormiunity with regard to the non-chalaV^t attitude of the Dogra Raj towards educating the Muslim community can also be gauged by the fact that the educational grievances formed the main complaint of the Kashmiri Muslims which they submitted before the Glancy Conrnission (1931-32), To quote the Glancy Comnission report! "Of the complaints submitted to the Conrnission, the most common end severe complaint is that some communities and especially the Muslims are not provided with adequate -2 educational facilities". It may not be beside the point to mention here that though the Kashmir Valley contributed major share to the revenues of the 3 J&K State , yet a naked discrimination was adopted towards the development of two regions, while it was true in regard to all developmental works, it was truer in the case of education. For example even in 1932, when after great public pressue the state had modified its discriminatory attitude, there were 32 middle schools 4 in Jammu whereas their number was only 27 in Kashmir Valley* 1, Memorial of 1924. 2, Glancy Coirmission Report vide Dastawaizat, p, 100, 3, M, Fazel Hussaln, Kashmir-Aur-Dogra Ra|^ p. 39; 3iyasat# Lahore, 7 and 8 November, 1932. 4, Glancy Commission Report* vide Pastaval2at, p, loO, The Muslims were not only suffering for want of adequate number of educational institutions for even elementary instruction, but more so they were discouraged by the Hindu teachers who, like other branches of the administration had monopolized the department 1 of Education too* This is why Muslim leadership time and again asked for the appointment of Muslim teachers as an effective tool 2 to attract Muslims towards education, and this is also the reason ; that the educational commission's up^held this demand of the Muslim community. Glancy Commission, vrtiile inqxiiring about poor representation of Muslims in S, P, College of Srinagar, was told that the Hindu teachers discouraged the Muslims from taking science 4 subjects. Though on paper the government^ had earmarked some amount Of money for the grant of tiite scholarship.;, af Muslim comnunity but this too was not actually spent. Even the official figures show considerable variation between what was actually sanctioned and what 5 was actually spent* 1, Witness of Maulvi Mohammad Abdullah Vakil before the Riots Enquli Committee, July, 1931, Riots Enquiry Committee Report, p, 65#, M, Fazel Hussain, pp. 113-114; Bazaz, Inside Kashmir, p. 205. 2, Memorandum of 1924, vide saraf, p. 33-6» 3, Glancy Coimiission Report, vide Dastawaiz^t. p. 100, 4, Glancy Commission Report vide Bastawaizat, p, l02, 5« Yeay Budget Amount Actually spent 1927-28 Rs. 2,100/- Rs. 1,103/- 1928-29 RS, 4,200/- Rs, 4,072/- 1929-30 Rs, 7,200/- Rs, 5,484/- 1930-31 R5,19,400/- Rs,l6,321/- The government also made gross dlscrlfnination in the award of scholarships meant for pampers and orphans. The lions share of these scholarships was appropriated by the Hindu corwnunity. According to the official figures out of 190 students who were in receipt of "Wazaif-i-Yatami" there were only 42 Muslims, the rest were Hindus. Similarly another kind of scholarships namely *Gau Ral&hou Wazaif* which was meant for helping the orphan and poor student of all the ccxifnunities without any discindnation on the basis of religion and caste was practically given ouiy to Hindu communityaWP' For encouraging higher education the government^ had the provision of granting scholarships to those students who were inter ested in doing post-graduation in Science subjectsjbut to quote 3,M, Abdullah, "Those scholarships were generally awarded to non-Muslim students? It may be noted that Shaikh also made persistant requests 2 for the grant of this scholarship but all in vain. For going aborad for further studies the government# had fixed the age limit of the aspirant candidates at 24 years. But this was a deliberate policy to eliminate the Muslim students from the race for going for higher studies as the Muslim students because of poor educational background started their educational career very late* The fact that the Muslims understood the logic behind fixing this age limit can be held from this impression of the then budding leader of the Muslim Community— S, M, Abdullahj 1, Glancy Commission Report vide Dastawaizat, p, 104« 2, S. M, Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 20. 3, Ibid., pp. 21-22. ^ ,y "i/L/ri/--/, "fi ,1' cr^-'-C i-'^irr" L^UAJ^'^^ -'^*>v^-C=<'^*'- L^ r^x" cy :X-U \f\ LX.•iy^fr^I . ^^^J^J.. ''-.•"^ A^'^A^r/.:>^ . r — ^ ^^' O r -''-^;v- /^__.'A ,^ -^y-^'O' 0-1-^-^':V cj/ / U7^.c ' • ^ The fact that Instead of getting sensitive about the educational grievances of the Muslim conmunity, the government^ further affended the Muslims can be judged by its policy of side liv\ing the "Special Inspector for Mcrfiamadan Education", which was created before ^harp in response to the strong Muslim agitation both inside end outside the state. In this regard Glancy Commission report records* "It appears that for the last eleven years this official has been deflected from his proper work and has been deputed to discharge the general duties of an ordinary Assistant Inspector in one particular division". 1, Glancy Commission Report vide, Dastawaizat, p, 108; M.Y, Saraf, pp. 323-324. Hindu Musllro Antaqonlsmt • • • "By virtue of their religious and of the common interests as also by reason of their deep and abiding sense of loyality Kashmiri F- andits are identifical with government •••• Kashmiri Pandits are prou,^d of this. (Pandit Kshyab Bandhu) One of the important reasons that proved a bottleneck for forging a common political plateforra by the Muslims and Hindus was a deep wave of suspicion and bitterness that run at the bottom of the social relations of the two coiwnunities. The antagonism between the t wO communities was mainly the fall out of the coramunali- zation of the state administration which threw up Hindus as a corrmunity belonging to the exploiting class and the Muslims as exploited— a fact about which we have given details in the preceedinc pages. Besides this, the gulf between the two communities was further widened by the brazen and bizarre policy of the Hindus to sabatoge the nascent freedom movement initiated by the Muslims, the reactionary role played by the religious movements of the period and also by the sporadic quarrels that erupted because of the claims and counter claims put forth by the two communities over a few religious places. 1, Memorial presented to the Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir state by Kashyapbandhu, op, cit.» (New Delhi) Nehru Memorial Library, Teen Murti House, The politics of non-Muslims of Jammu end Kashmir began as a reaction to the mass movement vAiich, the Muslims launched against the economic injustice and political servility of the Dogra rule. From the very beginning the attitude of the non-Muslims towards this movdraent had been one of hostility and antagonism. They characterized the movement as communal. According to them the political consciousness among the Muslims stenmed from the "pro- Muslim policies" of the ruler and his goverament. They argued that the "pro-Muslim policies of Maharaja Hari Singh" had emboldened the Muslim subjects to rise in revolt against the ruler in order to get more and more concessions from hinio They also opined that C, E, Wakefield, political and foreign minister of Maharaja Heri Singh, was instrumental in carrying out pro-Muslim policies at the cost of I Kashmiri Pandits» With these bizarre notions, the non-Muslims had failed to view the Muslim mass movement in its proper perspective. Instead of appreciating the grievances of the Muslims before and after 1931 agitation, they dubbed them communalists, rewdies and looters. In doing this, the non-Muslim» "played the historic role of antl- revolution to a finish"v* but with little success. The non-Muslims also failed to realize that their interests were only safe with the masses. Ignoring that the mass movement had struck deep roots in the soil of the state, they con^le tely alienated themselves from it end made efforts to protect their community's interests by identifying themselves with the government end its maciiinary, which is why from the very beginning of the revolition they depended largely 1, P. N, Bezaz, Inside Kashmir, p, 291, ^ 4U. on government favour. In order to achieve their objectives, they set themselves at cross purpcs es with the Muslims trying phrenetically to lesson the political significance of the Muslim movement. Their reactionary and anti-revolutionary role became evident when they requested the Maharajti to amend or repeal the laws regarding the Land Alienation and the Agriculturists. Relief^ They made the malicious propoganda that thejge laws had emboldened the Muslims against their ruler* Their request was however, rejected by the Maharaja, On occasions they adopted insidious political methods to bring pressure upon the Muslims to give up their agitation but were not successful. From the very coramgncennent of freedom movement in Kashmir, the Hindu Maha Sabha set its forces of reaction against it. The worst part of the reaction was the role of the Maha Sabha played in provoking the Hindu Mind of India against the Muslim subjects of Kashmir whom the Hindu Maha Sbaha dubbed as sheer connmunallsts bent upon destroying the Hindu state of the Maharaja of Keshralr, It was tdiKj» this fear which led the leader of the ^abha to save the Hindu cause Only by undoing the freedom movement in Kashmir. Even the Maharaja himself obtained the support of Hindu Maha Sabha against his Muslim subjefcts. In a letter addressed to Maharaja Saheb, Dr, 2 Moan Jl wrote* 1. statesman Calcutta, September 4, 1934/'p* ^^» 2, "Letter dated 3.S, Multan August 19, 1931, from 3.a, Moonjl to Maharaja*, Moonji papers, (New Delhi, Nehru Memorial Library), "•••The Hindu Mahasabha Is lonely and forlorn in the midst of big Hindu leaders, wealthy merchants and Rejas end Maharajas, The Kashmere affia rs I had hoped would open the eyes of the Hindus but I am disappointed, I am fighting single-handed and I will keep on the fight till the end for the Hindu cause, ",.« Your message which you were to send with your Fandit Sharmaji to my Hotel,,, may I now again request your Highness to extend to me your promised help and send the amount by cable to my address which is cere of Thomas Coolc and sons London or care of India Office as I have told your Highness I shall require not less than rupees twenty five thousand for propoganda work in Englandf Not only this the Hindu Maha Sabha organized public meetings and passed resolutions in order to denounce the Kashmiri Muslims as conspirators against Hindu Raj as well as the Hindu subjects of the state. For exan^'le* at its Akola Session he^d on August 15, 1931, the Maha Sabha passed the following resolution*• "The Hindu Maha Sabht looks upon with fear at the fiery propaganda carried on against the Maharaja of Kashmir and at the occxirances of riots, murders, loot and incendiarism. The Sabha deems that there is a secret zassutamximA conspiracy of influential men working behind the agitation. The Maha Sabha recommended to the working Committee that a committee of inquiry, to investigate into the matters regarding Kashmir* be appointed and report submitted" Also, the Lahore Hindu Sabha, Punjab, in its meeting held 2 on August 19, 1931, passed the following resolutions;. 1» Al-Jamiat, Delhi, August 20, 1931, p, 4, 2. Ibid.. 1, *The Hindu Maha Sabha, Lahore condemns the riots in Keshntdr and holds the view that these riots are the result of a deep conspiracy of Muslim reactionaries. ?he Sabha is also of the opinion that some Anglo-Indian newspapers^ directly and indirectly, have encoxiraged these riots, but feels satisfied on the fact that peace is being restored in Kashmir, The Salvia urges ijqjon the government of India that necessary action be taken to suppress this contemplated agitation, 2, The Sabhe appeals to the entire Hindu community and ell ne^vspepera to conaume their full Influence for p-reventlng the agitation in Kashmir and recommends to the Hindu Maha Sabha to expose, appose end repeal the intentions of the Muslim reactionaries against the Kashmir state? Opposition to the demands which the Muslims presented to the Maharaja on October 19, 1931 was another glaring example of the anti-Muslim attitude anfl political shortsightedness of the native non-Muslims of the state. To start with, the Pandits prided themselves on being the first to have fought for the democratic rights cf the people of Kashmir, They §eid that it were they who had first raised the cry of Kashmir for Kashmiris and had demanded a Legislature, a free press and a free platform, ^ut when the same demands were presented by the Muslims the Pandits opposed thenn sa^'ing that they 1, Memorial presented by the s an at an Dharm Young men's Association on behalf of Kashmiri Pandits to His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur of Jeninu and Kashmir* October 24, 1931, p. 3, were made "avowedly on communal grounds end for communel ends". They went to the extent of preferring the rule of autocracy to the 2 blessing of democratic institutions. They saidx. "We Should rather do without a free press and a platform of representation than make our country a hgtbed of communal warfare? This was certainly a proof of their political reactionarianism which became ultimately r esponsible for their own set-back* By identifying themselves with the government to the exclusion of the masses, the non-Muslims played an anti-Muslim role by rendering every possible service to the repressive machinery of the state in the Suppression of the mass movement* 'Vhat was upermost in their minds was to see the forces of revolution destroyed* The Muslim subjects of the stati, according to the Hindu view point, had attained a "position of victors under a Hindu Raj* and the urgent need of the time was to stop them from resorting to agitation. That is why the Pandits ever opposed the release of Muslim political leaders whenever the question was raised with the government. The demand of a con^lete indemnity for the military, the police and the civil officers, end the Ittabllshment of punitive pickets at the expense of Muslim population in areas %rfiere the disturbances had occurred, was constantly pressed by the Pandits to keep the Muslim masses under si:qppression* Even the government of India was requested to start proceedings against the Muslim press in India that openly 3 abused the Kashodri ruler and his government* 1* Ibid., 2, Ibid., 3* The Statesman (Calcutta), October 11, 1931, p, 3* The avowed policy of Kashmiri Fandits against the Kashmiri Muslims who were striving for redressing their genuine economic, religious and political grievances can be inferred from the following objectives of Yuvak Sabha, which the Kashmiri Fandits formed while shunning all ideological differences decidedly to form a corwnon front against the Muslims v*io ware exerting a pressure on the Maharaja to change his policies! ( a) Urging upon the government, to see that the law and order was maintained in the state and helping the authorities in endorcing the s ame> (b) Infusing a spirit of patriotism among Kashmiri Fandits and helping the Maharaja in maintaining the state against the anti- state elements, 2 The Roti Agitation was a natural outcome of thd disappoint ment ceused among the Pandits iff publication of the Glancy Commission Report, rhey regretted the report with regard to the lowering of educational qualifications for government services in favour of Muslim Subjects, They saw that they could no more get a large share in these services as they used to in the past* They were also shoqked by the fact that "the Muslim majority had after all asserted itself 3 even under Hindu rule". They became apprehensive that the Commission had deprived them of their means of livelihood?