Zimbabwe News, Vol. 18, No. 9

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Alternative title Zimbabwe News Author/Creator Zimbabwe African National Union Publisher Zimbabwe African National Union (Harare, Zimbabwe) Date 1987-09-00 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, Mozambique, South Africa, Southern Africa (region) Coverage (temporal) 1987 Source Northwestern University Libraries, L968.91005 Z711 v.18 Rights By kind permission of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front. Description Editorial. Address to the Central Committee by the President and First Secretary of ZANU (PF) Comrade R.G. Mugabe. Central Committee Meeting: Report. His Excellency the President's Address on Heroes' Day's. New Government Policy and Programmes Outlined. Men Reject Women's Changing Rules. The Thrust Towards a New Education Curricula. The School Should Play its Role in Development. The Honourable Prime Minister, Comrade R.G. Mugabe at Heroes' Day Commemoration Ceremony at Heroes' Acre. Businessmen Must Stick to the Price Freeze. Homoine Massacre: MNR Must Pay for the Crime. Mozambique-Zimbabwe Solidarity Week. The Fall of Apartheid's Bastion of Power 25 Oil Embargo. A Terrorist Defence Budget. Destabilisation: The Mounting Cost of the South African Presence in the Region. The Progressive World Focuses its Attention on Southern Africa. Bulgaria-Zimbabwe: Non Transient Friendship. Interview with the Nicaraguan Ambassador. Can the Western Sahara Issue be Called a Regional Conflict. Film Review: Cry Freedom. Art in a Developing Society. Format extent 52 page(s)

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Correct Leadership! The Road to Progress The President and First Secretary, Comrade R.G. Mugabe, has rightly described the newly/rich, those who have used their political positions to amass property and wealth, as daylight robbers and traitors to the cause for which the bitter war of national liberation was fought and won. - Page 2. Art in a Developing Society To bring the Art into our own reality should artistic expression remain or the cultural level, without itsel becoming political? - Page 47. Interview with Nicaraguan Ambassador A Revolution cannot be exported. It's not a commodity like cotton or sugar that you can process, package and send abroad page 34. E d it o r ia l ...... 2 Address to the Central Committee by the President and First Secretary of ZA N U (P F) C om rade R .G . M ugabe ...... 4 C entral C om m ittee M eeting : R epo rt ...... 6 His Excellency the President's Address on Heroes' Day's ...... 8 New Government Policy and Programmes Outlined ...... 9 M en Reject W om en's C hanging R ules ...... 10 The Thrust Towards a New E d u c a tio n C u rric u la ...1...... 1 3 The School Should Play its Role in Development ...... 14 The Honourable Prime Minister, Comrade R.G. Mugabe at Heroes' Day Commemoration Ceremony at Heroes' Acre ...... 16 Businessmen Must Stick to the Price Freeze ...... 20 Homoine Massacre: MNR Must Pay for the Crime ...... 22 Mozambique-Zimbabwe Solidarity Week ...... 24 The Fall of Apartheid's Bastion of Power ____...... _...... 25 O il E m b a rg o ...... 2...... 7...... 2 7 A Terrorist Defence Budget ...... 28...... 28 Destabilisation: The Mounting Cost of the South African Presence in the Region ...... 29 The Progressive World Focuses its A ttention on Southern Africa 31...... 31 Bulgaria-Zimbabwe: Non Transient Friendship ...... 32 Interview with the Nicaraguan Ambassador ...... 34 Can the Western Sahara Issue be Called a Regional Conflict ...... 43 F ilm R eview : C ry F reed o m .,...... 44 Art in a Developing Society ...... 47 Zimbabwe News is the 6fficial News Organ of the Zimbabwe African National Union [ZANU (PF)] and is produced on the authority of the Central Committee by the Department of Information and Publicity, Jongwe Printing and Publishing Co., No, 14 Austin Road. Workington, Harare. World Copyright, Central Committee IZANU (PF)]. Editorial Council: Cde. N.M Shamuyaira; Cde. S.S. Mumbengegwi; Cde. C. Ndhlovu; Cde. J. Zvobgo; Cde. K. Batsirayi; Cde. M. Munyati; Cde. C. Nduku (Managing) Pictures by Jongwe Archives, Zimbabwe News papers and Ministry of information ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 International Sanctions on South Africa We wish to emphatically state herE that every barrel of oil that reachet apartheid South Africa fuels its bruta repression against the Azanian anc Namibian peoples and aggressior against the neighbouring States page 27. CONTENTS F I, J 0 N G WEI

EDITORIAL The Road to progress: Correct Leadership The road to progress and development for our young nation, Zimbabwe, is not and should not be a difficult one. The course was clearly charted by the Second Congress of our party in 1984, when it introduced the Leadership Code, and the twelve binding resolutions on socio-economic issues. The Leadership Code limits the economic activities of all leaders at district, provincial and national levels to what is necessary to sustain themselves and their families only. Accumulation of wealth by all leaders to the extent of exploiting the mass of the people, and infact taking the place of the white settlers, who strictly prohibited. The President and First Secretary, Comrade Robert Mugabe, has rightly described the newly-rich, those who have used their political positions to amass property and wealth, as daylight robbers and traitors to the cause for which the bitter war of national liberation was fought and won. Robbery of the national wealth, either by day or by night, cannot be permitted in a socialist state. It leads inevitably to curruption and stagnation in the national leadership, and eventually to demoralisation of the broad masses who support the party, and have confidence in it. When we speak of the national leadership we mean elected as well as appointed officials at district, provincial, and national levels in both party and