DOCSLIB.ORG

Op #280: the Question of Russo-Ukrainian Unity and Ukrainian Distinctiveness in Earl Ukrainian Distinctiveness in Early Modern U

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Op #280: the Question of Russo-Ukrainian Unity and Ukrainian Distinctiveness in Earl Ukrainian Distinctiveness in Early Modern U OP #280: THE QUESTION OF RUSSO-UKRAINIAN UNITY AND UKRAINIAN DISTINCTIVENESS IN EARLY MODERN UKRAINIAN THOUGHT AND CULTURE by: Zenon E. Kohut Introduction areas did they seek links with Russia and in which ones did they hold on to Many present-day Russians still what they considered essential differ- consider Ukraine to be part of Russia, ences? In order to get to the root of historically, culturally, and even spiri- these questions, it is necessary to at tually. So pervasive has been the myth least touch upon the Ukrainian out- of Russo-Ukrainian unity that any look prior to the encounter with attempt at asserting a Ukrainian Russia. identity has been viewed by many Russians as betrayal or as foreign The Polish-Lithuanian Experience intrigue. Despite the persecution of When in 1654 Hetman Bohdan Ukrainian culture in both Imperial Khmel’nyts’kyi placed Ukraine under Russia and the Soviet Union, Ukraini- the protection of the Muscovite tsar, ans have developed the idea of a the country had experienced more distinct Ukrainian nationhood. Many than half a century of political, reli- of the current misunderstandings gious, cultural, and social turmoil. Up between Russia and Ukraine have as to the 1654 Pereiaslav agreement, and their base a fundamental clash over the even after it, Ukrainian (Ruthenian) historical role of Ukraine. Are Ukraini- elites were trying to find a place within ans and Russians the same people? Are the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Ukrainians somewhat distinct only Only after the failure to reach an because their “Russianness” has been accommodation within Poland- corrupted by Polish practices? Are Lithuania did Ukrainian elites begin Ukrainians really a distinct nation both looking toward Muscovy and involv- 1 in the past and in the present? ing it in Ukrainian affairs. In their In this clash, both sides are look- encounter with Russia in the seven- ing at the same historical experience teenth century, Ukrainian elites were but reaching diametrically opposed primarily focusing on and reacting to conclusions. To a large extent, each political, social, religious, and cultural side selects examples that corroborate issues within the Polish-Lithuanian its own interpretation and ignores or Commonwealth. explains away evidence to the contrary. By the sixteenth century, the But the problem is deeper than this, for Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth there is an ambiguity to the Russo- was, in theory, a “Republic of the Ukrainian encounter from its very Nobles” of two territories, the King- inception in the seventeenth century. dom of Poland and the Grand Duchy Much of the ambiguity comes from of Lithuania. The nobles, encompass- posturing; from what Kliuchevsky has ing the political nation, could be of said about the 1654 Pereiaslav agree- diverse ethnic origins—Polish, ment, in which both sides “did not say Lithuanian, Ruthenian, or German— what they thought and did what they and diverse faiths—Roman Catholic, 2 did not wish to do.” In these encoun- Protestant, or Eastern Orthodox—but ters both sides found it convenient to had individual liberties and equal overlook differences and concentrate rights. Reality differed greatly from on areas of real or imagined unity. But theory, particularly in the territories of how did Ukrainian elites view the the Commonwealth inhabited by relationship with Russia? In which Ruthenians (Ukrainians and 1 Belarusians). There was no equality the Protestant reforms. In the program- among the nobles: political leadership matic vision of the Jesuit ideologue, was exercised by the princely houses Peter Skarga, confessional unity was of the Rurikids and the Gedyminids, essential for political unity, and East- while the nobles, descended from the ern Orthodoxy was considered not boyars, acted as subordinates and only erroneous, but also subversive of retainers. Although the Union of the state.5 Owing to increasing political Lublin, which transferred Volhynia pressure, accompanied by a flowering and the Kyiv land from