* Ou^ bread is being snatched from uS", they cried. Out of this fear they started the agitation loiown as the Roti Agitation* 1, SlXB An Interview taken by Gulem Hassan Kheja with Shanibu Nath Bhan» 2» The agitation launched by the Kashmiri Pandits against the Glancy Commissi 1, The Indian Nation (Patna), November 1, 1931, 2, Ibid,, 3, S, R, Kulkaml, rhe Truth and Kashmir* pp, 82-83, vrfiich, "the Hindus could live in Keshmir only as Muslims or at their mercy". Even the cormiunists were not spared by the Pandits 2 to have strong hand in the agitation. The Kashniir movement was dvibbed pan-Islamic movement by the non-Muslims in British India, The exponents of this thoo^^t were Bhai Permenend end Dr. Moonji of the Hindu Maha Sabha, Sardar Sent Singh, a Sikh leader, also contributed to this view. According to these leaders, the movement in Koshmir was a pert of the pan- Islandc movement in India whose origin went back to the December 1929, session of All Indie Muslim League at Allahabad when its president Sir Mohamad laqbal "pronounceol his theory of dividing India into Muslim India end Hindu India and taking the North west pert of India for Muslim confederation* 4 The communal riot of July 1931 further aggravated the Hindu Muslim antagonism. An unheal—thy development/was the part played by the non-Muslims in general and the Kashmiri Pandits in particular who identified themselves with the government end the armed forces. In the performance of their duties, the soldiers were, from time to time guided and accompanied by non-Muslims, The Muslims were Subjected to every kind of humiliation. Indiscriminate arrests and house searches were meate by the military and the police* 1, The Statesman. Calcutta, October, 31, 1931, p, 9, 2, Ibid,, 3, The Indian Nation, Patna, November 16, 1931, 4, It so happened that when a procession of Muslims was carrying some injured persons for treatment to the private clinic of doctor, Abdul Wahid, after the Central jail incident of 13th July, 1931, a non-Keshmiri Hindu trader, Lala Bhagat Kishen Chanc passed some derisive remarks on the Muslims and the deed. It resulted into the corrBTtunal riot of 1931, The Aina, Weekly, Srinagar October 30, 1971, p, 4« 5, Hafiz Mohanrmad Ismail, op, cit., dated A-ugust 22, 1931, The Hindu press of India did nofL less to widen the gulf between the Hindus and Muslims of Kashmir. It launched a violent compelgn against the Kashmiri Muslims who were pleading for the redressal of their grievances, Anong the organs which led this compelgn, the names of Milap, Partab and Tribune are worthmentioning. S, M, Abdullah one of the outstanding Muslim leaders of the time writes* i - I " ^1 I 1 ( -I N " ' " i • I ^ Tense of religious movements sprang up in Kashmir in reaction to the activities of the Christian missionaries and also to checkmat the »uropeanizetion of Kashmiri society. In their endeavour to instil/ a sense of confidence among their respective religious communities, the religious leaders did not sometimes even 1, Atash-i-Ghinar^ p, 55; For details about the disinformation compaign launched by the Hindus press 3€!e Also Kashjr-Aur Doqra Rai, pp. 2, The Hindus as well as the Muslims of Kashmir launched many socio-religious reform movements in order to counter the Christian missionaries. Among these movements the irrportant ones were, Arya Samaj, Faternity Society, Yuvak Sebha, Dogra Sabha, AnJuman-i-Nusrat-ul-Islara# Anjuman-i-Hamdard Islam and AnJuman-1-Tahaffuz-i-Namaz-wa Satri-Masturat etc# hesitate in criticizing other religions. Thus besides contributing to the assertion of aggressive religious identities, the religious propaganda even sometimes led to open skirmishes between the two comrminities leaving little chance for them to come closer to each other. The Arya Samajists did not only embark upon the r ovocative policy of Shuddi Movement but they even went to the extent of abusing islam* The relations between the Hindus and the Muslims were further embittered by the claims and counter claims of each community ever certain religious places. These disp\ites dated back to the year 1893# when a dispute between the two communities arose over a Muslim's bathing place near a mosque at Alikadal in Srinagar. The Hindus had filed a case in the coxirt of law where their claim was dismissed on the ground that there was "no proof in favour of Hindus? After that the Hindus forcibly occupied the place on the authority of the Hahara^l's orders vrfiich had been issued secretly. Thus the Muslims were deprived of the bathing place. The dispute over a piece of land at Nagbal in Islamabad, a famous town thirty-four miles away from Srinacar# gave rise to bitter relations between the Hindus and the Mvislims there in 1924# The Pandits wanted to construct a temple on a piece of land just opposite a mosque at Nagbal# The Muslims raised an objection on the ground that the land belonged to the mosque. The dispute assumed an 1, File NQ» 157-C-ll. Political Deptt, of 1921, (OER), JKA, 2, *relegram dated July 7, 1893, Srinegar, from Humah Shah to Resident of Kashmir", File N0» 67-1893 (Old English Records), JKA, ugly shape when the Pandits prevented the Muslims from performing ablution rites, on the day of Jummat-ul-Vida, which led to a quarrel. However, in June 1924, the Muslims constructed a Thara, inspite of the objections raised by the Paniits, without thie permission of the authorities. The Pandits there upon informed the Maharaja of the unlawful construction of the Thara which they considered was an encroachment on their rights. The Maharaja took a strict action by despatching some army personnel for the demolition of the Thara, Thus ended the Thera-Ten^le dispute. But the dispute had a very abnormal impact on the Hindu Muslim relations in Islamabad, Immediately after the demolishing of the Thara, the Muslim cormunity 2 adopted the technique of boycott against the Pandits, This was immediately encountered by the Kashmiri Pandits in Srinagar, In several meetings held secretly, the Pandits decided to boycott the Muslim Shops, In their anti-Muslim compaign, the Pandits were joined by non-KfShmiri non-Muslims also. In open public meetings untoward remarks were passed on the Muslims and their kings. These developments not only sharpened the acrimony but widened the differences between the two communities. The ugliest of all the disputes over religious places was the dispute that crgpped up over the Khanqeh shrine, Srinagar, It so happened that on August 24, 1924 a few Kashmiri Pandits, in the early morning hours, found that a few stones had been removed and carried away from the Maha-kali, a Hindu temple situated at a distance 1, Hafiz Mohamad Ismail, Personal Diary (1907-1950), dated May 10, 1916, Itejn 1, 2. Ibid.. May 5, 1924# Item 5, 3» Ibid,, June 23, 1924# Item 2, of few yards from the main sanctuary on the bank of river Jheltim, They first saw some Wianqashis and made enquiries about the stones. But the Khanqashis eJ^ressed their ignorance eboxit the same. The Pandits then informed the police of the theeft of the stones from the Maha Kall# In due course of time they assernbed at Ganpatyar, where from they mardied in a procession to the Khanqah shrine. The moment they entered the premises of the shrine, they pelted the sanctuary, breaking the glass-panes of its windows * demolishing the Thara whic-h the Muslims used for the purpose of offering their prayers* External Supportt *••.# we are extremely greatful to the Muslims of India in general and those of Punjab in particular for their unparrailed sacrifices and total sympathy in course of our trials and tribulations. We are also thankful to the Muslim press of the sub-continent 2 for having ^o effectively presented over case,,,* It may sound strange to many of us to know that the freedom movement of Kashmir was not started by those Kashmiris who were living in the Valley and were directly affected by the tyranny of the Dogra Raj,On the other hand, it was started by those Kashmiris who were living on the other side of the border in the plains of the Punjab and were politically^ economically and culturally better ^» Ibid,^ August 8, 1924, Item 3, o « Presidential address delivered by 3, M, Abdullah in the first Annual Session of All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference on 15th-17th October, 1932 at Mirpure vide, Dastawaizat, p, 221, placed to champs an the cause of Kashmiri Muslinn3# As a matter Of fact the freedom movement of Kashmir orglnated and developed In Pvanjab at the hands of Kashmiri origin Punjabi Muslims and It is from Punjab that the movement found Its way In the Valley during the twenties of the present century. Owing to the persistant oppression, Keshmir was subiected to (right from Mughal occupation to the Dogra Raj), it had become the habit of the oppressed Kashmiris to flee to Punjab in search 1 ''^^ -• of relieved conditiono. Besides, since Punjab was a»ientrep&t of trade between Keshmir and India, Lahore end other cities of Punjab had attracted a good number of Kashmiri n»rchants to profit them selves from the lucrative business opportunities. As such in the nineties of the nineteenth century, there were, according to some historians, about one laWi Kashmiris residing in different parts of 2 Punjab, Though these Muslims were no doubt the permanent subjects of Punjab, but they had never forgotten their emotional relations with their mother country. The following coiqjlet of Iqbal— one of the prominent personalities of the Kashmiri origin Punjabi Muslims, amply beers out the unflagging deep rooted emotional attachment of 4 Kashmiri origin Punjabi Muslims with their mother country* 1, JRASB, Vol, XXIII, N0» 1, 1923; Moor craft. Travels, p. 67; Thorp, Kashmir Misgovernment, p.52; S.M.Abdullah, Atashi-1-Chlner, P, 102. 2, Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom, p, 449. 3, S. M.Abdullah, At as h~l. Chin ar, p,l02; Taseer, T ahr i)c-l~Hur rlvat Kashmir, Vol.1,p«41; Saraf, Kashmiris Flqhtfor Freedon|, p,4^^ 4» Nal -^-'Li.''V p-i^ U CJ If •> I J ^o^^^ r''j:>j/y^ 1, Shefiq Hussain, Dastawaizat, p, ?• 2, Shabham Qayum, Kashmir- Ka-Siyasi-Inqilab, Vol, I, pp, 43-44« S« Kashmiri Gazettee, Lahore, December, 190l» The Anjuman-1-Kashmir-Musselmanan-i-Lahore which got defunct in 1897 wa3 revived in 1901. Simultaneously these Muslims formed an 2 another essociation celled Muslim Kashmiri Ccmference, In 1912, we find Muslim Kashmiri Conference strongly condemning the policy of prefrence given by the state to non-state subjects over the state 3 subjects in government services. In 192o an organisation with all India charactor was formed at the initative of Kashmiri origin 4 Punjabi Muslims known as All Indie Kashmir Conference, The branches of this organization wore opened at Lahore* Amritsar, Gujranawala, 5 Siyalkot, Gujret and Rawalpindi, It often convened public meetings in which the socio-economic disabilities of Kashmiri Muslinre ere highlighted. This Anjuman worked for the recruitment of Kashmiris into army and for giving proprietorship to the peasants. When Saad-ud-Din shawl was exiled from Kashmir, it evoked a strong reaction among Indian Muslims, The Anjumcin-i-Keshmiri Musalmanan, Gujranwalla pass«d the following resolutions in a meeting held on June 20# 1925 at the house of Babu Atta Moharaed* 1, Sablr Aafaqi, Igbal-Aur-Kashmir, p, 38, 2, The President of this association was Mian Rarim Bakash and Geneal Secretary Mian Shams-ud-Dini S, Gayum, Vol. I, pp, 43—44, 3, JKA, F. NO? 254/P-27 of 1912, 4, 3. M. Abdullali, Atash-i-Chlnar, p, 56; Saraf, Kashmiris Fight Freedom, p. 45, 5, S, Qayum, Kashmir-Ka-Slvasj Inaileb, Vol, I, pp. 43-44, 6, Sabir Aafaqi, Iqbal-Aur-Kashmir, p, 42, "This meeting of the Anjuman-i-Kashmiri Muselmanan* Gujranawella, emphatically protested against the Kashmir government's ordlers of exilement of Khawaja 3aad-ud-Din Shawl from Kashmir, the confiscation of the jagir of Khawaja Hasan Shah Naqshbandi and the removal of Khawaja Nurshah Naqashbandi, by means of forced resignation, from his services.•••• Similarly, the young Men's Muslim Association, Gujrat, passed the following resolutions in its meeting held under the presidentship of SheiWi Kiramat Ullah. •The meeting of the Yoiing Men's Muslim Association Gojrat, expresses regret at the •rbitrary orders of the Kashmir Durbar ordering the extemment of Khawaja S*ad-ud- Din Shawl, the confiscation of the jagir of Hasan ^hah Naqashbandi and the dismissal of Khawaja Nurshah Naqashbandi -2 from his service,•••? In view of these developments Sir Hari Singh, who had ascended the throne after the death of the Maharaja Partab Singh, started a policy of conciliation and conr^jromise towards the Muslims, He lifted the ban on Saad-ud-Din shawl and permitted him to return home. Ban on other memorialists was also lifted. 1, The Aldibar^i-Kashmir. Lahore, June 28, 1925, p. 14, 2, The AWibar-i-Kashmir^ Lahore, August 21, 1925, p, 12, 3* Hafiz Moharmiad Ishail, op, cit., dated October 8, 1925, The news of 13th July, 1931 regarding the indiscriminate and unprovoked firing outside the Central Jail, Srinagar reached Lahore on the 16th evening and was published in the Mxislim press on the 17th morning. About seven thousand to eight thousand protest telegrams were sent to the Maharaja by Muslim individu*ls and organizations from all over India, Thousands of telegrams were also addressed to the Viceroy urging immediate intervention. The publication of this news sent a Wpve of indignation among the Muslims all over India resulting into protest meetings and processions almost in every city, town and iim^ortant village, expressing their sympathy and solidarity with the Muslims of Kashmir and calling t^on the British government to dispose Hari Singh and take the state under its direct administration, Pr*ss statements were issued by all prominent Muslim leaders conderming the outrage and 2 assuring the Kashmiri Muslims of their full support. In order to co-ordinate these activities in various parts of India, Mirza Beshir-ud-Din Mahmud Ahmad, Amir of the Jamat-i-Ahmadiya took initiative in convvzting a meeting of some leading Muslims at Simla on 25th of July, 1931 to consider the situation. It was in this historical meeting that the foxindation of All India Kashmir Committee was laid, 1, Inoilab. Lahore, August 23, 1931, 2, Taster, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol, I, p, 140| Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom* p. 454, 3, P,N, Baaaz, Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, p, 156| S, M, ^adullah, Atash-i-Ch4nar, p, 102> Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-»Keshmir, Vol, I, pp. 14l»142, The meeting was at Fair-view, the Simla residence of Sir Zulfikar All Khan of Malirkatla end was attended by the followingI 1, Sir SJieiWn Mohammad Iqbal, 2, Mirza Bashlr-ud-Edn Mahmud Ahmed, 3, Sir Zulfikar Ali, 4, Khawaja HeSan Nizami, 5, Nawab of Kunjpura, 6, Sayed Mc^isin ohah Advocate, 7, Khan Bahadur Shaikh Rahim Baksh, 8, Maulana Mohamad Ismail Ghaznavi, 9, Maulana Abdur Rahim Dard, 10, Maulana Noor-ud-Haq, 11, Sayed Mohamad Hebib, 12, Sahlbsada Abdul Latif, See Inailab. Lahore, July, 29th, 1931; Saraf, Kashmiris Fight For Freedonu p, 255, The leaders of All India Kashmir Cointnit^tee expressed their grave concern over the mass killings of 1931 and assured the Muslims of Kashmir for their full moral and material support in their struggle. The Conmittee passed the following resolutions* a) To bring pressure on the government of India to help the Kashmiris in securing to them the elementary rights of humanity hitherto denied to them; b) To acquaint the ruler with the real affairs of his state; c) To ask the Viceroy end the Foreign Department of the Government of India for appointing an independent Commission of enquiry in Kashmiri affairs; d) To make the Kashmir affairs known to the entire civilized world by writing books on Kashmir and to make vide circulation of the 2 same in England* In response to the call ^ given by the All India Kashmir Corrmittee, Kashmir Day was observed on August 14# 1931, with tremendous 3 4 enthusiasm both within and without the state * outside the state 1, S, M, Abdullah, Atash-i^Chinar^ p. 102; Saraf, Kashmiris Fight For Freedom^ P, 454» 2, Statesman^ Calcutta, July 28, 1931; Saraf, Kashmiris FiQht For Freedoniy p, 454» 3, At this day complete hcrtal was observed in ttie Valley end a convention was called at Martyar's Graveyard which was attended by the children of the martyars of 13th July, 1931» 4, Alfazal, Qadian, November, 1931, p, 3; P, N. Bazaz, Struqqle For Freedom in Kaahmir, p. 156; 3, M, Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar* p. 142. Taseer, Vol, I, p, 142; Saraf, p. 454, 1 2 3 Kashmir Day was celebrated in ti*^ Punjab , Ferozpur , Delhi « ^ c g 7 Gora3cpur , Bombay , Calcutta and Simla, Public meeting*, processions were the main features of the celebrations* The general nature of the resolutions passed in the meetings held throughout the country* in connection with the Kashmir Day related toi i) The removal of restric±ions on conversion f rom Hinduism to Islam and the removal of disabilities with regard to rights of inheritance and guardianship over the wife end children of a Hindu converted to Islam; ii) Securing the people of Kashmir their basic rights of the freedom of speech and expression, the freedom of forming associations, the freedom of press and platform and the proprietory rights in land to the peasants in Kashmir as enjoyed by the peasants of Punjabi iii) Securing seventy percent of the appointments in the state services to the Muslimsj iv) Restoring to the Muslims their mosques, shrines, graveyards and other sacred places with the propert:ies attached to such places; v) Reinstating of all officials who had been either dismissed or suspended from their services or whose promotion had been stopped as who were otherwise punished in connection with the political agitaticxi» 1, Alfazal, Geidan, August 27, 1931, pp, 9-10, 2, Al-Jamait, Delhi, August 24, 1931, p. 6, 3, Statesman, August 16, 1931, pp. 9-10, 4, AHemait, Delhi, August 28, 1931, pp, 6-7, 5, The Indian Nation, August 18, 1931, 6, Statesman, August 16, 1931, pp, 9-10, 7, Statesman, August 15, 1931, p, 9, 8, Alf azal, Qeidan, November 19, 1931, p. 3, The committee also arranged the publication of Kashmir news in British newspapers such as "Ring Post, "Sunday Times" and "Daily Telegraph", London, They supported the demand of Kashmiri Muslims for the expulsion of Hari Krisan Koul and the introduction of reforms. It also deputed a number of lawyers to defend hundreds of Muslims who were being tried on charges of murder and rioting 2 during the 13th July, 1931 incident. This is not all. The draft of demands which the Kashmiri Muslim representatives submitted to Maharaja Hari Singh on October 19, 1931 was revised and redrafted by All India Kashmir Committee which Sent Maulena Yaqub Khan, later editor of the Civil and Military Gazette, Maulane Mohamed Ismail Ghaznavi and Maulana Abdur Rehim Derd to Srinagar to assist S,M.Abdullah end his colleagues in bringing about any changes "that may be deemed necessary" It took them several days to revise the draft, Mr, Zahoor Ahmed claims to have typed the 3 first script • The Kashmir Committee provided not only moral but also material assistance to Kashmiri Muslims, It was with the help of Kashmir Committee that the Kashmiri Muslims could present their case before 1, M, Y. Saraf, p, 440, 2, S. M, Abdullah, Atash.i-Chiner, p. 134; M, Y, Saraf, p. 440, 3, Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom, p, 419, the Mldelton Corwniaslon on December 5th, '1931 • It is also important to note that the Keshmir Conmittee members played an important role in the formation of Ail Jannmu and Kashmir Muslim 2 Conference in 1932» Equally rather more important role which the Kashmiri origin Punjabi Muslims played in bringing about political consciousness among the people of Kashmir end helping them to redress their grievances, was their effort to highlight the problems of Kashmiri Muslims and inculcating among them the s«nse of patriotism (which owing to their educational baclcwardness, was lacking in them till the beginning of the present century^through the press. It may not be out of place to mention here that there were a number of daliWs and weeklies published by the Punjabi Muslims, which they placed at the disposal of Kashmiri Muslims, The important one's were Kashmir Gazette^ Kashmiri Magazine, Pani-i-Feulad, Terikat* Nizam, Kashmiri Ingilab, Mazloom-i-Kashrair« Alf azal^ Sunrise and Al-iamiat. The earliest weekly which chempaioned the Kashmir cause was •Kashmir Gazette] The credit for the publication of this organ goes 4 to Jan Mohantned Ganai a migrant Kashmiri Mosllm, When in 1897, the — III • I I • - 11 • I - - — -• _ . I II II I 1» S. M. Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p, 141. 2, The meeting vAiich decided in favour of forming All Jamrou and Kashmir Muslim Conference was also attended by the members of All India Kashmir Committee; See, S, M, Abdullsh, Utash-i-Chinar, p. 157, 3« Shocked over the creduelity of Kashmiris, their political poverty even in the twenty's of the present century, Iqbal saysx See,Anwar"i-Iqbal# p, 213, 4, Seraf, Kashmirif Fight for Freedom* p. 450, Anjuman-i-Kaahmir-Mussalmanan-1-Lahoret became defunct. It were the mativating articles and editorials contained in 'Kashmir Gazette* that the Anjuman was revived in 1901, Moreover, it published the patriotic poems written by the Indian Muslim pO€.>ts which g ave a 2 clarion call to Kashmiri nationalism. Muhammsd-ud-Din Fauq, one of the Kashmiri migrants settled in a village of Siyalkot, brought out 'panj-i-Fauladi This paper was closed in 1906 and then he brought out a monthly 'Kashmiri Magazine* which subsequently became a weeXly# In 191"*, he brought out a new paper 'Tarikat' and then in 1918 a journal called 'Nizam; In addition 3 to this he also published 'Rahanma-i-Kashmir'# In 1926, another weekly named 'Kashmiri' was started from Lahore, Hundreds of copies were sold in the state, particularly in the Valley, They contained articles and poems calling upon the Muslims to educate their children,^ bring about social reforms and to 4 change their fatalistic outlook. Among other Muslim organs which pleaded the Kashmir cause the name of 'Inqilab* published from Lahore is worth mentioning, S,M, Abdullah says that it was through this organ that he published statistical information to demonstrate the under representation of 1, Sebir Aafaqi# Iqbal-Aur~Kashmir, p. 38, 2, Ibld^, 3, Ibidf. pp. 42-43, 4, Ranbir, Weekly, Jammu, Vol, 3, NOj 47-48(1927); Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom, p, 450, Kashmiri Muslims in the state services* The role of this daily was so deiticated to the cause of Kashmiri Muslims that the government 2 of Kashmir ii^osed ban on its entry in the Valley. While highlighting the role of 'Inqilab' in bringing about the political consc-iousness 3 among the Kashmiri Muslims s. M, Abdullah writesj From 1931 onwards the Lahore Muslim press started a vigorous compaign against the Maharaja and his admini3trati<»i. "Newspapers containing articles written in the words of fire were 4 sent by thousands into the Valley • It would not be beside the point to mention here that it was because*of the Punjabi Mxislim press that the grievances of Kashmiri Muslims were brought before 5 the eyes of the world. To quote ShaiXhi .r' J 1. S, M, Abdullah, Atash-i-C3iinar^ p, 57, 2. Ibid.^ pp. 271-272, 3. Ibid., p. 102, 4. Ranbir, Weekly Jammu, Vol. 3, 1927; P, N, Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, p. 151, 5. S.M, Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar. pp. 48-49, Needless to say,, the Kashmir freedom movement (for a long time—atleast upto 1938 »ea«feo«i under the control of the Punjabi Muslims? No woxmder, therefore, we find 3, M, Abdullah often going 2 to Pxmjab for consultations with Punjabi Muslim leaders. The dominent role played by the Punjabi Muslims in Kashmir politics can be gauged by the fact that we find Maharajas seeking support of the Punjabi Muslims for the restoration of normalcy in Kashmir. It should also be remebered that the political mentors of the Kashmiri leadership—which emerged in late twenty's of the present century—were the Kashmiri origin Punjabi Muslims, Sir Mohamad Iqbal was the front ranking idealogue of Kashmiri Muslim leaders, and according to ShaiWi, he was much irapresaed by the idealogy of Iqbal» The Muslim poets of Pxmjab also played a significant role in inculcating the sense of patriotism among the Kashmiri Muslims, Among those poets, who dedicated themselves to the cause of Kashmiri Muslims, the name of Alama Igbal is worthmentioning. He was probably the first Muslim po«t who in his poetry highlighted the oppressed conditions of Kashmiri Muslims and gave them a clarion call of political awakening. 1, P, N. Bazaz, Struggle for freedom in Kashmir^ p. 156, 2. S, M, Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar^ p, 181, 3, Ibid., pp, 103-104. 4. Ibid.^ pp, 40-41. Not only Shaikh but we also find other Kashmiri leaders like Mirwaiz Ahmad-ullah Hamadani v*io had been exiled from the state on account of presenting memorandum to Indian Viceroy in 1924, often ixUMtim visiting Alama Iqbal. See, Right from his •turilentship^Iqbal dedicated his poetic Capabilities for the cause of Kashmiri Muslims. In the first session of the first loniown political organization formed by migrant Muslims— Anjuman-i-Kashmir-Musselmanan-i-Labo«e» Iqbal vH-io was then the student of B.A,, red a poem containing twenty seven stanzas. Because of the paucity of space we shall quota only three of its versesi Z ^ •^•< r\'iuV^^^^- ^-'7'yj/o'l/''^,JL?c-^yu-L:A. ^X''(-l,/:c/'^-^'l''y^'yl r^r Iqbal continued the practice of boasting the morale of the Kashmiri origin punjebi Muslim freedom fighters through his patriotic poems, he used to reed in the meetings of the ^njumanan-i- Keshmiri-Mussalmanan-i-Lahore, The following verses of a poem red 2 in one of its meetings may be cited as an examplet iJ^l^^/ <^ ) '• 1. Nakish-i-Igbal^ p. 145, 2« Sabir Aafaqi* Iabal-Aur-Kashmir> p, 38» Even before the age of twenty Iqbal developed Interest in the affairs of Kashmir and right from 1896 to 1938 he channpaioned the Kashmiri cause, infused the sense of patriotism among the Kashmiris and provided them intellectual and political guidance to fight against the Dogra *aj« with the advancement in age Iqbal developed more and more interest in the freedom of Kashmir, In his 'Javid Nama' he sends a message of political consciousness and l49Vcfor freedom through a great saint of Kashmir^ Sayed Aii Haraadani* Likewise, we find him putting Seventeen poems in the mouth of assumed Kaahmiri—Mullahzada Lolabi— through which he educates the Kashmiris about love for liberty* One is tempted to quote these verses of 'Saqi Nama', he wrote in 1921 while staying in Kashmir* In these verse* he gives a cell to the Kashmiris 2 to rise from their deep slumber of ignorance about their plight* ^JJ^ c^'^-yj'^uO' ;'[,,!^ 11 .. v2 -7 i\o\ •-: _--^. V, ^•^.'^ I .j> .-y^ ^- ^•r,i;j^[_.• / '^ ]"• s .) ^^ •^jJy-'p^; ,x,->? V rc y. -^^^",/ :>JZ^^.< [^^2^^/ ^ r y;^,>^^::y\[J^^-^^^J 1» Sabir Aafagi, Iqbal-A ur--Kashmir> p. 41, 2, Anwar-i"Iabala FP« 60-61* Besides Mama Iqbal, there were many other poets who devoted their poetic faculties to the cause of Kashmiri Muslims, Among them Amin Hazeen and Hafia Jalandhari are worthmentioning. To quote a few patriotic verses of Hafiz Jalandhari in which he highlights the state terrorism and also encourages the Kashmiri freedom fightersi y ^ ^ Two religious-cum political organizations of Punjab viz., Ahmadiyas and Ahrers played a vital role towards bringing about political consciousness among the Kashmiri Muslims, In precedding pages we have mentioned in detail the role of All India Kashmir Committee in the politics of Kashmir, This Coimiittee it is to be noted, was the creation of Ahmediyas, They also gave top most priority to the political events in Kashmir in the columns of their official 3 4 organs such as the 'Alfazal* and Sunrise', They were pro-British 5 and believed in British intervention in Kashmir affairs, 1, S. M, Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar^ p, 22$, 2, Malik Fazl Husain# Kashmir-Aur-Doqra-Raj, p. 262; P, N, Bazez, Struggle for Freedom in KeshmJ^r* p. 149; S»M, Abdullah, Atash-i- Chinax* P» 102, 3, Khan# Freedom Movement in Kashmir^ p, 200, 4, P, N. Bazaz, Inside Kashmir^ p,lll; Saraf,Kashmiris Fight for Freedom* p, 462, 5, P.N, Bazaz, Inside Kashmir, p, HI, The Ahmediyas were deadly against the appointment of Commission's of enquiry by the Mahafaja, Such Commissions, they argued, functioned with utmost partiality and under the official dictations. This is why that the All India Kashmir Committee opposed the findingjjof the Dalai and Middelton Comnissions as 'unsatisfactory* partial end unacceptable to the Muslims of Kashrinir', The Majllis Ahrar-i-Islaro-i-Hind was a political organization founded on the ruins of the Khilafet Movement in Punjab, It was a group of Muslim leaders who had participated in Khilef at Movement since 1920 and who very often cooperated with the Congress in its normal activities. The members of the Majilis Aiirar imnediately after their release from prison in July, 1931, were attracted by the 2 Kashmir movement. In order to demonstrate their sympathies with the Kashmiri Muslims, the Ahrars sent Jathas of volunteers to the state with the intention of creating disturbances and inviting the attention of the world towards the sufferings of Kashmiri Muslims. It is to be noted here that when the Muslim representatives presented their draft of demands to Maharaja Hari Singh on his 36th annual birthday, it were the members of MaJllis-1-Ahrar, who assisted them in framing this historical memorandum. ^« Atfazal» Gaidan, Noverrber 1, 1931, p. 2, 2, Report of Enquiry into diatrubances In Jantnu end Kashmir its Envirous, L, Mlddleton, 1932, P. N, Bazaz, Inside Kashmir^ p»110» Taseer, TahriJci-Hurrivat-i^Kashmir^ Vol, I, p, 144, 3, Ranblr* Weekly, Jammu, Sanrvat 21 Behadurun^ 1932/ F, N, Baeaz, Struggle for Fr The preceeding pages make it ebttndantly clear that the Muslim community of Kashmir was groaning under deep rooted resentment against the oppressive, dictitorlal and correnunal character of Dogra rule* Hovever, because of the autocratic nature of the Dogra Raj and the poverty of the political consciousness of the Muslim community of Kashmir together with the absence of any solid support from any power outside, the Muslims for a long time failed to put an organized struggle to free themselves from the ShaXles of the Dogra Raj. True, when the oppression touched limits, they did show not only passive reaction but also sometimes raised open revolts—like shawlbaf revolt of 1865, but these reactions lacked organized character. It was in the twenty's of the present century that the signs of political consciousness showed visible signs. This was obviously the result of growing literacy rate among the Muslims of Kashmir perticulsrly the attainment of higher education by many of them from different Indian Universities »*iich were simultaneously the powr houses of freedom moment of India, At the sametime the support of the Muslims of Punjab to Kashmiri Muslims became highly pronounced with the beginning of the twenties of the present centur/. The Silk Factory 1« For instance the peasantry refused to pay the heavy assessment and to cultivate the land; For further details see, Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir^ pp. 404r 420« revolt of I924 and the secret submission of a memorandum by some prominent Muslims of Kashmir to Lord Reding the Indian Viceroy, (in which they demanded the redressal of social, economic an* political grievances) were the obvious fall outs of this perciptible conscious ness among the educated section of the Muslim comnunlty. However, instead of perceiving the emergence of growing resentment among the Muslims particularly among the educated youth and providing « heeling touch to them, the Maharaja tightened screws of its oppressive and autocratic rule, when he exiled the memorialists, and severely punished silk factory workers, rhere was no source of expression and even ban was impose* on the entry of Indian Muslim press in 2 Kashmir, This suffocating situation moved even some high officials who were having some htimanistic bent of mind. Among them Sir Albion Banerji, a Bengali Brahman \^o was the Senior Minister of the Executive Council of the Maharaja will ever remain memorable in the history of Kashmir, while not tolerating the in-humen attitude meted out to Kashmiri Muslims, he resigned and while explaining the reasons of his resignation before the pressmen he exposed the Maharajas communal, oppressive and autocratic rule. His statement was published in English press on 15th March, 19 29 creating havoc to the Maharajas position^. This f^||d|less exposition of the Dogra Raj by its own 1, JKA, File N0> 66/102-C of 192. 2, Sae Supra, p, I2j> 3, See Supra, p, iS 4, S, M, Abdullah, Atash-.1-Chinar, p, 45, Senior Minister vvhile shaking the Maharajas autocratic rule also encouraged the educated Muslim youth of the Valley to come out for putting an organized fight against the policies of the Dogra Raj, The itch for freedom had become so strong that the persecuti0^^r»u^ 2 measures of the rulers and their policy to launch a disinformation compaign through their favourites— both Hindus and Muslims to vainly prove their rule as the most enlightened one^could not succeed 2a in averting it» Since the formation of political associatious was banned in Kashmir, the Indian return Muslim educated youthjf ormed^ what is known 3 as the "Reading Room Party", in the garb of >*iich they wanted a platform to bring all the educated youth together for devising ways and means to fight out the injustice done to the Muslim corwnunity in 4 general and the educated Muslim youth in particular* 1, Ibid*, p. 46, 2, For persecuting measures see S.M, Abdullah, Atesh~i-Chiner, p. 97# 2a, In this context the rejoinder published on behalf of A^a Seyed Hussain* General Sumander Khan, Col, Gulam Ali Shah and Mirza Gulam Mustafa to disprove the realities about Kashmir Government, expressed by Sir Albion Beneraji before the press conference at Lahore on 15th March, 1929 is worth mentioning See Attash-i-Chinar, PP. 45-46, 3, Bazaz, S-truqgle for Freedom in Kashmir, p. 148; Dastawaizat. p. 10; Attash-i-Chin^, p. 48, -r See S. M. Abdullah, Atesh-1-Chinar. p, 48, Reading Room members succeeded in attracting a large nunniber of educated Muslim youth, consequent upon this a committee was constituted to run the Reeding Room party on solid basis. The president and General Secretary of this committee were M, Rajab and 3, M. Abdullah respectively. The members of the Coirenittee included Hakim Ali>Peerzada« Gulam Rasool, Peer Ahmad Shah Fazli, Hakim Gulam Murtza an* Mufti Jalal-ad-Din. In the initial days the Reading Room party focused its attention to publish the horrifing tele of Kashmiri 2 Muslims through Indian and foreign press. The Reading Room party also submitted a memorandum to the 3 Regency Council headed by Mr, Wakefield, The Government, took cognizance of the memorandum end invited the leaders of the party 4 for discussion. Though the government did nothing substantial to redress the grievances of the educated Muslims, yet the latter felt encouraged by making their point before the council. The Government was also impressed by the arguments put forth by the Reading Room party members, Wakefield even expressed it which subsequently became 6 known to the Muslim leaders, 1, Ibid., 2, Ibid., p. 57. 3, Ibid., p, 51, 4, Ibid., p, 52, 5» Ibid., pp. 45-46 16, See Atash-i-Chinar. p, 54t The Reading Room party continued its press compalgn agednst the policies of Maharaja with the help of Punjabi Muslim intellectuals end editors. The commvmal attitude of the Maharaja against the Muslim community particularly in its recruitment policy* which was highlighted through the press by the Reading Room party not only made the latter a most popular among the people but also 2 accelerated the pace of consciousness among the Kashmiri Muslims* The leaders of the party also organized secret pioblic meetings in vrtiich they eadiorted the people to cultivate spirit of sacrifice without which freedom would be a distant dream* For example in one of his speeches ShaiXh.^ in his attennpt to appeal the emotions of kkJii his audience^saids "I said that the only alternative to get rid of their deplorable situation is that Muslims shall have to remain riady for any kind of sacrifice. As long as the fear of jail—torture and persecution vfould cultivate cowardness among the people, till then there is no hope for the redressal of the problems of Kashmiri Muslims, I also Said that for test I will offer myself in the first instance and 9od Willing, I shell be ready to face any 3 kind of Sacrifice", This speech created a new wave of consciousness among the audience. 1. Ibid., pp. 57-58, 2* Ibid., pp. 58-59, 3, Ibid., p, 62, To the good fortune of the Reading Room party many sensai- tional developments took place one after another helping it to mobilize masses openly for which it had been waiting anexiously since its inception. These events were ban on Eid Khutba in Jammu on 29th April, 1 2 1931. Tauhin-i-Qviran (disrespect of Goran) in Jammu and ban on Friday 3 4 prayers in a village of Jararuu by the supporters of Dogre rulers • This created a strong resentment and the Muslim leaders did not loose 5 the Chance to cash it for mobilizing the people against the RaJ» 1, On April 29, 1931, when the Muslims were busy in a prayer meeting on the Eid-Day, a sub-inspector of police Bebu Khem Chend, tried to stop the *neinam from reading out the Wiutba. The Sub-Inspector warned the Ininam that he should stop delivering a political speech. The Sub-inspectors behaviour was taken as an affrant by the Muslims and a hue and cry was raised throughotit the state against the incident; The Kashmiri Mussalman, Lahore, Weekly, May 10, 1931, P, N, Bazaz, Struggle For Freedom in Kashmir, p, 152; s, M. Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p, 67« 2a It so happened that on the morning of July 4, 1931 at an hour when according to the standing orders all bedding should have been rolled up and put away by the constables of the jail guards at the Central Jail, Ja^nmu, a Muslim constable, Fazalded was found sitting on his bedding, reading the C^uran. The Head constable, Lal*ia Ram, remostrated with him and roll up his bedding. When he threw the bedding on his box, the Punjsura fell upon, the ground. The Indian Nation* Patna, July, 4, 1931; S, M. Abdullah, AtaSh-i-Chinar^ pp. 67-68, 3, Another incident occurred at D»gre in Sarnblia Tehsil about 15 miles from Jammu. A water tank there was Jointly used by the Hindus Brahmins and Mtislim weavers. In order to offer their Eid-pra:ier,the Muslims began to draw water from the tank, os had been their practice earlier on, for performing the ablutions. When the Hindus saw the Muslims using the water, they ceme out of their hoxises with sticks in their hands to prevent the Muslims, The police on duty intervened, and made enquiries into "the previous practice, finding that in the past also all Muslims used to perform their ablutions in the Tank? G, R, Raqhavan, Ihe Warning in Kashmir, op, cit,, p, 72, 4, S. M. Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar. p, 68* 5, P. N, Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom in Kashm:ir, p, 152; ^, M, Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, pp, 68-72, While cooperating with the Young Men's Muslim Association of Janwu, the ReMing Room party distributed the posters published by the former, exhorting the Muslims to take processions and to observe hartals. This nattirally incurred the wrath of the government and 2 a worker of the party Mohamad Ismail was arrested. The arrest created a strong reaction among the masses who were already grown sentimental because of Jammu incidents. The Muslim leaders came out openly and delildered fierce speeches against the government. When government failed to persuade the leaders, it let loose its reign of persecution. One of its victims was S, M. Abdullah who was suspended from 4 government services. This further increased the popularity of JnaiJdand other leaders of the Reading Room party among the masses 5 who too got imbued with a sense of sacrifice by these incidents The dismissal of ShaiM>and the popularity he gained within and without Kashmir, embolden him further to take up the cause of Kashmiri Muslims, He organized public meetings in different parts of the city vrtiich used to be attended by thousands of people. It may 1, s. M. Abdullah, Atesh-i-caiinar, p. 68, 2, Ibid,, 3, Ibid,, pp. 69-72, 4, Ibid., p. 77, 5, It was during these dtays that the daily 'Inqilab* published from L-ahore attached the name of Sher-i-Kashmir with S. M, Abdullah,, Ibid,, pp, 77-78, 6, S. M. Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar^ p, 77, not be beside the point to mention here that In this endeavour 5, M, Abdullah received whole heerted support from the Mirv?eiz Yousuf Shah— the Mirwalz of the time. One of Such biggest gatherings WES that of 21 June# 1951 v/hich was organized at Khenqah-i-Meula, "This gethering" in the words of SheDc^shJuld be considered the formal inaguration of the 2 freedom movement of Kashmir", It was in this historical gathering that a representative body of the Muslims of Kashmir was elected. It covnprAsed s-sven prominent Muslims of Kashmir-- Khawaja 3ad-ud-Din Shawl, 2, Mirwalz Mohraad Yusuf Shah, 3, Mirwalz Atlq-Ullah Hemadanl, 4* Agha Sayed Hassan Shahjalali, 5, Khawaja Gulam Mohamad Ashal, 6. S, M. Abdullah and Munshl Shahabab-ud-Dlno At the end of the Khanqah-i-Maula Meeting, en out-sider MuPlim Abdul Qadir, a butler of en European official delivered an 4 emotional speech against the government. He was arrested by the police next day and ordered to be tried in Central jail. On 13th July, 1931 befor* the trial started, a large crowed gathered outside the prison walls. When the Session Judge and other officials arrived, the mob became uncontrolable and some of the Muslims forced their way Into th« outer conipound of the jail. The District Magistrate who !• IMd., p. 71, 2, Ibid., p, 82, 3, P, N, Bazez, Strugqla for Freedom In Kashmir, p. 152; Taseer, Vol, 1, p, 95; 3, M, Abdullah, Ataah-i-Chlnar, p. 84, 4, P. N. Bazaz, struggle for Freedom In Kiahmir, pp, 152-153; S, M, Abdullah, Atash-1-Chinar, pp, 84-85, had also come by this time, ordered the arrest of some of the ring leaders of the mob. The arrests highly excited the crow* who demanded the release of their leaders, and vhen the demand was not met the crowd became restive and threw stones. The Magistrate on duty ordered to open fire vrfiich resulted into the cold bloodafbassacre of twenty two Muslims and scores of demonstrators received bullet injuries* This caused great uproar in the Valley, One of the unfortunate fall outs of the 13th July public reection was the occurrance of communal riot which further (jyjidened the gulf between 2 the Hindus and the Muslims, "Historically and politically" To quote P. N. Bazaz, "the 13th July, 1931 was the most important day in the a»ials of contemporary Kashmir, From this day the struggle for independence and freedom in 3 the most modern sense started openly*. The incident of 13th July shook the whole state inclining the administration, it un-nerved the 4 Maharajajail incident» The, arresaddedt ofuef thl et o Muslithe mfir representativese of wide emtanenssS-t , soot nwhic af^eh rhel thd e the people in its grip* As it was, the 13th July saw the beginning 5 of the glgaatlc force behind th« mass moment. 1, P. N. Be«az, Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir^ p. 153; 3, M, Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 89, S. M. Abdullah, Ata3h-i~Chinar« p. 92; P. N. Bazaz, Struggle For Freedom in Kashmir, p, 154» 3» P. N. Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, p. 154. 4. Ibid.* p, 155. 5. Ibid,, The publication of the 13th July news in the Lahore Muslim Press sent a wave of indignation all over Muslim India resulting into protest meetings end processions almost in every city, t«wn and important village, expressing their sympathy and solidarity with the Muslims of Kashmir and calling upon the British gofernment to dispose Hari Singh and take the state under its direct administration. Press statements were issued by all prominent Muslim leaders condemning the outroge and assuring Kashmiri Muslims of their full . 1 support. In order to coordinate these activities in various parts of India, Mirza Bashir-ud-Din Mahmud Ahmad, Amir of the Jamat-i- Ahmadiya taking initative convened a meeting of some leading Muslims 2 at Simla on 25th July, 1931 to consider the situation. It was in this historical meeting that the foundation of /ill India Kashmir Committee was laid which later on played a dynamic role in Kashmir 3 politics* In response to the call given by the Kashmir Committee "Kashmir Day* was celebrated both within and without thd Valley on August 14, 1931, On this day complete hartal was o. served in the Valley and a procession was held at Martyairs Graveyard in 1, See Supra, p, //'^ 2» P,N, Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, p. 156; S, M, Abdullah, AteSh-i-Chinar, p, 102; Taseer, Vol, I, pp, 141-42, About seven thousand to eight thousand protest telegrams were sent to the Maharaja by Muslim individuals end organizations from all over India* Thousands of telegrams were also addressed to the Viceroy urging Immediate intervention, Inqilab, Lahore, 23, August, 1931. 3» See Supra, p« //g Srinagar which was attended by chousands of .Tien, women and children! 3, M, Abdullah in his address paid tributes to the martyars of 13th July and directed the masses to follow their path with patience and courage. He started his lecture with the following 2 versesi When the government, failed to check the growing wave of resentment, it sought the support of the Punjabi Muslims for the restoration of peace in the Valley. It was at the request of Kashmir Darbar that Syed Meh^ Shah— a prominent Punjabi Muslim came to Kashmir and it was due to his efforts that an accord was signed between the government, and Muslim representatives* The accord 1. See Supra, p. \i^ 2. Taseer, Vol, I, p. 142, 3. S, M, Jibdullah, Ata»h-i»Chinar.. pp. 104-05; P. N, Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom, p. 156, and the consequent truce was used by the Muslim leaders to strengthen the roots of the movement among the masses as they under took expensive tours of Valley during this per±CK3# Soon after signing the accord pro-Dogra elements launched a disinformation Tiovement against the Muslim represent selves that they were purchased by the government* The propaganda definitely 2 bore fruit as it created tremendous resentment among the people, which besides other things speaks in unmistakable terms, tne consciousness that had developed at the gross roots level, so much so that the Muslim leaders became obliged to oo'rt'/ena a public meeting at Jaraai Mesjid on 28th August, 1931 to convince them about their pro-people unshakable stand. After a few days 3,, M, Abdullah alongwith Khaweja Sad-ud-Din Shawl and Khawaja Gulam MohaTiad Ashie visited Baramullah, Sopore and Islamabad. During these iours peace committees were fr«med which later on helped in laimching an organized struggle. It was during this period that the prepratlons for the annual session of Anjuman-i-Nusrat-ul-Islam were being made and S.M, Abdullah took upon himself the task for collecting funds from the people for this purpose. In the garb of raising funds, SheiWi 1, S, M. Abdullah, pp, 105-107, 2. 3, M, Abdullah, p. 108, 2a, Ibid., p. 1|0| To undo the propaganda launched by the pro-Dogra elements for eroding the image of the leaders v*io signed the accord Shaikh Abdullah said in the meeting "was it not a victory for them (Muslim representatives) that an autocratic government; came down to sign an accord with the Muslim representatives? 3« Ibid., p. 110, 4, Ibid^, p. Ill, Organized public meetings in which he criticised the policies of the state to sustain the political consciousness of the Kashmiri Muslims. In reaction to this S.M.Abdullah was again arrested on 21 December, 1931. The arrest of the ShaiWi (v*io had by now become the popular leader of the Muslim masses) evoked widespread resentment among the people of the Valley. Processid)na were taken out and 2 hartals observed in every nook and corner of Kashmir. In order to maintain the spirit of the movement a 'war council' was formed, under the Dictatorship of Maufti Jalal-ud-Din, However, sooner did the public gathering which elected the war council ceme out of Khanqah Mullah, than Mufti Jalal-ud-Din was arrested and the public wax fired upon, which resulted into the foiir deaths of innocent Muslims, In reaction to this people iisuol took to streets at G«w Kadal and Basant Begh, ^p*iich too were fired by the Dogra army causing eight casulties. The reaction of the atrocities committed by Dogra army were felt far and wide in the Valley. Public demonstrations were held at different places and sadly enoughk the mob was charged with 4 fire at Islamabad and Shopian. The open revolt of the people continued unabated though no stone wasuunturned by the government to suppress it, Maulvi Yusuf Shah— the Hirwaiz of Kashmir gave a cell for Jahad v^ich evoked a tremendous response. The people came out with axes, swords, daggers 1. Ibid., p, 112, 2. Ibid^, 3. Ibid., 4. Ibid., pp. 113-114, and, as a matter of fact with whatever tools that were available to them in their respective homes. The •armed' demonstrators assembled at Khanyar, The mood of the people unneirved the government. Good sense prevailed upon the government when it restrained its forces from taking any action against the demonstrators whidi would have 2 otheirwise resulted into mass massacre. Viewing the mass support, which the Kgshmir Muslim leadership enjoyed beyond their ejqjectations, it was considered timely to launch the movement in a systematic way by founding a political organization for the prupose, flie Kashmir Muslim leaders consulted the Janmu leaders as well as the leadelrs of the Kashmir committee v^o assured 4 their full cooperation in this regard. Immediately a s (ib-commit tee of Muslim leaders was constituted to frame the draft of the constitu tion of the proposed organization. For its ratification, a convention of Muslim leaders was convened at Pathar Masjid,, Srinagar from 14 to 16 October, 1932, The Convention while ratifyirig the draft constitution also Suggested and approved the name of All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference for the new organization. Thus in the words of Waliullah Zain-ul-Abidini 1. Ibid.* pp. 115-116, 2, Ibid., p. 116, 3» Ibid.» p. 156, 4, Taseer, Vol. I, pp. 245-246, 5, S. M. Abdullah, p. 156; Taseer, Vol, I, pp., 245-246, 6, S, M. Abdullah, p, 157| Saraf, p, 482; Bazaz, Inside Kashmir, p. 183, "The Kashmiris who were considered as a dead nation for three centuries heve arisen again and are today a living nation. During the last year, they have offered great secriflces in their struggle for peoples demands* The vAiole world is amazed to see that a nation which had fallen in the cause of slumber for centxiries and the nation which was considered uncivilized has ayain obtained its place in the correnunity of nations. Today with the hoisting of the green flag with crescent opens a new chapter in the history of Kashmir, As such it is the duty of the Kashmiris to see that it remains hoisted always. This flac of the Conference is the harbinger of love, peece and brotherhood among all the communities living in the state and it is the guarantor of peace, progress and happiness of all subjects of the iiaharaja". The party also adopted a green flag 2 representing the Muslim community. 1, F, M, Hassenain, Freedom Struggle in Kashmir, p, 77, 2, Saraf, p. 433. g H A p X ^ R -JII ( RQla of Mualtm Qonferapea ) Rol« Of Muslim Confgr«nc«i • • • (a) Mnw and Qbiectiv«»»» Theo-ry and Practice The following were tha aintf and objectives of All Jancnu and Kashmir Muslim Conferancet «) To work for the unity and cooperatiaa of the Muslim community; b) To Safeguard the political rights of the Muslims of Jamrau and Kashmir; c) To struggle for the moral, educational^ social, cultural and economic welfare of the Muslims of Jaimu and Kashmir* Thus theortically Muslim Conference was a political party aimed at safeguarding the interests of the Muslim Community alone* However, practically the Muslim Conference worked not only for one particular community but its activities were focused on the overall development of the state irrespective of any religious consideration* For example it did not work for the unity of the Muslim consnunity alme* But, as we shall see in the following pages^ it persistently strived for the unity of all the coamxinities to fight for coiwRon issues and, as a matter of fact, it was because of the inherent desire of the Muslim Conference 't^ich they did not coy, that ultimately Hindu Muslim xinity was forged culminating in the conversion of the M^j^lim Conference into National Ccmference in 1939, Similarly, the Muslim Conference did not fight for the political interests of the Muslim community alone* Its political demands, as we shall discuss in the stibsequent pages, were freedom 1, Constitution of Muslim Conference* of press and plcftform «nd grant of rasponslbl* government. Thu« these demands not only served the Interests of the Muslims but the non-Muslims were also equally benefitted, AS a matter of fact the Muslim conference leadership* in its efforts to win the confidence of the non-Muslim» for Joining the »truggle# rej>eatedly remained the non-Muslims about the boons ^ich each comnnunity got by getting these concessions from the government as • result of the blood shed by the Muslims* In the Same vain Muslim Conference did not crave for the economic and social i4>lift of Muslims alone, Foi: example their peasant and 1-abour demands were not meant for one particular community of peasants and labourers. If in Kashmir the peasantry particularly consisted of Muslims, in Jamrau the majority of the peasant and labour class mainly belonged to the non-MuSlim community. Therefore* their social and economic demands had a class rather than cocnnunal character. When they spoke about peasant poverty* they did not single Out the peasantry of one particular community and when they strived for providing relief to peasant and labourer* they did not make any discrimination cm the basis of caste* colour* creed or religion* The leadership was fully aware that among the non-Muslims* only a few belonged to the priviledged class %fhere as the majority belonged to more or less to an oppressed ciass* "j^d^ibtless they constantly expressed resentment against under-representation of Muslims in government services* but it was a social rather than a communal 1* See Sii^r^* pp* /$>/ 2. See S^^r^; pp* fS^^^S^ demand as th« Muslim* were deprived of their rights purely on religious grounds. Therefore, «ny party whose objective was to work for the overall development of a country could not loose sight of the problems of the neglected people, and m In the case of Kashmir those of Muslims who were languishing right frcwi 1819 when the state patronage was withdrawn from the Muslim community and bestowed almost exclusively \xpoa the non-Muslims, (b) Nature! Muslim conference was not a communal movement as such. It was named as Muslim Conference sinqply because the Muslim community alone was suffering under the coranunal regime of the Dogras and the n(»i-Musllms were not ready to Join any such movement which would wor)c for forcing the government to change Its policy, to say least of overthrowing the Raj, Besides, the demands which the Muslim Conferenca made right from Its formation were purely economic In nature. Right from the first day of the formation of Muslim Conference the leaders publlcally declared the non-comnunal nature of the Conference and Invited the non-Muslims to Join It, To quote the following words of the Presidential address of the first session of Muslim Conferences *••• Out' movement is not directed against the mlniM^les. I assure ell of my countrymen, be they Hindus or Sildis, that we shall always try to redress their griervance^^rat they must also respect our Just rights.