government, and to some extent even to nationals in the private sector. Radical Transformation The second step on the road to continuing progress of our young nation, is the process of economic planning and management. We should now have an industrial strategy that aims at the indigenisation of the national economy. At independence we inherited an economy that was owned, controlled, and managed by foreigners and foreign interests. The situation should be changed. Indigenisation and/or localisation of the national economy is and should be a major objective of our Government and our Party. However, such indigenisation does not mean the removal of white managers of the same firms, factories or companies and putting in black or brown ones. Those who think like that miss the point. The kind of change we seek is to transform radically the capitalist, socio- economic structures in our economy - structures designed to make and to maximise profits for foreign individuals and multinationals. The share-holding and control should shift to the state of Zimbabwe, to parastatal bodies, to cooperatives, or to industrial corporations owned by large numbers of citizens collectively. But all such organisations including state-run corporations, must increase their production and be self-supporting financially. They should be directed by a National Planning Commission that is guided by a clearly stated industrial strategy. The immediate, short-term, and long-term goals of such a strategy should also be clearly spelt out. They should be directed at better distribution of wealth among all our people, and to narrow the gap between the poor and the rich, the uneducated and the educated, the under privileged and the privileged. The restrictions on leaders amassing wealth, and the insistence on the equitable distribution of wealth, applies to both political and military leaders of our state. The Zimbabwe National Army has consolidated our independence, and is defending our borders, and protecting the nation. That good work should continue and be supported by the whole nation. But, there are some among them who have acquired substantial business and property interests. This trend should be curbed at an early stage. The military leadership of our army was integrated with the political leadership during the war of national liberation. It was and has remained an integral part of the Central Committee of the ruling party. It has a very high level of commitment to the socialist goals enunciated by the first and second congress. A people's army oriented to production is indispensable in the building of socialism, and defending it against the forces of capitalism and reaction. Raise Consciousness The broad masses themselves should understand the objectives of socialism, and support them. The level of national consciousness should be raised, and the objective conditions improved. It is not enough to point out the weaknesses of the leaders, when the followers themselves are engaging in theft, corruption at work, indiscipline, drunkenness, absenteeism, laziness, bribery, nepotism, breaking tools and equipment, racketeering, and a wide range of activities that can be called irresponsible behaviour. The many reports of court cases of theft, pilfering, and misappropriation of state funds that appear in the daily newspapers, demonstrate a shockingly low level of consciousness among our workers and peasants. Many of them would accummulate even more wealth than the leaders they condemn, if they were given the power and positions to be able to do ZIMBAZVE EWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 go. Our society still has strong tendencies for individual accummulation, that has been reinforced by 90 years of colonial experiences based on rampant capitalist practices. We still have a long way to go to create the right subjective and objective conditions among our followergi supporters; and to establish the correct leadership at district, provincial, and national levels. Nzira yekuti vanhu veZimbabwe tifambire mberi haina uyezve haifanire kuoma. Nzira iyi yekuti tibudirire yakatarwa neCongress yechipiri yemusangano wedu mugore ra1984, apo pakam1swa mutemo unonzi "Leadership Code", nezvlsungo gumi nembiri zvinotaridza gwara rekuti tibudirlre. Mutemo weLeadership Code unotsanangura. mabasa anokwanisa kuitwa nevatungamiri vose kanavachida kuita hupfumi hunopundutsa No nernhurl dzavo. Kutsvaga hupfumi uko kunozosvikira kuti vatungamiri vadzvinyirire vnhu vose sezvinoitwa nevapambivepfumi kwakarambidzwa. Mutungamiri uyezve munyori wekutanga, Comrade Robert Mugabe, vakanyatsobaya dede nemukanwa apo vakatl vanhu vachangopfuma iye zvlno, vakawana hupfumi hwavo nokuda kwezvlgaro zvavo, magororo anoba zuva rakachena uyezve vatengesi n6kuti vakarasa zvinangwa zvehondo yerusununguko. Kuba hupfumi hwenyika, masikati kana usiku, imhosva isingabvumidzwe. Munyika ibotevedza zvegutsa ruzhinji. Kuba uku kunokonzera kuti nylka idzlkire pasi uyezve kunoita kuti vanhu vasavimbe nemusangano. Kana tichiti vatungamiri, tinoreva vanhu vose vakasarudzwa kuve vatungamiri kana vakapihwa mabasa mumusangano nemuhurumende, uyewo nevamwe vanosevenza kunze kwehurumende. Zvinhu Zvinofanira Kupindurwa Danho rechipiri munzira yekubudirira kwenyika yedu nderekuronga nekubata zvakanaka hupfuml hwenylka yedu. Tinofanira kunge tave nehurongwa hwekuti upfumi hwenylka yedu hwave pasi pezvizvarwa zvemuno muZ!mbabwe. Pakuwanikwa kwerusununguko rwedu, hupfumi hwemuno hwakange hurl mumaoko evanhu vasiri vemuno, vatorwa. Izvi zvinhu zva.kadayl zvinoda kupindurwa. Chinangwa chil4uru chehurumende yedu chinofanira kunge chirl chokuti hupfumi huve hurl mumaoko ezvizvarwazvemuno muZimbabwe. Izvi havireve kuti tibvise varungu vanemabasa apamusoro vari kusevenza mumakambani arimuno tichiisa vanhu vatema. Avo vanof unga kudaro varikurasika. Kupindura zvinhu kwatiri kureva ndekwekuti tishandure mamirlro akaita hupfumi ayo anogutsa vanhu vashoma