the Grand of Polish culture, Ruthenian nobles Duchy to Poland, did not create a third began converting to Roman Catholi- Rus’ entity, it did guarantee the rights cism and adopting the Polish language of the Ruthenian language and recog- and culture. As the Ruthenian political nized the laws of Rus’ as the official nation declined because of these code in the annexed territories. The defections, the remaining Ruthenian Rus’ faith—Eastern Orthodoxy— elites—both nobles and clergy—began provided another link to the ancient looking for ways of defining a Kiev. Thus, despite Lithuanian and, Ruthenian identity that would find after 1569, Polish rule, Ukrainian acceptance in the political, social, and society preserved the social structure, cultural structure of the Common- religious faith, language, and law code wealth. One attempt was the Church of Kievan Rus’.3 Union at Brest (1596), whereby the Ukrainians conceived of unity Ruthenian Orthodox Church recog- within the Commonwealth primarily as nized the pope but retained its eastern a political matter. They were part of the Christian traditions. Another response Polish political nation because they was a vigorous Orthodox Slavic reform belonged to the szlachta. There were that attempted to counter the Catholic ethnic, religious, and cultural differences attacks on theological, intellectual, and between the Ruthenian szlachta and the even cultural grounds. In the end, Polish, Lithuanian, and German nobili- these efforts failed. By the seventeenth ties, but these were not significant for the century, the Commonwealth was unity of the state. Thus a Ukrainian increasingly becoming an association nobleman could be designated as gente of Roman Catholic, culturally Polish ruthenus, natione polonus. Since religious noblemen. Others were considered and cultural differences were encom- politically unreliable, heretical, or passed within the political nation, these simply uncivilized and unsuited to be differences were tolerated in other orders part of the political nation. Thus the of society.4 Because some members of the areas that Ukrainians had defined as szlachta were Orthodox, townsfolk or distinct—religion and culture—were even peasants could also be Orthodox. no longer legitimate. Unity in the While this is a highly idealized and Commonwealth had to pertain to all theoretical picture, it does reflect to some spheres. The political szlachta nation degree the tolerance and cultural hetero- had to be Roman Catholic in religion geneity of the Polish-Lithuanian Com- and Polish in language and culture.6 monwealth up to the mid-sixteenth In attempting to find a place for a century. reformed Eastern Orthodoxy and In the latter half of the sixteenth Ruthenian culture in the Polish- century, Ruthenian Orthodox society Lithuanian Commonwealth, the was challenged intellectually by both Ruthenian clerical and cultural elites the Catholic Counter-Reformation and entered a larger struggle between 2 Eastern and Western Churches, be- and Turks. The Cossacks saw them- tween Greek-Slavonic and Latin-Polish selves as frontier knights, a military culture—in essence, a struggle be- order that possessed certain “rights tween West and East. It was hardly an and liberties.” Although, at times, the even struggle, for the Western side Commonwealth recognized these simply viewed the East as heretical, rights for some of the Cossacks, the ignorant, and backward, while the idea of a non-noble brotherhood of Eastern side, using Western learning, Cossack warriors with liberties clashed attempted to prove its doctrinal cor- fundamentally with the concept of a rectness and create a revitalized hu- Commonwealth of free nobles. The manistic Ruthenian Orthodox Slavic lack of recognition of Cossack estate learning. While the Ruthenian side rights led to a series of Cossack revolts, could never bridge the gap of per- including the fateful one of 1648.9 ceived inferiority within the Polish- Up to the end of the sixteenth Lithuanian Commonwealth, it was century, the leadership of Rus’ was still certain that it had created the most exercised by the princely households enlightened Orthodox Church—one and executed through a system of that could and should play a leading subordinate noble retainers.10 For role in the renovation of Eastern example, the princes of Ostrih led the Orthodox Christianity.7 Orthodox revival by