••"• 1, Presidential Address delivered by SheiWi Abdullah in the first Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaizat, p, 222; AtaSh-1-Chinar, p. I58f Taseer, Vo4, I, pp, 261-262, Notwithstanding that Muslim Conference was a secular raoveraentt Its secular character was, however, lug blured by the Idioms that were used by the leadership to woo intern by Infusing among them religious fervour so that they (peopde), would become dedicated and honest followers of the movement. Not unoften the followers were reminded of the Quranic Injiuctlons and the usefulness of following them In letter and spirit. For Instance In the first Presidential address of the Mxislim Conference* the President 3, M, Abdullah reminded the Kashmir1st The demands of the Muslim Conference were not revolutionary In nature. They closely resemble with the moderates of Indian national movement. The leaders made no boons to prove that they were loyal to the Raj and they did not want the change of the government but their alma was simply to brief the Maharaja about the problems of the people. In this context It Is worth mentlcmlng the following words of the first Presidential address of Muslim Conferences 1. Presidential Address delivered by 3. M, Abdullah In the first Annuel lesslon of Muslim Conference vide Dastawalaat. pp. 219-.220. "•,, In the Same way I also want to raeke it clear that we have no grievance against the person of the Maharaja Bahadur. Instead we are faithful to him in every respect. Our demands can never be called anti- government. In every civilized country the )ang gives rights to his subjects at his sweet will and the subjects demand their rights. But inspite of that their subjects are called loyal. And there is no doubt that they are in real sense faithful. The fact is that real faithfulness is this that ?%l«r"^J?»i'«M^*of the time should be acquainted with the aspirations and the wishes of the people"* Even ChaKdri Gulam Abbas, the most vocal leader of the Conference rejected the allegation that the Muslim Conference was aimed at overthrowing the Dogra Raj, To quote the following 2 assertions he made in his Presidential spe«ch of October 27« 1935i However, the purpose of Muslim Conference was to achieve Swaraj (responsible government) and to ensure a just administration* To quote Chaudri Abbas* 1, Ibid., p, 222, 2, Presidential Address delivered by Chaudri Gulam Abbas in the 4th Annual Aession of Muslim Conference vide Pastawaisat, p«383« 3, Ibid., There i« no denyiftff^he f act that the demands of Muslim Conference were moderate like, but the methodology they adopted or preached was of extremist nature as they exhorted their coxintrymen to remain ready for any kind of Sacrifice* To quote the following words of the Presidential address of Chaudri Oulara Abbas Khan i M^'r^^y ^^ty^c^Ml^^A^C^,)U<^'J^i^^^ -Y ^^/^/E/^/'^^ ^is'^->Lyd>c^?l'Z J^ The Muslim Conference was not a middle class political party as Its demands pertained more to the Interests of the coninon masses than those of xqpper and middle class. In fact« the programme of the Conference was directed against the Interests of the exploiting sections of the society. Besides, It fervently called upon the labourers, artls«is and craftsmen to Join Muslim Conference and 2 fight for their Interests. 1» Presidential Address delivered by Chaudri Gulam Abbas Khan In the 4th Annual Sessl<») of Muslim Conference vide Dastawalzat, p, 377, 2. Presidential Address delivered by s« M« Abdiillah in the Second Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaisat, pp. 303-305. (c) Split t It was during the end of 1931 that the rivalry between S,M» Abdullah and Mjkrwaiz Mohamad Yousuf Shah started which caused great damage to Muslim interests. Under these circumstances Mirwaia laid the foundation of a separate organization called 'Azad Muslim 2 Conferences—1933» Unfortunately Azad Muslim Conference adopted the pro-Dogra policy and the result was that it died a natural death 3 within a few years. Thef,e were three important causes responsible for the rivalory between Mirwaiz and 3. M, Abdullah. Firstly^the sudden but growing popularity of S, M, Abdullah was exploited by certain reactionary elements in the city, sometimes at the behest of the government to create a feeling of Jealoxisy and mistrust in the mind 4 of Mirwaiz* Secondly, vdienever both appeared together in the public S, M, Abdullah was the centre of biggest attraction and greater ovation. It was but natural that it should have created bitterness in the mind of Mirwaiz whose family only a year ago, was th» most powerful 5 and influential in the Valley. Thirdly, the Ahmadiyas used to SBUJi money for the support of the movement in the name of S.M.Abdullah which also became the bone of contention between the two leaders. 1, AtaSh~l«.Chinar. pp. 180-181; Taseer, Vol, I, p. 249| M. Y, Saraf, p. 484, 2, Dastawaizat^p. 23; Atash-i-Chiner, p. 185; Taseer, Vol, I^ pp. 290-91, 3, M. Y, Saiaf, p. 492. , 4, Ibid., p. 484. 5, Atash-i-Oiinar^ p. 176; M. Y. Saraf, pp. 484-87. i 6, S, Qayum, Vol, I, p. 185. ' (d) D«mand«i Before the formation of Muslim Conference, a very signi ficant development had taken place. It was the appointment of an Enquiry Cownlssion under B. G. Glancy on November 12th, 1931. The purpose of the Commission was to enquire into the genuine grievancea of the different coirmunitiea of the state. In response to the report Submitted by the Conroission, the Maharaja accepted by and large all the recommendations of the Glancy Commission, Howefver, many of these either remained singly p^er edicta or were not properly implemented Thus for a long time the focus of the demands of the Muslim Conference vaa to press for the proper irrplementation of \ijhat was recorrtn«inded by the Comfniasi<»i and aubaequently accepted by the Maharaja, The main demands of Muslim Conference will be discussed under the following headingsI (i)— Economic» In its first Session , the Muslim conference out lined the socio-economic and political scenario of Kashmir, It pointed out the non-fulfillment of the promises of the government like reduction of the magnitude of malia and providing adequate representation to Muslima in government services, which it had made in writing in response to Glanc y Commission recommendations. In its Second Annual Session (1933), the Muslim Conference took yjp the cause of the agricultural community of the state* l«liile expressing its satisfaction over the grant of proprietory rights to the peasants and the exemption of nazrana the President also pleaded for the grant of milkiyat rights (proprietory rights) over Khals a-i-Sar kar, 1, Presidential Address delivered by S, M, Abdullah in the first Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaizat, pp. 224-25* It may be noted that in every village there were big areas of iincultivated lend over which't3^ government still exercised its proprietary rights. The Conference also demanded increase in the area of 3hami 1 at~i-Deh,( area of land ovdr which a village collectively possessed the right to rise for conmcKi purpose like graveyard or grazing ground was )aio%in as Shsad 1 at-i-Ddi^ It also demanded that Chaltdars and Jagirdars should not have right over Sh ami 1 at- i»Deh, as many peasants were evicted from newly cultivated land (nautaud) by the Jagirdars and chalcdars on the ground that it was nautaud-i" nalajg (illegal fresh broken land). In this context the Conference submitted a detailed note to the government. It was al«o brought to the notice of the government that jagirdars had no right to collect land revenue in terms of kind. It also demanded that the Dharmarth department should be stopped from 2 collecting land revenue in kind* The leaders gave high priority to improviaing the lot of the peasantry which was suffering because of the high pitch of land revenue demand and defective method of lend revenue assessment. The Conference urged the gavernmenti to change its land revenue policy by arguing "It was accepted by the Glancy Commission that the method of land revenue assessment should be according to the Land Revenue 4bnendement Act of Punjab (1928) and also according to the one that prevailed in the sarhad province. But no action has been taken on it so for. In 1, Presidential Address delivered by 3, M, Abdullah in the Second Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawalzat, p. 300« 2, Ibid., p. 301, Kashmir lend r«v«nu« was fixed at 1/3 of the total produce because at the time of previous Bandubast (settlement) the relation ship between the peasant and the state was that of tiller end the proprietor. But from Samsrat 1990 the relationship changed into proprietor and government. So the previous assessment cannot continue at any cost. Besides this, in the previous assessment one anna per rupee was charged as malilcana, in the new circumstances when maliXana rights have been transferred to the peasants, ultimately malikana stands remitted". It may be noted that lending of money on high interest had caused tremendous problems to the peasantry. In fact this was one of the causes of their ruination as for paying land revenue in cash they had to exchange a big part of their produce to the waddar (money lender) v*»o exploited the hopless peasant. The leaders demanded that 2 the Money Lending Bill should be introduced in Kashmir, As appr^ended by Lawrence the Muslim G-onference was also •pprehensive of transfer of lend from peaaants to capitalists (once the peasants were declared as the proprietors of land) as the power striken peasantry always found itself under obligation to seil its property to meet its bearest necessscltles. So the Muslim Conference urged the government to adopt land transfer Regxilatlon on the pattern of Punjab so that the land did not transfer from peasant to non- peasant* 1, Presidential address delivered by S.M,Abdullah in the Second Mnual Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaizat^ pp, 301-302, 2, Ibid .. 3, Ibid,, p. 302, The Conference expressed its unhappiness over the non chalant attitude of the government towards the agricultural develop ment of Kashmir, In this context they compared Kashmir with Punjab and conqplained that unliXe the government of Punjab the Kashmir government, ha<( taken no step to provide the pewaants modem inqplements high yielding seeds and high quality breed oxeir etc. Besides it hafll done nothing with regard to the education of agricultural sciences. To quotet "For agricultural education the government of Kashmir has not established even a small school though in the neighbouring state of Punjab Agriculture subjecta is teugbt like other subjects in all public middle and High schools» and government forms are attached to schools, where students are practically taught agricultural wor)c« More important is the fact that the Punjab government has established a splendid college for higher education in agricultural sciences. On the other hand the government of Kashmir has ignored its agriculturists subjects. The department of agriculture has not done any worthraentioning Job except getting salary punctually. In an agricultural country like Jairsnu and Ka«hrair it is necessary that if government; spends rupees 13 lakhs on education to produce unemployed clerks, it should spend half or atleast h of it on agricultural education. If at the moment there is no possibility of establishing a permanent school even then in place of useless subjects, a subject on agriculture should be made compulsory in all schools* The Muslim Conference leadership fully realized the importance of peasant class in the overall development of a country. Therefore, they were conscious that the prosperity of a coxintry 1» Ibid., pp. 3Q2-303, lies in the prosperity of peasantry. Small vonder, then the leaders gave priority to peasant demands particularly reduction of land revenue and exeunt ion of debts« To quote the following words of Ghaudri Gulam Abbas Khans x> <;• . / (y^J.; J 0 '^(yfcy'i^^;^^j^^^j^^^ji^^,^fO^)o^^ ^ ''yy a'^'^'S^^'j^^,^'J J ^^;^^ U ^j^^J^^i :^u> u ^yj^^^:y ^f >. The Muslim Conference submitted a resolution in the Assembly regarding the reduction of land revenue and amendment 2 Of Land Transfer Regulation, but it was opposed by many ministers. 1, Presidential Address delivered by Chaudri Gulam Abbas in the 4th Annuel Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawai2at# pp. 385-86. 2. Ibid., p. 386. The Muslim Conference repeatedly, lashed oxit the agrarian policy of the state %^ich had reduced the bige^t segment of the population—-peasantry to the position of beggers* The most important feature of the agrarian policy of the state which became the target of %)«« criticism at the hands of the leadership was the high pitch of lanA rctvenue demand^ its regressive nature# faulty system of land revenue assessment^ state policy in recovering land revenue arrears^ gala-batai (crop sharing) system of land revenue collection in Jagir lands^ inhuman exactions by the Jagirdars and the lack of interest of the state in developing agricultural sector. It may not be beside the point to refer verbatim these demands of Muslim Conferences "Land revenue is the most important source of revenue of the state of Jammu and Kashmir* The biggest segment of the population depends tq>on agriculture and directly and indirectly 90% of the population of the state live on it* So the state can be prosperous %^en the economic problems of the agricultural population are properly solved*.. If the govarnmentr would have taken a slight interest towards iraproving the condition of peasantry ^icha Kisyn (peasant) deserves, I am sure today the lakhs of population would not have been hungry and our eyes would not see thousands of na)ced pecqple*.* The high pitch of land revenue demand has destroyed the poor peasants* Ttim main objection against the method of land revenue assessment has b«en that this tax has been imposed totally against the principle of assessment* Land revenue has been ii^osed vq^on small landholders to the extent that a peasant yitio has Just one or two kands of land yielding a very small produce, has not be«i exempted from this tax* Ihe result is that a poor man whose land does not produce even to fulfil his bearest necessities, has to pay malia (land revenue)* And those big Zamlndars and Chakdars ^o possess thousands of kanals of land pay also the same share of l&nd ravenue— Th« Uniform method of land revenue assessment also puts the poor In great trouble. Actually the tax should be Imposed on category basis so that the poor and rldi tax payers would contribute according to their economic status* The uniform Irqposltlon of land revenue ha* caused tremendous problems to a poor as coi^ared to a rlch<— The result Is that a poor peasant pays the land rev^enue at the cost of his two times meals.•• so It Is obligatory on the state that after leaving out W^at is needed for the basic necessities of a peasant* the state should Impose revenue on the basis of the economic stratification of the agricultural class. In addition to defaulty method of assessment, the magnitude of land revenue of the state Is heavier than that of suba punJab*.." Vftille pointing out a big disparity between the magnitude of land revenue demand of Punjab and Kashmir, fhe President of the Sixth Annual Session of Muslim Conference remarks that "where as a peasant of Jammu with blghas of land had to pay 51 n;^ees, the Punjab peasant with same area of land had to pay only lO rupees and 08 annas* The condition was further worst In Kashmir where ^e land revenue was heanrler as conqpared to Jammu"* The leaders also took vq) o-ther problems of the peasantry like construction of canals and veternary and cooperative facilities* More enq;>hasls was laid on the apathetic attitude of the state towards pro^rldlng medical facilities to the villagers* To quotes 1, Presidential address delivered by S. M. Abdulli^i In the 6th Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide DastawAlaat* pp. 461.464* "••• In the context of the welfare of the villager* one Inportant requisite is the pr«tection of the increasingly falling health of the villagers towards %rfiich no attention is being paid. The government has opened a health department and 9 to 10 lakhs are spent annually on this department. Out of this heavy amount a very small amount is being spent on the health care of villages. Everyday thousands of villagers die for want of medicine worth not more than a few pis a. The condition of village women is more deplorable. At the time of deliv*rf they do not have even those facilities evailable which are available to an animal in cities. The villagers Suffer more for want of good consultations than the want of medicines.,,* It was also demanded that the peasants needed education about modem techniques of agriculture and the importance of fertilizers (M^ad) and the means of protection of crops. It was felt that for this ptirpose there was a need for an arrangement of large scale pro>- 2 p^ganda* Needless to say corrv^icm was ran^ant in every brandi of the administration. The leadership voiced against this social evil and demanded that the defaulters should be severely dealt with. Let us quote the following demand made by the leaders in this context! "Wide-spread corruption is the blackest stain on the face of state administration,. For last two.three years corrvqption has unprecedently increased and every department has been badly affected by it.. In this context police* P. W, D. Cxistom and Forest departments are 1. Ibid., p. 464. 