vanoita vatorwa nemakambani avo. Hupfumi hwemuno hunofanira kunge hurl mumaoko evanhu vemuno muZimbabwe, makambani ari pasi pehurumende, mishandirapamwe, kana kuti mapoka emishandirapamwe. Asi osemapokaayaanofanirakusevenzazvakanyanyisa uyezve achikwanisa kumira oga asingapiwe rubatsiro nehurumende. Anofanlra kutungamirirwa neboka rinonzi National Planning Commission rinotevera gwara rakatwasanuka. Zvlnangwazvegwaro iri zvinofanira kulta kuti hupfumi hwenyika hugoverwe kuvanhu vose zvakafanana kuitira kuti pasave nekusiyana pakati pevarombo nevapfumi, vasina kudzidza nevakadzidza vasi ngawane nevanowana. KURAMBIDZA kulta hupfumi hwakawanda, kugovera hupfumi zvakaenzana, kwakanangana nevatungamirlri vedu, vanoti varl mumatongerwo enyika nevari mumauto. Mauto edu arl muZimbabwe National Army akakudziridza nekusi mbaradza kuzvitonga kwedu, ari kudzivira nylka yedu nevanhu vedu. Basa iri rakanaka rinofanira kuenderera mberl uyezve ric;iitsigirwa nevanhu vese. Asi mukati memauto aya mune vamwe vakatowana upfumi huzhinji. Izvi zvinhu zvinofanirwa kudzimwa zvlsati zvaenderera mberi. Gwara reGutsaruzhinji Hutungamirlri hwechluto hwakabatanidzwa pamwe chete nehutungamirld hwezvematongerwo enyika, munguva dzehondo yezvematongerwo enyika. Hutungamiriri uhwu hwaive uyezve huchirl nhengo yeCentral Committee yernusangano uri kutonga. Hunototsigirira zvikuru zvinangwa zvegutsa ruzhinji izvo zvakaumbwa neCongress yekutanga neyeChipiri. Mauto evanhu anokurudzira zvokuvaka upfumi mukusevenza, ishamwari isingafanire kushaika apo tichiumba nyika tichitevedza zvegutsaruzhinji. Ruzivo rwevanhu rwunofanlra kuziva zvinangwa zvegutsa ruzhinji uyezve richizvitsigira. Ruzivo rwevanhu maererano nezvavanotarisirwa kuti vaite rwunofanirwa kuti rusimudzirwe. Hazvlkodzere kuti tiongorore chete zvakaipa ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 Nzira YarkCanaka Yokubudifira Nayo: Kutungamira Nemazvo zvinoitwa nevatungamiriri vedu, ivo vatevedzeri vavo vachiti kana vari kumabasavanoba, vanonwa, vanoparadza zvinhu zvavanosevenzesa, vanotyora mitemo, vanenungo, vanoshaikwa vanoita chiokomuhomwe nezvimwe zvakawanda zvakaipa. Kune nyaya dzakawanda dziri kutongwa mumatare edu edzimhosva dzekuba nekusevenzesa marl yenyika zvisiri pamurawo, zvinorati- dza kuti ruzivo rwedu maererano nezvatinosungirwa kuita rushoma. Ruzhinji rwevanhu vedu runogona kutozviumbira hupfumi hwakawanda dai rwaive nemukana wokudaro. Magariro edu anoratidza kuti tichiri kuita zvemazvake- mazvake, izvi zvakasimbaradzwa munguva yemakore makumi mapfumbamwe apo taitongwa nevadzvanyiriri. Tichine nzira refu tisati taumba magariro akanaka evanhu, tisati taumba hutungamiriri hwakanaka mumagariro edu ose. Address by the President and First Secretary of ZANU (PF) Comrade R.G. Mugabe, to the Meeting of the Central Committee Held in August, 1987: Once again, welcome to this meeting of the Central Committee, the third this year and one we are holding after the extraordinary meeting we held in May this year. We meet today in order to assess, on the one hand, the state of the Party and, on the other, the progress so far made or still to be made in relation to the constitutional issues we have chosen for immediate at- tention in the sphere of our activity. The Party Programme he information I gather from the reports I receive about the Party from the various provinces is that there has been some deterioration in general Party performance. Although Party support has remained firm and widespread, it is more in the area of Party activities that one notices a slump. Meetings at the cell, branch and district levels have become both irregular and much fewer. This feature of fewer and irregular meetings is clearly reflected by the fall in the financial contributions Uoining fees, subscription fees and donations) from individual Party members. Hence also a fall in the flows of these funds to the district, provincial'and central headquarters. I am sure, the National Treasurer will have a lot to say about this unhappy phenomenon. We just must examine the prevailing situation in order to ginger up activity and generate funds for the sustenance of the Party. Surely, it does not make sense our complaining that funds are no longer as forthcoming as they used to do when our organisational and administrative ability is, to say the least, not up to the mark. We should remember that it is a characteristic of any membership that once the leadership control over it has been governmental and legislative relaxed it tends to become less caring and less committed. We, at the top, are apparently failing to fulfil our own central role of controlling, directing, guiding and supervising the lower Party organs as systematically and efficiently as we ought to do. Once our organisational and administrative ability improves, the response from the grassroots is bound to show itself through greater enthusiasm and a constant flow of funds. The starting point is, therefore, our Party restructuring work which has remained in abeyance for too long. In my December and April addresses to you, I emphasized, as I still do, the need for us to immediately get cracking with the organisational and restructuring exercise which, we all agree, is long overdue. Our Party needs our presence and energies to continue functioning properly. Those at the Cell levels need the strict and regular supervision of those at the Branch level, who in turn will need the constant supervision of the District leadership. The overall control and supervision of the Party's district organs require, as we now appreciate, a very thorough provincial management system. Such provincial system of control must incorporate not only the aspect of constant and purposeful visits to the -districts by the leadership of the Province, but The President and First Secretary Comrade Robert G. Mugabe Robert G. Mugabe also the holding of well-planned regular interdistrict or provincial meetings centering around well