printing the The new learning and polemics Orthodox Bible and founding the over the church union sparked a keen Ostrih academy, which generated the interest in history, particularly that of cadres for the revival in the late six- Kievan Rus’. In the early seventeenth teenth and early seventeenth centuries. century, not only were the old Kievan However, owing to the extinction of chronicles recopied, but new historical some princely households and the writing brought them up to more conversion to Roman Catholicism and contemporary times. The polemical Polish culture of others, princely literature debating the Union of Brest leadership began to wane and the made use of the Rus’ past. Moreover, subordinate Ukrainian nobility became spurred by Polish historical writings, disoriented. By the time of the the Ukrainian authors introduced new Khmel’nyts’kyi uprising, the lesser terminology and concepts into history Ukrainian nobles had either become writing, such as a Rus’ “fatherland” Polish or joined the Cossacks, but had and a Ruthenian or Rus’ people. These ceased to act on behalf of a Ruthenian writings went beyond the Polish- noble estate. A new leadership
Load more

Recommended publications
  • An Overview of Russian Foreign Policy
    02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 7 1 AN OVERVIEW OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Forging a New Foreign Policy Concept for Russia Russia’s entry into the new millennium was accompanied by qualitative changes in both domestic and foreign policy. After the stormy events of the early 1990s, the gradual process of consolidating society around a strengthened democratic gov- ernment took hold as people began to recognize this as a requirement if the ongoing political and socioeconomic transformation of the country was to be successful. The for- mation of a new Duma after the December 1999 parliamen- tary elections, and Vladimir Putin’s election as president of Russia in 2000, laid the groundwork for an extended period of political stability, which has allowed us to undertake the devel- opment of a long-term strategic development plan for the nation. Russia’s foreign policy course is an integral part of this strategic plan. President Putin himself has emphasized that “foreign policy is both an indicator and a determining factor for the condition of internal state affairs. Here we should have no illusions. The competence, skill, and effectiveness with 02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 8 which we use our diplomatic resources determines not only the prestige of our country in the eyes of the world, but also the political and eco- nomic situation inside Russia itself.”1 Until recently, the view prevalent in our academic and mainstream press was that post-Soviet Russia had not yet fully charted its national course for development.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Byzantine Liturgy and The
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Byzantine Liturgy and the Primary Chronicle A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Slavic Languages and Literatures by Sean Delaine Griffin 2014 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Byzantine Liturgy and the Primary Chronicle by Sean Delaine Griffin Doctor of Philosophy in Slavic Languages and Literatures University of California, Los Angeles, 2014 Professor Gail Lenhoff, Chair The monastic chroniclers of medieval Rus’ lived in a liturgical world. Morning, evening and night they prayed the “divine services” of the Byzantine Church, and this study is the first to examine how these rituals shaped the way they wrote and compiled the Povest’ vremennykh let (Primary Chronicle, ca. 12th century), the earliest surviving East Slavic historical record. My principal argument is that several foundational accounts of East Slavic history—including the tales of the baptism of Princess Ol’ga and her burial, Prince Vladimir’s conversion, the mass baptism of Rus’, and the martyrdom of Princes Boris and Gleb—have their source in the feasts of the liturgical year. The liturgy of the Eastern Church proclaimed a distinctively Byzantine myth of Christian origins: a sacred narrative about the conversion of the Roman Empire, the glorification of the emperor Constantine and empress Helen, and the victory of Christianity over paganism. In the decades following the conversion of Rus’, the chroniclers in Kiev learned these narratives from the church services and patterned their own tales of Christianization after them. The ii result was a myth of Christian origins for Rus’—a myth promulgated even today by the Russian Orthodox Church—that reproduced the myth of Christian origins for the Eastern Roman Empire articulated in the Byzantine rite.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Bohdan Khmelnytskyi and the Kozaks in the Rusin Struggle for Independence from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: 1648--1649