2. Ibid.. becoming particularly notorious,. We request the Maharaja that unless he takis stringent measures to stop corrviption, there is no hope for any betterment in the given conditions. It is not such a matter on \A\idti the government should not adqpt any lenient attitude or to leave it to the minstry (for enquiry and action).. So it is necessary that the government, may appoint a commission to nip the evil of corruption in the bud. The comnissioD X should consist of official and non-official members". Next to peasantry the biggest section of the population of Kashmir comprised of labourers* There were a few factories lilw carpet weaving factories of sarinagar, match factory of Srinegar and the famous Silk factory of Srinagar which engaged thousands of labourers. Besides, there was an another category of laboxirers who wer* «nployed by the Public worlcs Department for construction of roads anal buildings* The Conference represented the grievances of these labourers. For example the government disengaged the labourers of Silk factdry for two to three months which caused tremendous problems to them. The Conference urged the government to run its factories round the year or give some allowance to the artisans during the vacation period. The labourers of P.W,D, cornpii^ned that the high officials of the department reported to nepotism and alloted contracts to their own kiths and kins. They even sometimes called 1, Presidential address delivered by Chaxidri Gulam Abbas Khan in the 4th Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaizat, p. 393, carpenters, masons and even labourers €com outside the state vhich told badly iQjon th§ lot of Keshralri labourers. The Conference called upon the labourers to unite themselves and join hands with Mtxsllm conference so that their interests would be safeguarded. The Conference expressed pleasure over the associations made by motor dtivers and hyijis of Srinagar who also lend their helping hand to Muslim Conference, The Conference also suggested 2 other professionals to make similar associations. The Conference also voiced its concern over the apathetic attitude of the government, towards the deplorable condition of artisans and craftsmen. It expressed its disetisfaction over the worlcing of Industries Department v*iich according to leadership did nothing to guide and help the local artisans. The leadership was not happy with the undue help, it gave to non-local subjects or the kiths and kins of bureacrates regarding the establishment of industries in the state. The Conference encouraged the artisans not to leave their professions under the given economic crises. Instead they should devote more attention towards their arts and assured them that the party would take every step to give wide-spread publicity to the Kashmiri arts. The party was confident about the economic potentia lities of Kashmir and believed that if the government, of Jaiwnu 1, Presidential Address delivered by 3, M. Abdullah in the Second Annual Session of Muslim Conference (1933) vide Dastawaizat. p. 303, 2, Presidential address delivered by S. M. Abdullah in the Second Annual Session of Muslim Conference (1933) vide Dastawaimet^ p. 304. 3, Ibid •9 and Kashmir would pay only a part of the attention that is being paid by other governments towards different economic sectors, the economic condition of Kashmir would reach to the highest pinnacle of prosperity* The fifth Session of Muslim Conference again took up the cause of the declining Kashmiri creft» which were at the verye of extinction because of industrial revolution* It was complained that the government, was doing nothing to avre these crafts. The session also drew the attention of the rulers tovards their non- 2 chalant attitude about exploiting the natural deposits of Kashmir* According to the leadership the migration of Kashmiri labourers to different states of India in s#«rch of livelihood was the result of unconcerned attitude of the government, towards this 3 sizeable section of the society. To quote Chaudri Abbas i u - ' ^ LXL- '^^v^^V.,1'^ose labourers who were working in government industries and departments, ttiese.^ aa^i^4(S^ksiBi was not also good and the Conference expressed its concern with tttMflib !• Ibid., p. 305. 2* Presidential wfldress delibered by S.M,Abdullah at the 5th Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaisat. p* 435* 3* Presidential Address delivered by Chaudri Gulam Abbas in the 4th Annual.|ession of Muslim Conference vide Destawajgat* / The Muslim Conference also organized Mazdoor Union. The leaders who took vigoroxis and leading part in this connection were Khawaja Gulem Mohammed Sadiq, Gulam Mohi-ud-Din Cara and Gulam Mohamad Bakshi. A Central Mazdoor Union was formed and Khawaja Gulam Mohamed Sadiq was elected as its President, The union staged huge demonstrations, one after the other, in Srinagar as well as in 1 Jammu.«ad jLn thesdaemonstrations Mxislims, Hindus and Sikhs participated* 2 Echoes of these developments werd heard in the Praja Sabha also« Ihe leadership vehemently criticized the industrial policy of the state as according to 4mefia the state was bestowed with rich natural resources but the government was not doing anything to exploite them* It demanded that the government should seek the expertise of those compantje^ i^ wei^fe specilized in exploiting the mineral resources. They rightly felt that by paying attention to exploiting the natural deposits the state would not only help the unemployed labourers but it would also add to the revenue/ of the 3 country. ,. f -^i , ^' Ibid., p. 339» 1. 'Hamdard* Weekly, Srinagar, October 9, 1937, 2. 'Ranbir', Weekly, Jaramu# November 15, 1937, 3« Presidential address delivered by Chaudri Gulam Abbas in the 4th Annual Session of Muslim Conference (1935) vide Df^i^fl^flitr P* 389« Th« Inportatlon of machine made goods in the Valley had adversely effected the handicrafts of Kashrair end a lot of artisans were thrown out of einployraent, rhe leadership demanded that In order to over-come this problem, the government should open raodle factories to educate the local artisans about the European technology so that the artisans would be able to coinpete with the machine made goods. To protect the local arts from their coii^jlete decline it also demanded financial assistance to the artisans and reduction in custom dues. It expressed its resentment over the xjndue conce ssions, the government gave to outside lcayl In its 6th Annuel Session the Conference again invited the attention of the government, towards the pathetic condition of labourers and artisans. While e^reciating the increase in the wages of the labourers of Silk factory, Srinagar in 1937, the Conference also demanded the fulfillment of other demands of the fiilk Factory workers like fixation of the duration of a week, remuniration for 2 an^tutation or injury of any organ of the body. 1, Ibid., p. 390. 2, Presidential Address delivered by S. M. Abdullah in the Sixth Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide, Dastawaizab* pp. 464-65» The probl«i»s of the Muslim trading class did not loose Sight of the Muslim Conference, According to them the government did not take any practical step towards the encouragement of Muslim traders. Instead the magnitude of custom*dues was increased day by day. In order to improve their lot the Conference appealed to traders to unite thenaselves under the banner of Muslim Conference. The Conference rightly felt that the trade of the state would not flourish unless the government would reduce the custom duties. It even demanded its total abolition "because the bxirden of income tax has fallen on the shoulders of Kashmiri people and where-ever income tax has been imposed, all the civilized countries have reduced custom dues in lieu of it« But here on the one hand indirect tax has been imposed and on the other custom duei have been increased which is a gross injustice" The Muslim Conference expressed concern over the backwardness of Muslim traders as in Srinagar very innportant trades were monopolized 3 by non-state subject non-Muslims, It also worked for cultivating interest among the people in favour of adopting the profession of trade and correnerce which it regarded would be the only effective weapon to come out of the existing p^urized conditions. The leadership even quoted the 'Hadith* to persuade the people in favour of •Tijarat* (trade) J 1. Presidential Address delivered by S.M,Abdullah in the Second Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaizat^ pp.304-305* 2. Presidential address delivered by Chaudri Gulara Abbas Khan in the 4th Annual Session of Muslim Ccmference vide« Da8tawaizat#p.390. 3. Presidential Address delivered by Chaudri Gulam Abbas Khan in the 4th Annuel Session of Muslim Conference (1935), vide Dastaweizet^ pp. 390-91, 4. Ibid.^ The Muslim Conference also invited the attention of the government tc^iards other public amenities. In his welcome address to th0 3rd Annual Session of Muslim Conference held at Sopore in 1934, Khawaja Muhanttiad Maqbool demanded supply of electricity from Sopore tovn to Hindwada and Bandipore which were the Tehsil and Naib-Tehsil headquarters. It was also demanded that a metal road should be constructed from Sopore to Trahgam so that it would facilitate the communication and boost the trade. It was requested that a bridge may be constructed at Sealo as there was only one bridge on river poohro upto Hindewada and one noodern bridge a^hould be constructed at Baremullah town because the previous bridge is in (M)|H^latidotca condition, "The Goerghami-Nad Illaqah faces frequent problems of water scarcity leading to frequeni; famines? It was urged that a canal should be constructed from Mawar to save the situation* The Muslim Conference expressed its disj^ppointment over the recruitment policy of the state ^ich was not changed as suggested by Clancy Commission, According to the Presidential address delivered in the first Annual Session of Muslim Conference the Commim4 al Recruitment policy of the state continued unabated end the 2 deserving Muslim candidates were deprived of 1:heir rights • 1. Welcome address red by Khawaja Mohd Maqbool in the 3rd Annual Session of Muslim Conference (1934), vide Dastawaizat* p. 324. 2, Presidential address delivered by S, M, Alviullah in the first Annuel Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaizat^ pp, 227* 228, In the Second Annual S«a»lon Muslim Conference again raised the problem of disproportionate representation of the Muslim coninu- nity in government services. It demanded that Muslims should be given prefrence >rtiile maXing ^pointments so that the community- wise disparity of officials in government departments is balanced. It complained that inspite of Glancy l^eport no Muslim Officer was appointed on any high position "though many positicms are falling 2 vacant". The President of the Second Session again voiced his concern over the recruitment policy of the state saying that inspite of accepting Glancy Commission recommendations regarding proportionate appointment of different corwnunities'il^ government offices, "no practical action has been taken on it as during the last two years the 20 positions which fell vacant, were filled up by non-Muslims, To protect the interests of Muslim community the Galancy Commission ha<3 Suggested that six monthly reports about new appointments and promotions should be published in which it would be shown as to v^at had been the proportionate share of the Muslim community in appointments and promotions but no action has been taken on it so for. With the result except a few appointments in the Secretariate and a few other departments, there has not been any change in the 1, Welcome address red by Raja Mohamad Akber Khan in the Second Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide Da3tawa4.zat, p. 285. recruitment policy of the government as sndti Muslims are deprived of their rightsr The question of depriving Muslims from 2 entering into military services was also raised. In the welcome address of Third Annual Session of Muslim Conference Khaweja Mohamad Mg^bool expressed his dissatisfaction over the recruitment policy of the state. According to the address "Insplte of the fact that many posts were falling vacant no high official has been taken from the Muslim conrnunity and the 3 same situation obtains in other ga2ett;ed and non-gazetted services* It argued that "the Scarcity of the Muslim employees in government offices can be made up only by giving preference to the Muslims" It expressed its seservatlons against the existing policy according to which if there would be two positions vacant one would go to Hindus and another to Muslims, It was feared that "by adopting this policy the existing disproportionate representation of Muslims and Hindus in government services cannot be balanced even after the elapse of one century? Chaudrl Abb&s also complained against the under representa tion of Muslims in government services though according to him Muslim candidates with requisite qualifications were available X. Presidential Address delivered by S. M. Abdullah in the Second Annual Session of Muslim Conference (1933) vide, Dastewaizat, p. 299. 2. Ibid.^ 3. Welcome address red by Mohamad Mooqbool in the Third Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaizat. pp. 325-26. 4. Ibid., 5. Ibid,, for BXI position*, '^he leadership vas much aggrived over the persistant policy fl>f the state in closing doors for Muslias in military services of the state. Even in his presidential address of 1938 »*iere S, M. Abdullah devoted much space for inviting non-Musllms to join hands with the Muslim community for joint struggle, the problem of the under- representatlon of Muslims in government services was not left out. Howeier, he made it clear that this demand "should not be given a 2 communal colour ^en it is purely a political problem**. He argued that "depriving 80 percent Muslim population from adequate eirployment 3 opportunities is no way justifiable*. He considered this problem as a social rather than a communal problem and opined that any political party which would come to power, would not loose sight of unprivlledfged sections of the society and would naturally give Agual share to the Muslims in different branches of the administration. He considered it derogatory for those communities of Kashmir \it\o were deprived of recruitment opportunities m military services of the state "though the government had assured that after the restor»- tlon of peace the black listed communities would be recruited; the 4 promise has, however, not been fulfilled". 1. Presidential address delivered by Chaudhri Abbas in the 4th Annual Session of iMuslim Conference vide, Dastavalzat, p,392, 2. Presidential address delivered by 5. M. Abdullah in the 6th Annual Session of Muslim Conference (1938) vide Past aval za 1. Presidential address delivered by 3, M, Abdullah in the 6th Annual Session of Muslim Conference (1933) vide Dastawaiaat, pp. 465-66, ndlitary service. It also exposed th« feudal expenditure pattern of the state revenues. According to them sixty laWis of rupees were yearly Spent on royal household arid out of the rest Prime-minister drew 48*000 per annum and his crthdr colleagues 30,000 each per annum. The other big officials and the arrny of Secretaries received between 16,000 and 18,000 yearly salary. In other words according to them only gazetted officers received 22 laWiat rupees as yearly salary. "In the given circumstances, they declared, it would be impossible to solve the problepn of -1 unemployment", (ii) — Politicalt In its first Annual Session the President of Muslim Conference pointed oUlthe nonfulfillment of ttie promises of the government which i* had made in writing in response to Glancy Commission recommendations. It may be noted that the Maharaja had issued orders in regard to freedom of speech and formation of associations and freedom of press but no orders were issued till then. It also demanded extension of Muncipal Committees and district boards, increase of Muslim members in the constituent Assembly, Besides it voiced against the limited powers of the 2 proposed Legislature* !• Ibid., pp. 467-68. 2. Presidential address delivered by 3. M. .Abdullah in the first Annual Session of Muslim Conference (1932) vide Dastawaizat, pp. 224-225, In the Second Annual Session of Muslim Conference, the President demanded the establishment of the Assembly as after the termination of the first session it was assured by the government that a declaration to this effect would be made by the end of 1933. It also expressed its displeasure over the concelement of Franchise committee report. It demanded that the recontnendations of the Committee should be immediately published to aive the people an opportunity to point out its draw becks as was done in British India. Phe President said that as per the information that leaked out a grave injustice had been done with the peasant class* In the cities, the right to vote was given to rupees 600 property holders Ti^ereas in the villages the property qualificatiom^ts many times greater. For instance, by giving righ^ to vote to such a peasant who paid 20 rupees as malia (land revenue) means that in the villages property holders worth rupees 10,000 were given right to vote. Moreover, his moveable end in»noveable prqperty was not taken into account. It was denianded that before publishing the voter lists the Franchise Corwnittee should reconsider its reconmendations regarding right to vote so that 34 laWi population living in the villages 2 was not deprived of right to vote. The Conference expressed its disaatisfac^tion over the recommendations of Glancy Commission regarding District boards. It particularly condemned the inclusion of Zaildars in the government district bodies, 1. Pfesidential address delivered by S.M.AlDdullah in the Second Annual Session of Muslim Conference (1933) vide Dastawaizat;,, pp. 295-96, 2, Ibid., p, 296. It was rightly feired that these Zalldars would become the mouth pieces of the government. It demanded the establishment of District Boards on Punjab pattern so that 96% village population would be benefitted* The Conference also expressed its dissatisfaction over the given constitution of Muncipal Committee (it is to be renntombered that there was only one Municipal Comnnittee in the Valley i,e* the Muncipal Committee of Srinagar) as besides its president, more than half of its members were nominated. The election by ward system was unprincipled, as one and a half leldis majority corrmunlty dominated area was divided into three wards whereas a few thousand minority conanunity areas were divided into five wards. The irony of the fact is that when the Muslims raised a voice against it» the government instead of redressing the genuine grievances gave up election and filled up the seats by nomination. Similar concern waa 2 expressed against the constitution of notified area conmittees* Muslim Conference rejected the Franchise Comnittee Report \^ich was published in January 1934, The rejection was expressed through a written statement issued by the President of Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference on Janusry 29, 1934, It was rejected on the following grotonds: 1, Ibid., p. 297, 2, Ibidy, pp, 297-298. 