chosen topics but relevant to the districts and province, problems affecting them, matters of policy enunciated by the Central Committee and Government, and any other important issues that the Province might feel need discussion at a provincial level. This, in brief, is the area of activity we, of the Central Committee, should have ensured was kept vibrant. I admit that some provinces have been performing better than others, but, certainly, in almost every province, although more in some than in others, a kind of political malaise has struck us rather badly. I am glad that some of you have carried out a correct diagnosis of the disease and now know which parts of ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 19 our political body is affected. I am sure that you also know what the remedy or remedies to prescribe should be. Well, let us hasten with our prescription, lest the condition worsens and the prescription becomes inapplicable with the lapse of time. Governmental Programmes (a) Constitutional Changes When we last met in May, we considered the constitutional amendments we envisaged should be effected in the near future, and we agreed that -these should be the following: 1. The abolition of racial representation 2. The establishment of a unicameral system and, 3. The introduction of an executive presidency. As you are now probably aware, a bill, which seeks to abolish separate representation, has already been published in the Gazette and will thus soon be debated in the House of Assembly. The abolition of racial seats is one thing, but the filling of the vacant posts created is another. Whilst we are agreed on the method of filling these seats, we are yet to agree on certain basic principles which should guide us in the selection of the individuals to fill the posts. How, for example, shall we distribute the seats as between the existing sections of our community? What is our view of the seats currently held by Independent members or by those whites who have joined ZANU? What is the method of nomination that we favour? Thesd are some of the questions we should answer now so that when the time comes for us to proceed with the election in Parliament, the process of replacement will not be inhibited by our lack of preparation. There is no doubt that, once this amendment exercise has been gone through, the composition of Parliament will not only cease to reflect racial representation but will also reflect the wishes of the majority of our people. The exercise should naturally strengthen the hand of the Party and enable future amendments to be made, including those which still would require 100 percent affirmative vote, although in respect of such amendments support would still have to be solicited from the nonZANU (PF) members of Parliament. In respect of the other agreed amendments, the Cabinet Committee on Legislation is still examining them before their submission to the full Cabinet. I am sure our Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs will be briefing us on the overall situation relating to these amendments and the outlook over the next few months of this year. b) Drought-Relief Programme One of the programmes of Government for which Party support has been greatly solicited is that now commonly known as the "food-forwork" programme. In fact, there is no direct food offered for work done by peasants in pursuance of this programme in drought-stricken areas. Instead, peasants who engage in the programme are paid a wage of $2 a day and the choice of what to purchase with their earnings is entirely left to them. It is gratifying that the programme has been popularly accepted by the communal people. Perhaps a little briefing by the Minister of Local Government, Rural and Urban Development and the Minister of Labour, Manpower Planning and Social Welfare will enable us to have a clear picture of how the programme is unfolding in the various provinces, in terms of both the number and types of projects offered and the numbers of people involved. My view is that this programme must become a permanent feature of rural development so the pace of transforming rural areas can be accelerated. Of course, a distinction between projects that are offered on the food-for-work programme and those which are voluntary must continue to be maintained. In respect of all the projects falling within the programme, the Party organs in the area must play their organisational part. It is the Party which should help in the selection of those who are assigned to given projects and programmes. The Party should also seek to ensure that certain of the programmes include such training facilities, albeit at the elementary level, as brick-moulding, brick-laying, painting, repair of tools, carpentry, gardening, needle work, crotchet work, etc. Heroes Days The next few days will indeed bring us very important events which we must celebrate with the same honour and vigour as we have always done, because they are of great relevance to our revolution and the sustenance of our nation. Tomorrow, the 8th of August, we celebrate the founding of our Party ZANU, a historic event which heralded into the Zimbabwean scene a new form of struggle, the armed struggle, which was bound in time to deal a death blow to settler colonialism and achieve for the people of Zirbabwe their total freedom and sovereign Independence. ZANU was not only the initiator of armed struggle as the principal form of struggle but also its principal and efficient prosecutor, becoming thereby the liberator of the people of Zimbabwe. This is aglorious history we share with our Party, but the glory of our past and present and, indeed, of the future derives, to a very great extent, from the acts of those men who made ZANU the revolutionary Party it was, still is, and shall for all time be. I refer to our National Heroes by whose high sense of sacrifice, selflessness, commitment, courage and resolve our liberation