Emergence and Role of Muslim Conference in Kashmir (1932-1939)
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EMERGENCE AND ROLE OF MUSLIM CONFERENCE IN KASHMIR (1932-1939) Thesis submitted to The University of Kashmir for the award of the Degree of M. Phil in History By Muhammad Yousuf Ganai Under the Supervision of Dr. Muhammad Ashraf Reader in History Post-Graduate Department of History University of Kashmir-190006 // '( Acc. No ^ 1) L4f« Univei^ T5238 (fti/^'^Ji-^^ This Is to certify that the M.Phll Dissertation of Muhammad Yousuf Ganale entitled **BQer^^nce end Role of Muslin Conference In Kashmir (1932-1939) carried out under my sapervlslon embodies the work of the candidate* The research vrork Is of original nature end has neither been submitted for M.phll nor for Ph.D. programoae so far. The thesis Is in satisfactory literary form and worthy of consideration for M.phll degree? (Dr. %ilJ)amro'ad Ashraf ^mi) SJPERVISOR CONTENT Si Paqg ^98 p I^ E F A C B l-v CHAPTERS! X X X a) Nature of the State i b) OovemLng Class aPd o££lclaIdDiB- X 1—129 composition spd attittides. X X c) Agrartaa crisis X X d) Lsixaur Unrest X X ^ Education and ai^akening X X f) HindiuJ>i\(slim Antagpnitfa X XX g) SxtecnaX Support X 130—144 9t Muslim ggiftfaCflRgg HI. Role of Mualicn Oonfarenee td Aims snd objectives of Muslim X Oonference—The3r/ end practice )< X l^ Nature X X c) Sjpllt X X d) Denands~-£coaomic«i>olitical»t X Educational and Religious X 145—201 X e) Social Welfare Programme X X £) Towards Forging Hindu-Muslim X Unity X X ^ Moaas Operandi X BIB|^IO(?RftpHy 202—208 j^. Rj — AdnlnL strative RQ>ort F. N. — Pile Number JKA -'-' Jsfoau and Kashmir Archives Ibid ""^ "IbldeP***! in the ame place I.e.' — "Id est"; That Is Vol, — Vblume Vlau: •— Namely p,N» —' Kx)t Note IMA "-^ IndisP National Archives 0«£,R. —•• Old Bicp.l8h Records. Oont,^ Oontlnued P, ^ ^ ^ A <f g PREFACE: • • • -iiji It is very late, not earlier than4twenties of the present century that signs of sonsciousness against the dictatorial oppressive Raj begain geaminating in Kashmir. Houtver, it uas only in 1932 that this nasc^t awareness blossmed into the formation of the first known political organization of Kashmir •— All Dammu and Kashmir Pluslim Conferencey which i: was destined to play the main role in changing the pattern of Dogra Raj. Though the name of the Conference was changed in 1939 to practically demonstrate the open mindedness of the nuslim leadership to involve all the people of the state* irrespective of caste, colour and creedf to fight for common issuey, the basis for this Hindu<-nu8llm courtship and the programme of the nuslim Conference turned National Conference lay in the nature and character of the 1932-1939 duslim Conference. Needless to mention it is only the nomoidature of the Muslim Conference, which tends to create an impression of its being some communal organization with communal manifests* But whan we study the practical functioning of the Conference, it seems like any modern secular-progressive political organization. Now a genuine question can be asked that when the programme of the nuslim Conference was such, then what was the need of naming if after one particular community? However, if one cares to understand the communal character of the oogra Raj which demonstrated opan bias in favour of his non-Huslim subjects and the latter^ while following in the foot-steps of their patten did not less in antognizing the —11. /all rOuslim community while monoplising^^the high and low positions In the state administration, one's perplexed mind may immediately set at rest. Giving the undue favour the non-nusllm community received at the hands of the Oograe, their non-cooperation uith the (Muslims In fighting the unjust rule of the [*laharaja, uas quite under- standable; though compared to Huslims they were politically more alive as unlike the illijtrate l^usllm community, the Kashmiri Pandits were the most literate community in the uhole Indian sub-continent* Thus it uas not only the blatant refusal of the non-rnuslias, to fight against the misrule of the Maharaja, but their avoued policy of opposing, frustrating and sabatoging the emerging political 2 consciousness among the riuelime, which forced the !*1uslims of Kashmir to brand their political organization after the name of their own community. 1. Census Report of 1931, pp. 57-58, 2. Instances can be quoted to show the open policy of the Kashmiri Pandits to help MBharaje in crushing the i^uslim Political leadership. Here it ie suffice to quote the following objectives of Yuvak Sabha, which assumed political character after 1931 incident. i. Urging upon the government to see that the law and order was maintained in the state and helping the authorities in enforcing the same; ii« Infusing a spirit of patriotism among Kashmiri Pandits and helping the Maharaja in maintaining the state against anti state elements (For details about the Yuvak sabha see Khan, Freedom Movement in Kashmir, pp. 5?