    University of Windsor Scholarship at UWindsor Electronic Theses and Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, and Major Papers 1-1-1967 The role of Bohdan Khmelnytskyi and the Kozaks in the Rusin struggle for independence from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: 1648--1649. Andrew B. Pernal University of Windsor Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd Recommended Citation Pernal, Andrew B., "The role of Bohdan Khmelnytskyi and the Kozaks in the Rusin struggle for independence from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: 1648--1649." (1967). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 6490. https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd/6490 This online database contains the full-text of PhD dissertations and Masters’ theses of University of Windsor students from 1954 forward. These documents are made available for personal study and research purposes only, in accordance with the Canadian Copyright Act and the Creative Commons license—CC BY-NC-ND (Attribution, Non-Commercial, No Derivative Works). Under this license, works must always be attributed to the copyright holder (original author), cannot be used for any commercial purposes, and may not be altered. Any other use would require the permission of the copyright holder. Students may inquire about withdrawing their dissertation and/or thesis from this database. For additional inquiries, please contact the repository administrator via email ([email protected]) or by telephone at 519-253-3000ext. 3208. THE ROLE OF BOHDAN KHMELNYTSKYI AND OF THE KOZAKS IN THE RUSIN STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE FROM THE POLISH-LI'THUANIAN COMMONWEALTH: 1648-1649 by A ‘n d r e w B. Pernal, B. A. A Thesis Submitted to the Department of History of the University of Windsor in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Faculty of Graduate Studies 1967 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner.
    [Show full text]
  • An Old Believer ―Holy Moscow‖ in Imperial Russia: Community and Identity in the History of the Rogozhskoe Cemetery Old Believers, 1771 - 1917
    An Old Believer ―Holy Moscow‖ in Imperial Russia: Community and Identity in the History of the Rogozhskoe Cemetery Old Believers, 1771 - 1917 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Doctoral Degree of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Peter Thomas De Simone, B.A., M.A Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2012 Dissertation Committee: Nicholas Breyfogle, Advisor David Hoffmann Robin Judd Predrag Matejic Copyright by Peter T. De Simone 2012 Abstract In the mid-seventeenth century Nikon, Patriarch of Moscow, introduced a number of reforms to bring the Russian Orthodox Church into ritualistic and liturgical conformity with the Greek Orthodox Church. However, Nikon‘s reforms met staunch resistance from a number of clergy, led by figures such as the archpriest Avvakum and Bishop Pavel of Kolomna, as well as large portions of the general Russian population. Nikon‘s critics rejected the reforms on two key principles: that conformity with the Greek Church corrupted Russian Orthodoxy‘s spiritual purity and negated Russia‘s historical and Christian destiny as the Third Rome – the final capital of all Christendom before the End Times. Developed in the early sixteenth century, what became the Third Rome Doctrine proclaimed that Muscovite Russia inherited the political and spiritual legacy of the Roman Empire as passed from Constantinople. In the mind of Nikon‘s critics, the Doctrine proclaimed that Constantinople fell in 1453 due to God‘s displeasure with the Greeks. Therefore, to Nikon‘s critics introducing Greek rituals and liturgical reform was to invite the same heresies that led to the Greeks‘ downfall.