struggle was raised onto a new place and a sure path to victory charted. We shall remember these Heroes on the 11th and 12th August next week when we shall first assemble at Heroes Acre and follow other events in their memory. But Heroes Acre entombs only a handful of them, for many others lie buried outside the country, some in completely unknown places. Nyadzonya, Chimolo, Tembwe and the newly created burial shrines within the country are indeed Heroes' Acres in their own right. Not all the comrades who died in furtherance of the struggle for freedom and independence have been identified. To all those many thousands who died so we could be free, we have erected the triple statue to the Unknown Soldier. The Central Committee thus has the duty to continue to conscientise the masses in the spirit of our revolutionary struggle and its objectives, so that they can walk in the footsteps of the Heroes in pursuance of these objectives. For now, let us gear the public for the events of the 11th and 12th and ensure that our fallen Heroes are honoured and glorified. Conclusion I trust that the deliberations we are about to engage in will lead to the definite conclusions on the strength of which we can, once again, spring forward as a solid body of leaders with a correct perspective for the Party. Let us remain consciou~s that the success of the Party as the people's political vanguard depends on our proper guidance and direction. To ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 render such proper leadership, we have, as leaders, to be true Ideological and political torchbearers. I am sure, we are capable of this, for, molded as we were by the hardships of our revolution, we cannot afford ever to lose our sense of revolutionary direction. Let us, therefore, continue to lead the Party well! A luta continual Central unr,m ittee Meeting: Report The ZANU Central Committee held its regular session on 7th August 1987. The President and First Secretary of the Party, Comrade R.G. Mugabe opened the session with an address which covered the Party Programme of restructuring and the Government programmes of Constitutional changes and drought relief. He also addressed the session on the significance of Heroes Days. he Secretary for Administration and Acting Secretary for the Commissariat Comrade M.T. Nyagumbo presented guidelines on Party Restructuring which had emerged at the Seminar for Provincial Leadership held at Senga Training Centre, Gweru on 17th-18 July 1987. The Seminar of Provincial Leaders analysed Party Reorganisation under the following headings: a General Party administration b Financial managament c Party Restructuring d Party communication The Seminar recommended as follows: a General Party Administration i) Provincial Secretary -should go to provincial office to work regularly; - should also supervise both women and Youth League Administrative matters; - should supervise all day-today administrative matters through the Party Provincial Administrator; -should be in charge of the conditions of service of Party employees in the Province. ii) Party Provincial Administrator -should have recognisable commitment to the Party; -should have acceptable academic qualifications with a financial and ad, ministrative flair; - should have ability to identify problems and suggest remedies; - should have ability to stand up to pressure from Party officials; - should have ability to write minutes and reports; - should have understanding of the operations of various Departments. iii) Party District Administrators -should have the same qualities as the Provincial Administrator though at a junior level. iv) Party assets - master asset register should be maintained; - up-to-date asset inventory to be pinned behind the door of each room; -assets to be checked at least once a year; - master asset register to reflect all donations and loans to the Party; - Provincial Executive to secure authority from Party Headquarters before boarding of old equipment. v) Vehicles -Provincial Secretary of Transport should authorise all trips; - Provincial Party Administrator should control all vehicles on a day-to-day basis in consultation with the Secretary for Transport; - every vehicle must be fitted with siphon-proof devices; - Party vehicles should always be kept at nearest Police station at night. vi) Record keeping - Provinces should establish a standard system of filing at provincial and District levels. vii Conditions of Service - Party Employees at the Provincial and District levels should enjoy the same con. ditions of service as those applying to Headquarters employees. b) Financial Administration - members who fail to pay their subscriptions should have their Party Cards withdrawn; - Party Headquarters should supply receipt books to be used by village/cell treasurers who must issue individual receipts to members. - Branch treasurers should issue block receipts to village/cell treasurers - District treasurers should issue block receipts to Branch treasurers; Party District Administrators should issue block receipts to District treasurers; - Provincial Party administrators (through their finance officer) should issue block receipts to District Party administrators; - Provincial Treasurers should send monthly financial reports to Party Headquarters who in turn should send each Province a statement of their bankings for the month; - Finance books must be reconciled at all inter-District and interBranch meetings; - Each Province must prepare an income and expenditure budget annually; - The Central Committee should make a ruling on the percentage of income that Provinces can use as the basis of their annual budget; % - Disbursements to Provinces should be controlled by the approved annual budget and not by the day-to-day decisions of finance officers; - A reputable firm be hired to audit the Provincial and national accounts; - Departmental Seminars be held to streamline administration. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 c) Party Restructuring - The Central Committee must treat restructuring as a major exercise similar to the 1985 General Elections. Funds must be mobilized and allocated on a similar scale. - All Provinces must explain the Central Committee Directive on Restructuring to all their Party Districts who in turn should explain to Branches who In turn should explain to villages/cells. - The cells/villages should produce lists of names of their members and pass them on to the Branches, then to the Districts and finally to the Province. - The Province will direct which cellsivillages need to amalgamate to ensure the correct numbers for each Branch. - In sparsely populated areas, Districts with memberships between 3 000 and 5 000 be allowed to exist with the approval of the Secretary for the commissariat. - Only members of 15 years and above should be registered. - Those below should be registered, with the 21st February Movement. - No person should be allowed to belong to more than one cell/village. - All card carrying members should be registered regardless of the state of their subscription. d) Party Communication - The Provincial Secretary should send a comprehensive report to the Secretary for Administration. Heads of Departments should also' report to their respective heads. - All correspondence should be addressed to the Secretary. - The Provincial Party Administrator should classify and refer mall to the respective departments. - Provincial Central Committee members should always report back to the Provincial Executive as a matter of right and not as they may decide. The Provinces in turn must always pass the information down the Party structure. - Reports should be submitted as follows:Cell/village - every month Branch - every two months District - every three months Province - annually - Meetings should be held monthly at the following levels:Province District Branch cell/village - The agenda should be prepared by the Chairman and the Secretary which must reach the executive members at least a week before the meeting. - Planning and preparation of rallies should be coordinated by the commissariat in consultation with the Provincial Executive and the local Districts concerned. ,-The commissariat should prepare the content of the rallies paying attention to both National and local issues related to the needs of the area. - Where study groups are in operation, the discussion topics must be handled by speakers who are conversant with the subject matter in order to avoid bad presentation which may lead to confusion. After some discussion, members of the Central Committee were asked to study in more detail the documents produced by the Seminar of Provincial leaders so that their recommendations could be considered more fully at a future session of the Central Committee. It was also resolved that team of Central Committee members led by Politburo members should be sent out to the Provinces as a matter of urgency to assess the state of the Party In relation to the current reorganisation exercise. Unity Talks The President and First Secretary of the Party, Cde. R.G. Mugabe also reported on the state of the Unity talks between ZANU and ZAPU. He reported that the recent meetings and exchanges between the two Parties have brought unity no nearer. ZAPU's latest proposal that the United Party should be "Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front" abbreviated as "ZANU- PAT. FRONT" seemed to raise a number of fundamental questions - the most serious being that ZAPU now appeared to be retreating from the position agreed to during earlier exchanges that the unity party shall be called "Zimbabwe African National Union" abbreviated as "ZANU" ZAPU even produced a logo reflecting the name of the unity party as "ZANU". ZAPU's further proposal that there be two vice Presidents, one by the name J.M. Nkomo and the other by the name S.V. Muzenda reflected ZAPt;s preoccupation with personalities rather than policies. The Central Committee reaffirmed its principled position that unity should be achieved on the basis of the tested popular leadership, correct ideological line, and secure national security under the ZANU umbrella. 71MITRA LTD. 61 JULIUS NYERERE WAY, P.O. BOX 4048, HARARE PHONE 707570, 793470. IMPORT AND EXPORT INTERNATIONAL We are major suppliers of: School Stationery School Furniture Office Equipment Hardware Do not hesitate to call on us! ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

Address by His Excellency the President: Heroes' Day 11th August, 1987 eroes' Acre has become one most compelling cynosure, an imposing sacred shrine, pulling Zimbabweans of all shades and from all corners of the country to pay their profound respect to the gallant fighters who lie on this sacred hill and many who lie scattered in unknown spots in Zimbabwe and neighbouring countries. Country Before Anything Else The greatest challenge that our heroes have given us is that no love is greater than that of one's country, of one's own people. Through their sacrifices, these men and women of sterner stuff taught us the timeless lesson of selfless dedication to a popular democratic cause of national liberation, national redemption and national development. It was their love for their country above self; the love of their country above family; the love for their country above tribe, above region, above class, above race that saw them joining, hearts and hands in a perilious and unknown destiny of a liberation struggle, choosing to die fighting for many than to enjoy individual prosperity amidst degradation, to die fighting for a new order where people of all tribes, races and classes could reconcile and live in perpetual amity. Our heroes gave their lives over To be life-giving. The life that gives itself over for many Is the life acclaimed by many The fighter for freedom Is the love that moulds many a democracy The red ounce