-59, The Hindus and their sympathisers launched a wide spread propaganda that the political movement of Kashmir was a foreign engineered movement. See the daily statesman, 13 December, 1931. —ill— Though 80 far many scholarly works have been written on the freedom movement of Kashmirt but no indepth study has been made to probe into the causes that accounted for the rise of political consciousness among the Huslims of Kashmir and the choice of the non-Huslims to opt out of tha struggle which the rnuslims launch«i in an organized pattern from 1932. It is also strange that the role of the Muslim Conference has not been properly high.lighted, it is important to mention here that unless the economic and political programme of the Conference and the struggle it launched to achieve its desired goals are properly understood, neither one can be able to understand the far reaching developments that took place in the economic, political, social and cultural life during these few years, nor one may be able to understand the subsequ^it developments that took place in the history of Kashmir after 1939« It is with this purpose of fulfilling this grave lacuna in the history of modern Kashmir, that prompted me to work on this subject. I have made an attempt to analyse all those factors which prepared the ground for a kind of plural politics in Kashmir—-Muslims hell bent upon changing the statusque and the non-muslims leaving no stone unturned to re-inforce it. Uhile analysing the role of the Conference, I have focussid on those issues which became the main concerns of its struggle, the techniques and methods it used to press for its demands, the extant of its achievements, its class charactar and above all how far the movement stood above the communal considera tions and worked for Hindu-Muslim honey-moon which culminated in the formation of National Conference in 1939 through fragile for want of adequate cooperation from non-nuslim community^* •iv- A feu words about sources seem pertinent. The contemporary evidence about the period in question is profesly available in official documents, resolutions of the Muslim Confereice, biographies, autobiographies, personal diaries, neuspapers, official correspondences, histories of the period (particularly those uritten by the contemporary scholar«—politician, P. N. Bazaz) and poetic literature. Above all, the most important kind of source of our information Is the living elders of Kashmir uho have spent a part of their grown up ages during the period of our study. It had been my endeavour to take as much benefit from these precious sources of Kashmir history as I could within the shortest possible time available to me. In completing this work, I have been helped and encouraged by my teachers, friends, and well wishers and it is a pleasant duty for me to acknowledge their help and advice from which I have benefited though it is incredibly difficult to put the words of gratitude on paper, ny grateful thanks are due first and foremost to my teacher and supervisor Dr. fluhammad Ashraf Uani, Reader, Post-Graudate Department of History, whose valuable guidance, advice and generous help have done me an immense deal of good. To have an opportunity of learning and working under his inspiring guidance has been my proud priviledge and I should be failing in my duties if I do not express further that it would have been rather impossible for me to complete this dissertation without his constant and inspiring guidance and valuable suggestions at every stage of this work. ../.•• I also owe a deep s&ase of gratitude tx) Professor A* 0. Elaflqul, Ptof. and Head* Departmeit of Hlstory# professor Muhammad Ishaq KhdQf Dr. Mushtaq Abmad/ Reader centre of Central Aslsn Studies University of Kashmir and Miss Shlrln Bakshi« Lecturer* Department of History for their help and encouragement*' I also esqpress my thanks to Mr. All MohaPmad shab* Mr,^ Kazim w^l« Prethlpal Singh/ Shaheen and Qui am Hasan Mlr> Research Scholars of the Department of History* My warn thanks are due to Mr. Reyaz Ahmad Khan (Advocate High courts and Mr. Sha%*kat Ahmad Gllkar#1 my room partners who adorned my lips with Invaluable emlles on the occasions*^ X used to be \inder mental strain. I afn greatful to G. A* Peer/ D. C* Sales Tax Kashmir/ who extended his cooperative hands in furnishing me revenue records of District Anantnag. I owe my gratitude to G. N. Hagroo (Advocate High Court)/; Altaf Hussain>Ex Agrarian 0:>mmlssic»ier Kashmir for their guidance and encouragement. 1 Qjn also grateful to the staff of JSdC Archives Department/ Iqbal Library/ University of Ka*mir and Seninar Library of the Department of History.