    [Show full text]
  • The Annals of UVAN, Vol . V-VI, 1957, No. 4 (18)
    THE ANNALS of the UKRAINIAN ACADEMY of Arts and Sciences in the U. S. V o l . V-VI 1957 No. 4 (18) -1, 2 (19-20) Special Issue A SURVEY OF UKRAINIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY by Dmytro Doroshenko Ukrainian Historiography 1917-1956 by Olexander Ohloblyn Published by THE UKRAINIAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IN THE U.S., Inc. New York 1957 EDITORIAL COMMITTEE DMITRY CIZEVSKY Heidelberg University OLEKSANDER GRANOVSKY University of Minnesota ROMAN SMAL STOCKI Marquette University VOLODYMYR P. TIM OSHENKO Stanford University EDITOR MICHAEL VETUKHIV Columbia University The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S. are published quarterly by the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U.S., Inc. A Special issue will take place of 2 issues. All correspondence, orders, and remittances should be sent to The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S. ПУ2 W est 26th Street, New York 10, N . Y. PRICE OF THIS ISSUE: $6.00 ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION PRICE: $6.00 A special rate is offered to libraries and graduate and undergraduate students in the fields of Slavic studies. Copyright 1957, by the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U.S.} Inc. THE ANNALS OF THE UKRAINIAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IN THE U.S., INC. S p e c i a l I s s u e CONTENTS Page P r e f a c e .......................................................................................... 9 A SURVEY OF UKRAINIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY by Dmytro Doroshenko In tr o d u c tio n ...............................................................................13 Ukrainian Chronicles; Chronicles from XI-XIII Centuries 21 “Lithuanian” or West Rus’ C h ro n ic le s................................31 Synodyky or Pom yannyky..........................................................34 National Movement in XVI-XVII Centuries and the Revival of Historical Tradition in Literature .........................
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected]
    University of Missouri, St. Louis IRL @ UMSL Dissertations UMSL Graduate Works 1-20-2018 Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Barrett, Ryan, "Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors" (2018). Dissertations. 725. https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation/725 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the UMSL Graduate Works at IRL @ UMSL. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of IRL @ UMSL. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett M.A. Political Science, The University of Missouri - Saint Louis, 2015 M.A. International Relations, Webster University, 2010 B.A. International Studies, 2006 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School at the The University of Missouri - Saint Louis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor Philosophy in Political Science May 2018 Advisory Committee: Joyce Mushaben, Ph.D. Jeanne Wilson, PhD. Kenny Thomas, Ph.D. David Kimball, Ph.D. Contents Introduction 1 Chapter I. Policy Formulation 30 Chapter II. Reform Initiatives 84 Chapter III. Economic Policy 122 Chapter IV. Energy Policy 169 Chapter V. Security and Defense Policy 199 Conclusion 237 Appendix 246 Bibliography 248 To the Pat Tillman Foundation for graciously sponsoring this important research Introduction: Ukraine at a Crossroads Ukraine, like many European countries, has experienced a complex history and occupies a unique geographic position that places it in a peculiar situation be- tween its liberal future and communist past; it also finds itself tugged in two opposing directions by the gravitational forces of Russia and the West.
    [Show full text]
  • Dositheos Notaras, the Patriarch of Jerusalem (1669-1707), Confronts the Challenges of Modernity
    IN SEARCH OF A CONFESSIONAL IDENTITY: DOSITHEOS NOTARAS, THE PATRIARCH OF JERUSALEM (1669-1707), CONFRONTS THE CHALLENGES OF MODERNITY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Christopher George Rene IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Adviser Theofanis G. Stavrou SEPTEMBER 2020 © Christopher G Rene, September 2020 i Acknowledgements Without the steadfast support of my teachers, family and friends this dissertation would not have been possible, and I am pleased to have the opportunity to express my deep debt of gratitude and thank them all. I would like to thank the members of my dissertation committee, who together guided me through to the completion of this dissertation. My adviser Professor Theofanis G. Stavrou provided a resourceful outlet by helping me