1, Out of 75 naenibera of the proposed Assembly 41 were nominated members. So according to the party it was nothing but a mocXery; 2, Out of 74 members the proportion of Muslims would be 21 elected and 6 nominated, those of Hindus 10 elected and 5 nominated, and those of SiWis 2 elected and 1 nominated \*»ereas those of Buddhists 2 nominated. So for as the nominated state Councilers are concerned there would be 5 Muslims, 10 Hindus and One SiMif 3, As per the present situation out of 75 menflbers 34 would be Muslinris whereas the number of the non-Muslim metibers wOuld be 41. In this way 80 percent lluslim population has been converted into a minority and those who constitute not more than 20 percent population have been elevated to the position of 56 percent population. There seemed no scope for the evolution of the constitution. The judicial minister is the permanent President of the Assembly so there is no scope for electing the President. 4» The majority of the members are the title awardees, officers of the towns, government pension receipents, jagirdars, Ilaqadars etc. So they would always be under the influence of government and ignorant about the problems of the common masses, 5, The Hanjis are not included in the voter list. Muslim bxtfc Bakarwals are also deprived of right to vote v*ierees Hindu Bakarwals fully enjoy the right. The Conference ^ believes that the Assembly would be nothing but a shcv J 6, It pleaded th^besides rectifing the drawbacks pointed out by it, the following concessions should also be granted, "The Assembly should have right overall items of the budget except foreign affairs and personal expenditure of the Meharaja. Those items over which opinion of expression was forbidden, such items should also be placed on the floor of the Assembly for discussion. All laws and regulations should be passed by the Assembly*Ministers should be responsible to the Legislative Assembly and atleast two Ministers should be elected by the elected members of the Assembly, Such a Minister against whom Assembly would pess Tote of nol^-confidence he should be treated as being exp^Bfid from the Cabnit, The Maharaja would be within his right to reject any decision taken by the Assembly. But if the Assembly would paSs any Act in tv;o successive sessions the Maharaja may kindly accept it. In voter list permanent tillers were given right to vote but it is not clear whether their name is included in the voter list. Labourers were not given proper representation? C3|n these grounds the Conference through its President rejected the Franchise Committee Report and hoped that the government would Immediately remove the drawbacks i 1, Press Statement of S.M.Abdullah against the Franchise Coraraittee report vide Dastawaizat* pp. 312-315, 2. Ibid., pp. 315-16, The Conference expressed its dissatisfaction over the %for)clng and constitution of Munclpal Coiwaittees and District Boards, It was not happy with the government officers as presidents of Muncipalities yi\o were therefore^ not responsible to the people* Besides, the criterien for right to vote for Muncipalities was more restricted as compared to Assembly. They rightly felt that in o-ase of Muncipalities every grown i;^ person should have been givtfi the right to vote so that the masses would learn how to exercise their opinion and would cultivate among them the sense of responsibi- lityj But here the situation is different as for the Assembly the minimum qualification required for right to vote has been declared Middle pass wheraas in the case of Muncipal elections the educational qualification has been raised to graduation* The property and income qualification has also been and most of the officers }A\o are graduates but not propetty holders, have been deprived of right to vota« The President also criticised the existing arrangement of constituencies which had reduced majority into minority^ The Muslim Conference was not in favour that the Maharaja, through his nominated members^ should Join the Indian federation. However, the arg\iment advanced by the Conference seem nothing but mockary as they dissuaded the Maharaja from Joining the Federal Assembly arytiing that "the people of British India Congress and 1« Presidential Address delivered by Gulam Abbas in the 4th Annual Sessioi of Muslim Ccmference vide Dastawaixata, pp« 387.88, Muslim League woul* turn agaln«t him once they would find him as a pupet of the British imperialism* With the result the leadership vhlch has not been so far helping the struggling people of the princely states would become our syrapathisersf Given the )clnd of struggle* the Muslim Conference was launching and the increasing need of external svqpport they required, the arguments advanced by Muslim Conference against Joining the Federation by Maharaja a99m un~understandable as the Conference should have been happy if the Maharaja's problems were aggrivated. On the other hand they pretended to be his syn^athisers whldi they never could be. The probable reason behind dissuading the Maharaja from Joining the federation was their attenqpt to frustrate the expected British cooperation« the Maharaja would receive in s\q>pressing the nationalist movement in Kashmir. Second probable reason was that the« Kashmiri leadership did not pezheps like Kashmir to Join Federation of Indian states whlc^ they ^prehended would ultimately culminate xn merging Kashmir with India« The demand for responsible government became the watch ward of the Muslim Conference particularly during its later phase. The most part of the Presidential address of the 6th Annual Session was devoted to this demand. The demand obviously received tn^fmlotB ln(>utes after the passage of 1935 Act which gave Internal autonomy to British Indian provinces about which the President also made a 1, Presidential Address delivered by S, M, Abdullah in the fifth Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide* Dastawaiaat* pp. 429.430. reference in this Session* By resp^islble government^ the leadership meant transfer of power to the elected members. To quote; **«•• In other words by this (responsible government) we mean that we should be given autonomy In managing the affairs of o\ir own home and In this there should not be any external Interference* To this we call demand for self r esponsible government and this is the goal of our movement for \riilch we have sacrificed oxir lives*••"• It may be noted that the administration of the Jamnu and Kashmir state was run by the Council of ministers who belonged to the outside state* Their Ignorance about the problems of Kashmiris 2 and their Irresponsible conduct was also high-lighted* Qa 8th May, 1936, Muslim Conference observed Responsible Government Day. On this day public meetings were held and processions taken out by the masses. Resolutions were passed condemning the state Assembly as an Inadequate and unrepresentative body. A demand was 3 made for setting up of a powerful Assembly. Oki August 5, 1938« after great preparations* the second anniversary of the Responsible Government Day was observed in the entire state under the directions of Muslim Conference. Public meetings were organized some of >^ich were presided over by the non- Muslims. "Azad Assendbly" was the main slogan shouted everywhere* 1, Presidential Address delivered by S. M, Abdullah in the 6th ^nual Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaisat^ pp* 446-448. 2, Ibld,^ 3. Inside Kashm^, p. 191. 4. General Secretary. States Peoples Conference« Bombay* op» clt.. p. 22* (ili)-.-Eductic>n» Clancy Commission had recoraraended many measures for the educational advancement of the Mxisllms, But as per the statements of the Muslim Conference these recormiendatlons were not implemented* For example the Commission had recornnended the appointment of Muslim Inspector to look after the educational Interests of the Muslim community* But he was not given the powers as suggested by the Corrmission, Commission had clearly recon*nended that he would see to it vhether the educational and other policies of the abate were practically implemented. But according to leadership, "these powers of the inspector are eroded so that the office of the Muslim Inspector remains simply a nominal position. At the time when the Commission was writing its report, the number of Hindu Headmasters in the state 1 > schools was 15 out of 16, And this time it is 16 out of 16" , The Muslim Conference fully realised the In^jortance of education and worked for its dissimination among the Muslim coninunity* More important to note is that they attached prominent importance to female education. Under the sub-heading "ii^at we should lyt** the President of the first session of the Conference saidi c^<'^'C"^U LJr U':^^J-^- - ' LJ'JV>yi2^jl^Jy^ s ->. .-J r4^ J, -> 1« The Presidential address delivered by S.M«Abdullah in the first Annual Session of Muslim Conference (1932) vide Dastawaigat, p« 227* Tha leaders were very much particular about the educational developnent of the state and the demand was invaribly made in almost every session of the Conference, In his welcome address to the third Annual Session held at Sopore Kha, naqbool Bemanded the promotion of middle schools of Bandipora and Handuada to hi§h schools on the plea that except towns there wae no high school in Kamraj area where lakhs of people lived. It was also demanded that one intermediate college should be opened in Baramullah as the students of Nuzafarabad, Baramullah, Sopors and other places of district Baramullah had to go to Srinagar for higher education which was very difficult. It also urged for opening middle schools in the parfanas of Hanal (Rafiabad), Zainageer, Lolab, Trahgam, nawar and Titwal, Introduction of the subjects on agriculture and the ofiening of 1 agricultural schools at Bandipora and Hindwada was also pleaded* Cxprassing grave concern over the educational backwardness of Kashmir in general and those of Pluslims in particular because of luke warm attitude of the government Abbas Chaudri compkained, "In education our state is roost backward in the whole of India and those pereons who cun merely read or write ere just 4/C of the total population. Inapite of this educational backwardnees government spends very less as compared to Punjab as it spends only B% whereas the Punjab government apende 14^ of its total revenue on education. Uorsa, the educational funds are spent in such a way that flusline are 1. Welcome address red by Kh. n. Mooqbool in the 3rd Annual Session of riuslim Conference vide Dastawalzat, p. 324, Isaat banafitsd. Tha acarcity of achoola in mualin populatad araaa, tha abaanca of fOualim taachsra in educational inatitutiona and lack of financial aupport to lalaroic inatitutiona ara tha baaic factora for tha alow rata of educational davelopmant of tha atata'ft «i»y i^sff. The acholarahipa of nualin atudanta have bean dacreaaad inatead of being increaaed. For receiving higher education there ie no prov/iaion for acholarahipa for nualima. The Haofia School Anantnag could not receive building grant ao for and other lalamic achoola are facing aevere financial criaie. So long aa the education doea not get popularized among the Nualiwa till then our political and econoMic probleme would not be eolved". In the 5th Annual Seeaion of the nualim Conference the Preaident aaid; "••• The proklew of educational backuardnaea ia the Moat important problem of the quaw (tlualim community). Tha prograaa of nationa and individuala ia dependent on education. In the preaant timea the apread of education haa not remained within the handa of the people. It ia the duty of the governmant. ftut the government of Kaahmir haa become notorioue about ita apgthatic attitude towarda the education of f^ualim maaaee. for laat 25 yeara there haa been greater realization among the nualima in favour of modern education. However, there were many impedimenta in it and tha governoient haa naver taken any atep to remove them. After apanding a large amount the government invited the educational Commiasioner of the government of India nr. Sharp in 1916 to auggeat waya and meana to 1. Preaidential Addreaa delivered by Chaudri Gulam Abbaa Khan in the 4th Preaidential Addreaa of Mualim Conference vide Oaatawaizat. pp. 3gi-§2, popularizs sducatlon. One of hia suggeationa waa that in aach vlllaga with 5Bt or nora population^ Qna primary achool ahould ba opanad. At that tima (1916) thara wara 14II villagaa with 5II or mora population. Today becauaa of incraaca of population tha numbar of such villagaa haa incraaaad to 25II. But during tha lonf pariod of 22 yaara tha govarnnent haa not aven opanad 1418 adioola. Though according to Sharp Raport thara ahould hava been a prinary achool within 18 yaara in each village with 588 population*••" Tha nualina alao conpalined before Glancy ConMiaaion the unconcerned attitude of the government towarda popularizinf education aiiong the Clualiiia. The CoMiaieaion alao endoraed the complaint of the nualima and foraefully recommended the fulfillment of Sharp racommendationa. It alao recommended that in order to attract tha nualima to modern achoola Arabic knowing teachara and Clualim teachara ahould be appointed but government haa not taken any worthmentioninf etap in thia direction" The riuelim Conference demanded the change of ayllabi in lower achoola to make it reaponaive to the needs of the time and to make agricultural education compulaory in village echoola. Increaae in the number of achoola, enhancement of pay of tha teachara, intro duction of moveable library ayatam in the villagea ao that tha educated people of the villagea ahould have acceaa to further 1« Preaidential Addreaa delivered by S.n. Abdullah in tha 5th Annual Saaaion of nualim Conference (1937) vide Daatawaizat. pp. 438-31» sducation, wera ths other demands of th« Conferanca* Thay axpressad concarn over the Scarcity of middle and high schools as one had to travel long distancea even for getting mifldla achool education. Writing about tha middle and high schoola the Preaidantial addraaa of 1937 aayaj The laadarahip also axpraasad its concern ovar tha least •pportunitiaa of collage education. To quote: "•••For hi9has education there are only tuo collegaa in the whole of Jannu and Kaahmir atate though there ia an urgent need to have one college at each district head-> quarter. It ia atrange that in auch a danaaly populated city like Srinagar there ia only one college which haa not only to cater the neada of Srinagar city but alao of all the diatricta of Kaahmir and those of Ladakh, Gilgit, nuzafarabad and Poonch. And then not only men but alao 2 woman are taught in thia college. .,**• The importance of woman education and tha caraleasnaaa of the atate towarda it id not loose eight of nualim Conference laadarahip. To Quotas 1. Ibid.^ p. 432» 2. Preaidontial Addraaa delivered by S.n. Abdullah in the 5th Annual Saaaion of nualim Con, (1937) vide Daatawaizat, p. 433. "•••For uomsn eduoition thsra should be tyo ssparats collages both in Srinagar as well as in Janrou. Co-aducation colleges are not suitable for Kashmir. The people of Kaehmir are not yet ready to tolerate it. They prefer ignorance to Co-education, About women education it is also important to say that there are only 3 women high schools in the whole etate which is a claar example of the non-chalant attitude of the etate.••** The Conference emphasized more on technical education than producing unemployail educated youth and clerke. To quote* ^^~\^ ^J^ (iv) —^ Relieioue The preceading chapters made it ebundantly clear that the 3 riualima were suffering from religious gi'evances also. So the nuslim Conference did not loose sight of these grievances and it frequently made demande for seeking their redreseel. 1, Ibid., 2, Ibid., 3, See Chapter "Nature of the State) The confiscation of property of a convert to Islam vas still the law of the land and the leaders exprssad its grava concern over the continuation of this law. In his welcome address to the Third Annual Session of Muslim Conference (1934) held at Sopore Khawaja Haqbool demanded the restoration of religious places which had been under the custody of Non-Pluslims. The demand reads; "Though in response to Glancy recommendations the governmBnt had ordered restoration of religious places of nuslims but the order is still 2 a dead latter"* Like-wise we find the President of the 4th Annual Session (1935) demanding that the Convert l*lusllms should not be deprived of their ancentral property, this was regarded ae an interference in the freedom of religion particularly in the case of lluslims. To quote Chaudri Gulam Abbas; "..• Ue are deeply hurt that still we have not achieved freedom of religion. According to the prevailing law of inheritance every nsw-nuslim is deprived of his ancestral property.•• we have to be ready to give every possible stcrifices to do away with this religious 3 d is cr im inat ion" • To sum it was because of the struggle launched by the Muslim Conference that the government was ultimately forced to concede the demand of the right to form political Associations 1. Presidential address delivered by S.n.Abdullah in the Second Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide Baetawaizat, p. 295. 