that soaked the earth Is the bed rock of eternal hope. t was this greater love that prompted them to slough off and denounce in no uncertain terms, the atomicity and fragmentation of individualism, tribalism, regionalism and racism in favour of a one united and progressive whole. In their heroic fight and glorious death was a re-affirmation of the President Canaan Banana nobility of an order that promotes one humanity bound by one love, conscious of the common and shared essence soldering man to man, binding life to life and thus exercised of the narrow and divisive chauvinisms of colour, tribe and region. They sought, fought and died for a system superior to one where all were subservient to some, where amity and universal brotherhood were spurned at and overridden by sectarianism. They uprooted race totem For totemless democracy; Rent asunder the iron cord of oppression And weaved an enduring fabric of His Excellency, the President and Mrs Banana, First Secretary and the Party's President Comrade R.G. Mugabe and the Second Secretary and vice President Comrade S.V. Muzenda at Heroes Acre for the ceremonies ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 18 democracy. Blood that spilled from various lives Found and fused in a single vein of our motherland, Consencrated the b#nd of unity T heir one most precious legacy to /posterity. These men and women had a vision of a great, a greater Zimbabwe where people of all tribes, all races, and all colours would converge without conflicting,, would interact without generating intractable III will and disharmony, indeed where considerations of nationhood would stand above all else. They bequeathed upon us a rich heritage of unity and oneness that we would squander and abuse at our own peril. If It called for wider forms of social and political force to break colonialism, I cannot see how the order that supplanted colonialism can call fbr less loyalty for its upkeep and preservation. The unity that we so desire and wish today, must be a fact and concrete experience tomorrow. It would be unfortunate, nay pernicious if our generation falters and falls In the goal of national unity thus bequeathing divisionism and Internecine conflicts to posterity, when in fact we are the generation In close proximity to the practice of oneness demonstrated by our heroes in the struggle for freedom, progress, democracy aad equal opportunity. Indeed, It is pertinent to remind ourselves that their sacrifice was not In vain. "Heroes never die; they live on, immortalized by their deeds which continue to Inspire the living. Their Immediate families and Indeed the whole family of - Zimbabwe should take pride In what these gallant sons and daughters of the soil accomplished In their life time. Their death was not a wretched fall, It was a heroic seeding. The tomb of the unknown soldier Heroes' Acre Pandemonium became peace Stagnation gave way to progress, The curse of poverty became the germ of prosperity, Inequality gave birth to the ideals of equality L et us not allow time to estrange us from the Ideals for which these gallant fighters paid the supreme price. Without their heroic exploits, this lovely land would have forever remained a mere geographical expression devoid of nationhood for the majority but a lucrative frontier for reactionary forces of racism and colonialism. The observance of Heroes' Days must not be allowed to degenerate Into a meaningless ritual. As we retire from this sacred shrine to our respective homes, let us carry with us the values of selfless sacrifice and boundless love that characterized the lives of those we have met to commemorate. From us the living to you our fallen heroes, we offer our measureless gratitude for a job well done, a race well run, a war well fought and a victory well won. New Government Policy and Programmes Outlined Prresident Canaan Banana on June 23-opened the Third Session of the Second Parliament of Zimbabwe during which he outlined Government policy for the next year. The new programmes announced by the President includeat least 12 legislative changes. Explaining the rationale behind the measures, the President said in his opening remarks "In this eighth year of our independence the tasks and challenges we face are much the same as those we have tackled in the past seven years. These include the imperative need to consolidate and deepen our sovereignty and national unity, to buttress the peace we regained after years of struggle and subsequently defended against foreign-inspired attempts at destabilizing our young nation, and to achieve as speedy and thoroughgoing a transformation of our socioeconomic environment as possible". ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

Constitutional Amendments resident Banana said racial representation had been entrenched in the Lancaster House Constitution of the past seven years. This stipulation had now expired and the Government would this year introduce constitutional amendments designed to abolish racial representation in the House of Assembly and Senate. "This measure will be followed by other amendments whose objective is the creation of a unicameral legislature and the introduction of an executive presidency". Legislation would be introduced to amend certain sections of the Audit and Exchequer Act to remove inconsistencies and repetitions of Chapter 11 of the Constitution which deals with finance, particularly in relation to the appointment and functions of the Comptroller and Auditor-General. During the session, Zimbabwe's first investment register will be published containing dossiers of key projects and will give greater insight into the country's investment opportunities. In the area of defence the President said that the Government was determirned to - maintain maximum vigilance against all internal and external threats to our security. "To this end the Defence Forces will continue to provide the necessary support to the