navigate through administrative channels and stay on course academically. Moreover, he fostered an inviting space for parrhesia with vigorous dialogue and intellectual tenacity on the ideas of identity, modernity, and the role of Patriarch Dositheos. It was in fact Professor Stavrou who many years ago at a Slavic conference broached the idea of an Orthodox Commonwealth that inspired other academics and myself to pursue the topic. Professor Carla Phillips impressed upon me the significance of daily life among the people of Europe during the early modern period (1450-1800). As Professor Phillips’ teaching assistant for a number of years, I witnessed lectures that animated the historical narrative and inspired students to question their own unique sense of historical continuity and discontinuities. Thank you, Professor Phillips, for such a pedagogical example.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconstructive Forgery: the Hadiach Agreement (1658) in the History of the Rus'
    Journal of Ukrainian Studies 35–36 (2010–2011) Reconstructive Forgery: The Hadiach Agreement (1658) in the History of the Rus' Serhii Plokhy Few events in Ukrainian and Polish history have provoked as many what-ifs as the agreement concluded between the Cossack hetman Ivan Vyhovsky and representa- tives of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth near the city of Hadiach in the autumn of 1658. Long before the rise of virtual and counterfactual history, historians in Poland and Ukraine defied the maxim of positivist historiography—that history has no subjunctive mood—and plunged into speculation on how differently the history of both countries would have turned out if, instead of fighting prolonged and exhausting wars, Poland-Lithuania and the Hetmanate had reunited in a new and reformed Com- monwealth. Would this have stopped the decline of Poland, the ruin of Ukraine, Ottoman interventions, and the rise of Muscovy as the dominant force in the region? The Union of Hadiach, as the agreement became known in historiography, had the potential to influence all these processes. It envisioned the creation of a tripartite Commonwealth—the Kingdom of Poland, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and a Principality of Rus', with the Cossack hetman as its official head. The union was the culmination of the activities of moderate forces among the Polish and Ukrainian elites and the embodiment of the hopes and dreams of the Ruthenian (Ukrainian and Bela- rusian) nobility of the first half of the seventeenth century. Nevertheless, the com- promise that the union embodied was rejected by mainstream forces on both sides. The Commonwealth Diet ratified the text of the treaty with a number of important omis- sions, but even in that form it was viewed with suspicion and rejected by the Polish nobiliary elites, which could not reconcile themselves to the prospect of Orthodox Cossacks enjoying equal rights with Catholic nobles.
    [Show full text]
  • Pages 141 to 145 of the Rcumenical Synods of the Orthodox Church By
    Father James Thornton 141 Calendar.... This calendar, in fact, corresponds to the Gregorian Calendar until the year 2800, when a difference of one day will oc- cur in leap years, which, nonetheless, will even out in the year 2900. What an amazing discovery! Thus, it becomes possible to “celebrate the major Christian Feast Days” simultaneously with the hetero- dox; at the same time, tradition-minded Orthodox can be assured that they have not adopted the Papist Calendar.43 The Synod of 1593 is also noteworthy for confirming the -el evation of the See of Moscow to the rank of Patriarchate (which Patriarch Jeremiah had effected in 1589) and for placing it in fifth position of honor after the ancient Patriarchates of Constantino- ple, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, respectively. Saint Job of Moscow was the first to serve the Russian Church as Patriarch. The Synod of Iași of 1642 andthe Synod of Jerusalem of 1672 n their methods and goals, the Synod of Iași (Jassy) of 1642 and Ithe Synod of Jerusalem of 1672 were closely related and thus be- long together conceptually. These Synods sought to defend East- ern Orthodoxy vis-à-vis Western Christianity, and, to do so, both adopted the tactic of “fighting fire with fire,” viz., of counteract- ing the doctrinal errors of Roman Catholicism and Protestantism by presenting Orthodoxy in the theological language of the West. Unfortunately, the subtleties, nuances, and paradoxes of Patristic thought cannot be fully captured in the theological language of the West, so that, while recognizing their valuable contribution to the defense of the Faith, Orthodox generally view these Syn- ods with much less enthusiasm than Western Christians do.