2. Uelcome address red by Kh, naqbool in the Third Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaizat, pp. 325-26, 3. Presidential Address delivered by Chaudri Gulam Abas Khan in the 4th Annual Session of Muslim Conference vide,Dastaqi2at pp. 392-393, and th« fragdoiH of press and platforw. Though still prsss ragulation was gaging the mouth of fraa prase. However, unlika tha past tha circulation of such nauapapars, which rapresentad tha causa of flusllni could not ba atoppad* yjlcyy '^ C^ ^•io^y,' / •;> D/V'c±_j. 1. Prasidantial Addraaa dalivsred by S.n.Abdullah in tha Sacond Annual Session of Muslin Confaranca (1933) vide Dastawaizat. pp«293»9i It U88 because of the struggle of Huslim Conference that the people got many rights and concessions in the absence of which their condition was extremely pitable. By 1933 they got proprietory rights in land, some privileges regarding forests, exemption of tax on wilk cow, exemption from Kacharl (grazing tax), N««rana freedom of press and platform, formation of association and reformation regarding Legislative Assembly and district boards. Not only this but the Conference succeeded in making the government to accept the payments of land revenue of Nautaud (fresh broken 2 land) in instalments. Above all the confiscated religious places were also restored to the Muslims, though the demand regarding conversion was not conceded to* (•) Social welfare Programme; The Conference paid adequate attention towarde emphasising character building which they regarded not only as a pre-^e^ui^ite for preparing the quam for fighting out injustice but also for building a just society. For this they regarded religious education and observance of religious injuctions as well as/modern education i-i'yiJCi.ki' prequisitt^'oThey believed that this education would cultivate among them the spirit of honesty and parsimonity besides stopping them from performing useless ceremonies, waywardness and fseling pleasure in dragginti the people to courts. Detailing the social 3 construction programme the President of the Third Session said; 1. Ibid., p. 29I* 2« Ibid., p. 3i1. 3* Preeidential address delivered by nian Ahmad Yar in the 3rd Annual Session of Muslim Conference (1934) vide Bastawaizat, p. 344. 'A 'i^yfr^^y ciU^^ (jj!j£^!yjlC, OL->/ o -1 , *1 ^JU >jr^y C^J ^cy-f The nuslini Confaranc* also fought for providing msdlcal facilitlas to the psopie and in this context thay in\/itad tha attention of tha govarnmant through manorandums and laeolutions passed at tha and of Annual Sessions. To quota tha follnuing ucrda of tha 5th presidential addres of the Conference: ",., After education it is the duty of the state to take care of health needs of its subjects. Bttiisr-toidbhii* OeH«i««t a-i«« t*>9' %tt2^ftf»B»M h»»j^»r tssssB^ oT i^feer ^^^^ But in this context also the government does not fulfill its duties. There is a need to construct buildings for hospitals and equip there with medical facilities. But the state spends so parsimoniously on medicine^ that each individual of the state does not get more than 3 paisa out of it. The deplorable condition of hospitals can be gauged by the fact that even the biggest hospital of the state— Sadar Hospital Srinagar is situated in a dingy building. There is extreme scarcity of space and hundreds of patients are unattended for want of space. It is easy to guess the deplorable condition of the hospitals of ths villages and there is no name of medicine thare. The maximum places are deprived of hospitals. The poor paeeants die for want of medicine worth 5 paiaa. It is necessary that a portion of government treasury which is filled by the massee with the sweat of their brow, should be spent on the health of the people and they be saved from untimely deaths...*^. The leaders and workere of Muslim Conference motivated the people in favour of education, saved them from corrupt officers and money lenders, educstsd them about social reform, disUaded them from taking debts and wasteful expendituree besides cultivating among 2 them economic, social and political consciousness* 1, presidential Addrese delivered by S.n. Abdullah in the 5th Annual Seseion of Pluslim Conference (1937) vide Daatawizat, pp. 433»34» 2. usicome addraaa red by Sheikh Mohammad Amin in the 6th Annual Session of Muallm Conference (1938) vide Dastawaizat. p. 439, *- tv^ Tfa^^rda Forolna HlneauMuallm Unityi • • • Besides the fact that the demands o£ the Muslim Oonfecence were purely secsolar in nature*! it is also viorthmentioning that the Conference made persistent efforts to ensure a Joint HLndu-^iuslini stiug^e. The Omferonce did not raiss even the smallest opportunity to strive for it. In all its resolutions (which the Q>n£erence passed either in opea, or closed door sessic^s during its dLght ydars lif^ and presidential address's the conference stressed for forging Hindu- Muslim unity and cooperation. In its inagural session*' the President of the Conference declared it publically that the aim of the Muslim Conference was to redress the grievences of all the communities irrespective of caste« creed and colouc? on March 7, 1933 a Committee was set-up to contact non-Muslim leaders* to seek their cooperation ^d to persuade them to participate in t^e movement. However#1 the Committee was unajble to achieve any positive results because of the non-coop«:atlon of the non^uslims? In the welcome address of the second Jvmual Session of the Muslim conferoice the non—Muslims were again fervently appealed to 1,* See 3upra#i P»* ^^?- 2» The cxxomittee consisted of Khawaja Sad^-ud-Din shawl#1 chaudri Guldn fii&a Khan* Khawaja Gulam Hohamoaad Ashie/ Agha Sayed Hussain Jalali* Moulvi Mohamad At)Allah*i Peer HissaPMid-Din GLlmi, Khawaja OUam Mohamad Bhat# Mian Ahmad Yar Khsn#^ Moulvi Mohamad BussdLn* Munshi AJ^dul Aziz and Abdul Majid gurashi,^ For details see Presidential Address delivered by Khawaja CSulsfa Mohammad Sadig in the special session of Muslim Conference at Srinagar in JMne,^ 1939^,1 p. 9; Atash,i,GhinAr.l pp, 162-l63j ^^§%^9 K^a^.Uf P* 187. Join hands vLth the Muslims and to fight unitedly for the ooinnoo Interests of all the csoromunltles while forgetting tonporary blttecness of 1931 aMncaunal dot* ,9 bcJ'ju}^^ ^' ^'^^jh^C, V<2^^/1> c^.jL^ o^i^r^^y'^ ^£^^j^6 ^^\'<^^^^Jl^-^^C M^'(/c 1^ rc::^- t.^>y '^z .^\/^^ . if rri. ;..,v . .^..:>/^ v^^ c In his secsond presidential address s^ M. j^dillah again tried to bring home to the non-Muslims that deoands qur achievemeits of Muslim Conference were not exclusively meant for one particolar oommunity instead it served the Interests of all the oommunities.^ 2 The President said: 1. Welcome address red by Raja Mohan ad A)cbar Khan in the Second jmnual Sessicm of Muslim Oonference on 15-17, Dec.#1 1933 vide Daatazaiat^S pp. 285-286. 2. Presidential address delivered by s. M. Abdullah In the Second iMinual Session of Muslim Conference on lS-17 Dec.* 1933, vide pag^wa^aalrtf P. 298. •^^ '^^•, c "o^^I^O-^'i'/^t^\^ ' 1- v-x-^Y^-^-c^^^ ^/ ^>J^-^'V U (^J' - 9 •^ -> 'C^-y)- 'd^j.JL^/ ^ In a wrlttax statepont wblch the Mualija Oonfer^ice Issued on 29th J\me>1 1934 through Its Presldait/ the part/ again recjaested the non-^usllms to join hands %rlth the Muslins ^d assured them every kind of help and safeguard} ?^ ^ J '< -^ / y^y^y^^'-^. '/ 6>^^>- ^ ^5-V^^^ V^- '<^ PTMs statament Of. §» M« Abdillah^against.theuFranchise COBiaLttee Report vide Dasta%fal2a^ia pp» 3l6>3r7. After the Sopore Session (1934) which was the third AiimuaX Session of Muslim Conference S,M,j^dullah left fi>r India to renew contacts with the leaders of "Political thought" over there. It was during this period that he had a meeting with Papdlt Jawahar LaX tlehru which had far reaching results (^ Kashmir politicsr It was during this tour that S. M, A^dUllah addressed a press conference at Lahore^jfl;^' the liiimae%f Dr. Salf»ud-Dln Kitchba (a promlnmt Congress leader) • Jwq&gdlpg -to the Press conferencet shailch salds "The communal tension in Kashmir to a great extent is the result of the propoganda of Punjabi communal leaders. We want that the people of Punjals may not Interfere in our matters. My future progrdsae woald be to act according to the principles of Congress. After returning to Kashmir I would lay down the fotinqtion of an organization Wiicb >*iild serve national Interests rather than Muslim Interests"? Cheiadri Gulam j^bas also tried to allay the fears of non- Muslims and rec^ested them to Join hands with the Muslims. Like other leaders he tried to bring home to the non-Muslims that whatever the Muslims achieved by their sturggle such as redaction In ablv^a (irrigation tax)» Kahcharal (grazing taad • proprietory rights in land« freedom of press and platfoim«^ it served the interests of all the commAmities. So he requested them to Join hands with the Muslims and to fight shoulder to shoulder with thefn. 1. Ataah-l-chinar. pp. 209-210; M. Y. Saraf#! p. 507j Taseer,"! Vol. I#^^ 327 —328. 2. ^tash-i-Chinar«i pp. 209-210. Taseer, Vol. 1/ pp. 227-228; s. Qanyra Vol. 1/ p. 26o. «*•.•While fiorrgettlng the bitterness of past, I 3ix on behalf of the Muslims of state# very sincerely appeal to my non-Muslim oountrynen that they should extend their aooperatl<» to us. I assure that the Muslims have no Inten tion to deprive tfiy nati "•.• We have full confidence the poor among the Hinaas and Sikhs will in near future Join hands with us in our struggle for the ac^ievetaent of responsible 2 government* We shall continue our efforts in this behalf?.* A decis^ive st<^ in the seculerlstation of politics ^d ftsmation of Joint front was taJcen in the state when in 1935, the weekly "Hsmdard" was started under the ownership of S* M. ;^dullah and P. N. 3azaz^ with Maul ana 'lasoodi as its editor. The Inagaral cerePK>ney of this weekly was perfocmed by Dr. Saif-ud»Dln Kltchlu on August 1, 1935? 1* Presidetlal Address delivered by chaudrl GulaP Abbas Khsn in the 4th Annual Session of Muslim CAnferenoe at Srlnagar in 1935 vide Dastawaizat* p. 394^ Taseer, Vol. I,i pp.. 341-42* 2* Presidential address delivered by s.M,Ab !• Hyibir^ Weelcly« Jammu, May ,16, 1936, Inside K^^hmir* p. 191; i^taSP-I-Chlnap# pp. 220-21.' 2. Inside Kashmir, p. 191. etc. He brought It home to both Muslims and non-Muslims that by remaining disunited they would only serve the Interests of the e:q>lolters of the two cDrmnunltles as eveo cPuang the Hindus who were considered the most forward ooromunlty, there were only a few thousand beneflclrles where as the majority faced the same problems as were faced by the liusllms. So the Muslim leadership tried to educate the non-Muslims that It was the trlc3c of the prevll^ged class dEf the Hindu cammunlty to Keep them away from the struggle. In order to convince them he also referred to the rich Muslim class which was an active cDllobojrater of the Dogra Raj to fight against the freedom fighters to their finish^ ' '- '^. . I - 1, Presld&itlal address delivered by s, M, /todullah In the 6th Annual Session of Muslim conferfflice (1938) at Jjjnmu vide Daatatfalzat^, pp. 449-451. A gpeclai Session of the Ail Jawrnu and Kastxnlr Muslim Oonfercyice was held at srlnagar on the 10th and 11th of June/ 1939* under the prestdentlihtp of a knovau-leftlst Khawaja Oil am MoheTimad Sldlq. MsjalaJia Masoodt* Chalman of the reception Ooranlttee# Introdiced the fallowing resolutions "The special session of the Japnmu and Kashmir Muslim Confereace approves the working ccwimlttees resolution NOi 5 of 28th June, 1938, for the change of the netne of the Gonfer«ace and for bringing alx>ut the necessary apnraendnents sid changes In Its oonstltalon, vr Ich was a>nflnned by the Gsaerol Qounvll In Its sesslcm held on the 27th j^pdl, 1939..• This Conference* therefore, decides that It shall fcencefibrth be napied All Japutiu and Kashmir National Conference and every cltlztfi of Jamrau and Kashrnlr, who Is mature, whether male or female, shall Irre^ectlve of his rellglou and race,' tavR be ^listed to become a mecober of the Conference provided he undertakes In writing to have the setting up of a respcmslble ^vertsaent and the seoirance of Indlvldxal llbertlels as his political goal.** The session also resolves that until the next annual session the existing, i^orHlng committee and General council, the office bearers and dallgatea to this Conference shall Sanctioa In the same capacity as office bearers eind members of the All Jaiwau and Kashmir National ODnference**... The reso lution was passed In this Historical Session and AH Jarnnu and Kashxilr Muslim confer^ice was converted Into All Jawmu and Kashmir Natl onal Conference* 1* Baaaz, straggle for Freedom In Kashmir, pp. 170-171; Atash-l- Chlnar^ pp. 237-38; M, Y. Saraf, pp. 528-29. CcQ Mmdaa QperaPdlt la orddc to press for its demafida the Muslim Oanfecence adopted different types of modus operaPdi at different points of time. One important method that was adopted throughout its histor/# inapite of the availability of new opportunities*" was to aonv«ie Annual Sessions where the problems of the people were disoassed* nm the working of the conference diring the past year evaluated_, the response of the govemm^atlf to the demands of the organization assessed and the charter of demands framed for redressing the social/ economic/ religious and political grievances of the people* These Annual Sessions also debated and delibrated upon how to strengthen the organization to make it effective far pressurising the government o concede its demands. Besides the Annual Sessions Working committee meetings of the party were frequently convened to take stock of the overall situation of the movement*^ and to take decisions in rdgard to the problems and challenges it faced. The open Annual Sessions and the iJbpular demands it highlighted and pleaded for* made the Muslim conference a popular organization in every nook and comer of Kadimir. In 1934 the ^^uslim conference changed Its policy of prayers and petitions and adopted "extremist" methods to press for Its demands, on January 27* 1931, the youth wing of the nusllm Conference* Young iiuslim Association launched an agitation against the ^vernment for its delay In in^l^nenting the GlaPcy Coram is A on recommendations. The agltatlcai e{>read like fire all over the Valley The go^ertment suppressed the agitation by arresting apd exiling the leaders and imposing fines upon tasny of th^. According to the welcome aeldress delivered by Khawaja Moh^nnad Mac^ol in the third jyanual Session of Muslim conference on November 11# 1934/ chaudri Gulaia iflbbas Khan# Raja Mohamad AKbar Kham and Bakshl Gulam Mohemed etc. # Here still in jail. The prominent workers like Qazi Abdil Ghanl* H. A. Sabir and MaulaiaLa Masoodl were exiled. The property of many worters «as confiscated and heavy fines were imposed upon them. Artide 108-A of criminal procedure ^d 19-L were still in force. Fabricated cases were registered against the Muslim Conference workers. Zaildars# Numbardars and gavecxuaaiit eEE^loyees vere forced to give false evidences for involving the workers in fabricated cases. A meeting of the working Cbnntittee of Muslim Conference was convened at Lahore on February 10,1 1934 where chaMdri Gulepi Hbbas was appointed as "Dictator" by dissolving the working oommittee,' He was emx>owered to negotiate with the government about the implemeatation of demands made by the Muslim Conference in its pr^evious sessions. In addition to this he was directed to ask the government about the In^lefneatation of Olancy Cooimission recoctroendationa. I4Dwever# Chaudri Gulapi j^baa after returning from Lahore presented a raejnorandum to the government in this regard. 1. Presldaitlal address delivered by Mian Ahned Yar Khan in the Third Annual Session of Muslim Oonfer©ice# vide gasts^WfliiZa^;^/ P* 337; Inside Kashmif/ p. 185. 2. Welcome address red by Khawaja Ma^ool in the third Annual session of Muslim ccmference (1934) vide, Dastawfaizat* pp. 322-323.* The govenam^it did not showed any positive response towards the meiBorondam. In reaction to this ChaUdri M>i>a.s gave a call o£ civiX-dl80bedieQce against the governmentj A few days after Chaadri Gulam iA):^a8 was arrested ^d the civil disobedience movennsit was called o^on .^^ist 19# 1934 and the Muslim CDn£erence leadership decided to contest elections and £ight the governmait In the AsseRbly, In order to mobilize public opinion and to strengtheia the mov^neaat at grass roots level the Muslim oonference decided to establish •x\njum^s in every village, tov«D# Tehsil, district 2 and Suba". The leadership was not satisfied with confining the Influence and backing of the organization to a few ecfeicated people and to the city and urban dwellers# or wanted to make the Conferaice really a mass movement. This is evident ta idm Stli from the presidential address delivered by s. M. ;03dallah to the 5th Annual Session of Muslim Oonferoice on May 15/ 1^ 1937, lb 3 quote: 1. Inside Kashmir/ pp. 138-39. 2. presidential Address delivered by 3. M. jivbdullah in the First Annual Session of Muslim Conferaica (1933) vide j2aaias£aksai» pp. 229-230. 3. Presidential Address delivered by s. M. Abdullah in the 5th .vinual Session of Muslim Conference vide Daatawal^%»^ p. 427. hr^'jf^^^ jjjp^j\^ ^^^-"^ :^^,.^-^ <^ o i/y i,--^. -~> lb achieve this purpose they embarked upon a policy to take the progranme of the confer«ace to every village by organising district level* tehsll level and village level Osnferences gsna by enrolling every grown up Huslitn of each area as Its registered meriber. Besides^ it was also decided to open a Balt-ul-J^^al to vhlc^ the ^iusllms would contribute 'Zokat' and ' Sadkati The branches of the Ceitral 3alt-ul-J'5al wore to be opened In every district and Tehsll and the workers of the Conferaice would be responsible for the collection. This policy not only solved the financial problems of the Conference but also actively Involved the whole population into the movecQ^t, besides educating the people about the Muslin Oonference prograwne. In the Presidential address of 1938/ the President again stressed the need £ov carolling the masses as menibers of the Muslim cx>nfer@ice and for opening the branches of Muslim Confereice In every village to unite the whole population under the baaner of Muslim ConfereaceW From July to December 1937 d^out 20/000 m^nbers were ©irolled In srlnagar city only and a significant work was also done In the villages though the pace was not as fast as In city. The Muslim Confer once also organized volunteer crops whose function was to work for popularising the prografnme and facilitating the wDric 3 of the Conference. It was owing to Its policy of making the Conferonce a mass movement so that the govemmoit would be forced to come to terms that the leadership focussed on common problems* persuaded every section of Kashmiri society to join hands with the movement and left no stone unturned to forge HlnAi-i^usllm Unity, !• Ibid. * pp. 423-428. 2. Presidential address delivered by S.M.^cUllah In the 6th Annual Session of Muslim Cbnference (1938) vide Dastawalzat*' pp. 458-59. 3. Presidential address delivered by s. M. 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