    [Show full text]
  • NARRATING the NATIONAL FUTURE: the COSSACKS in UKRAINIAN and RUSSIAN ROMANTIC LITERATURE by ANNA KOVALCHUK a DISSERTATION Prese
    NARRATING THE NATIONAL FUTURE: THE COSSACKS IN UKRAINIAN AND RUSSIAN ROMANTIC LITERATURE by ANNA KOVALCHUK A DISSERTATION Presented to the Department of Comparative Literature and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy June 2017 DISSERTATION APPROVAL PAGE Student: Anna Kovalchuk Title: Narrating the National Future: The Cossacks in Ukrainian and Russian Romantic Literature This dissertation has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the Department of Comparative Literature by: Katya Hokanson Chairperson Michael Allan Core Member Serhii Plokhii Core Member Jenifer Presto Core Member Julie Hessler Institutional Representative and Scott L. Pratt Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded June 2017 ii © 2017 Anna Kovalchuk iii DISSERTATION ABSTRACT Anna Kovalchuk Doctor of Philosophy Department of Comparative Literature June 2017 Title: Narrating the National Future: The Cossacks in Ukrainian and Russian Romantic Literature This dissertation investigates nineteenth-century narrative representations of the Cossacks—multi-ethnic warrior communities from the historical borderlands of empire, known for military strength, pillage, and revelry—as contested historical figures in modern identity politics. Rather than projecting today’s political borders into the past and proceeding from the claim that the Cossacks are either Russian or Ukrainian, this comparative project analyzes the nineteenth-century narratives that transform pre- national Cossack history into national patrimony. Following the Romantic era debates about national identity in the Russian empire, during which the Cossacks become part of both Ukrainian and Russian national self-definition, this dissertation focuses on the role of historical narrative in these burgeoning political projects.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Introduction
    State Service of Geodesy, Cartography and Cadastre State Scientific Production Enterprise “Kartographia” TOPONYMIC GUIDELINES For map and other editors For international use Ukraine Kyiv “Kartographia” 2011 TOPONYMIC GUIDELINES FOR MAP AND OTHER EDITORS, FOR INTERNATIONAL USE UKRAINE State Service of Geodesy, Cartography and Cadastre State Scientific Production Enterprise “Kartographia” ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Prepared by Nina Syvak, Valerii Ponomarenko, Olha Khodzinska, Iryna Lakeichuk Scientific Consultant Iryna Rudenko Reviewed by Nataliia Kizilowa Translated by Olha Khodzinska Editor Lesia Veklych ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ © Kartographia, 2011 ISBN 978-966-475-839-7 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction ................................................................ 5 2 The Ukrainian Language............................................ 5 2.1 General Remarks.............................................. 5 2.2 The Ukrainian Alphabet and Romanization of the Ukrainian Alphabet ............................... 6 2.3 Pronunciation of Ukrainian Geographical Names............................................................... 9 2.4 Stress .............................................................. 11 3 Spelling Rules for the Ukrainian Geographical Names....................................................................... 11 4 Spelling of Generic Terms ....................................... 13 5 Place Names in Minority Languages
    [Show full text]
  • Novorossiya: a Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists
    Novorossiya: A Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 357 September 2014 Marlene Laruelle The George Washington University The Ukraine crisis is a game changer for Russia’s domestic landscape. One of the most eloquent engines of this is the spread of the concept of “Novorossiya,” or New Russia. With origins dating from the second half of the 18th century, the term was revived during the Ukraine crisis and gained indirect official validation when Russian President Vladimir Putin used it during a call-in show in April 2014 to evoke the situation of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. It appeared again in May when the self- proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics (DNR and LNR) decided to unite in a “Union of Novorossiya.” In August, a presidential statement was addressed to the “Insurgents of Novorossiya,” though the text itself referred only to “representatives of the Donbas.” The powerful pull of Novorossiya rests on its dual meaning in announcing the birth of a New Russia geographically and metaphorically. It is both a promised land to be added to Russia and an anticipation of Russia’s own transformation. As such, “Novorossiya” provides for an exceptional convergence of three underlying ideological paradigms that I briefly analyze here. “Red” Novorossiya The first ideological motif nurturing Novorossiya emphasizes Soviet memory. Novorossiya is both a spatial and ideological gift to Russia’s reassertion as a great power: it brings new territory and a new mission. This inspiration enjoys consensus among the Russian population and is widely shared by Russian nationalists and the Kremlin.
    [Show full text]