police until the few bandit gangs still operating in some parts of our country have been accounted for. Externally, the Defence Forces will continue their operations along our routes to the sea. It is not worthy that our operations in Mozambique are intended not only to keep these safe for our goods, but also to eliminate the Renamo bandits from Mozambique. We believe our security and survival as a nation cannot be achieved separately from the security and survival of the people of Mozambique under Frelimo". The President said that steps would be taken to procure or manufacture various items of equipment for both our army and air force. "This way, the Defence Forces will be able to react swiftly and promptly to the operational demands created by our current commitments". Major projects announced include the expansion of the oil pipeline from Mutare to Harare to reduce the load on the railways, extension of the Kariba South Hyciro Electric Power Station, and digitilization of the Harare, Mutare and Masvingo trunk exchanges. To achieve a better geographical spread .of industries and employment opportunities the Government intends to double its efforts towards industrial decentralisation through the promotion of small-scale industries and industrial cooperatives. "In order to achieve these objectives amendments to the Industrial Development Corporation Act will have to be made to increase the share capital and powers of the Corporation". Existing mining legislation would be amended to maximise exploitation of mineral resources and measures are under way to review the import control system to utilise fully limited foreign exchange and to curb the current abuse of import licences. Ten new external trade offices wouldbe established to bring the total to 19. A new structure and content of secondary education would be introduced and implemented in three stages. Two more teachers' colleges would be built in Chinhoyi and Masvingo and each would have a total enrolment of 2 000 students when completed. * With regard to medicine, the President said that the Government was determined to make health care services both in the private and public sectors effective, affordable and accessible. To this end the Medical, Dental and Allied Professions Amendment Bill would be introduced. Other Bills to be introduced are the Rural District Councils Bill, the District Development Fund Amendment Bill and the Civil Protection Bill (which would repeal the Civil Defence 'Act).. A new Broadcasting Bill will also be introduced to update the Broadcasting Act, and establish new structures in the Zimbbawe Broadcasting Corporation. Temporary Pay and Price Freeze B ecause of problems our economy is currently facing as a result of deteriorating external payments, drought, lack of adequate investment, stretched budgetary resources and high rate of inflation, our Government imposed a-temporary freeze on pay and prices on June 24 to last until January next year. This measure, which was announced by the Minister of Finance, Economic Planning and Development, Dr. Bernard Chidzero, is aimed at helping our economy to recover. Government policy since 1980 has been to maintain on incomes and pricing policy aimed essentially at raising the incomes of the less privileged groups of our society, and at the same time addressing inherited imbalances in income in our society. However, as Dr. Chidzero explained, "in the past few years increases in statutory wages and in salaries have been accompanied by disproportionate increaseg in the prices of basic commodities and other items which are important for the efficient operation of the economy". The temporary freeze imposed on wages and salaries applies to all sectors -of the economy until January 1988, but will not affect "normal annual increments". The simultaneous freeze on prices was imposed "to ensure that workers and other consumers are not disadvantaged during the wage and salary freeze". Our Government has plans to place the whole concept of an incomes and pricing -'policy within the general framework of the National Economic Plan through the institution of an incomes and Pricing Commission. Men Reject Women's Changing Rules Interview with Atawa Akyea of the National Council on Women of development - Ghana The whole struggle for women is based on the economic segregation that they have been experiencing and are experiencing as a result of firstly the colonial system and traditional conservatism on the part of men. It is against this background that the Commonwealth meeting for Ministers responsible for women convened in Harare recently to map out a strategy for redressing these imbalances presently affecting the women.. This meeting is also a prelude to the Commonwealth meeting of heads of state and government scheduled to take place in Canada shortly. What resolutions the women would have passed at this meeting will be part of the agenda in Canada. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 i t is important to note that the women see their struggle in the same context as the struggle for irndependence from colonialism. They also realised that for them to fight for their own liberation they still have to contribute to the struggle for freedom and peace in the region especially for the still oppressed peoples of South Africa and Namibia. Still in spite of this realisation the women's lot has got to be changed. It cannot only be through legislation which is crucial for the economic emancipation of women, but also the society has to change its concept of women. To get a clearer picture of this struggle and what it entails, Zimbabwe News interviewed Atawa Akyea of Ghana National Council on Women of Development, an organisation formed soon after the Nairobi conference marking the United Nations Decade for Women. Ghana celebrated its 30th independence anniversary this year. Comrade Akyea quoted Doctor Aggrey a famous educationist in Ghana, who said, "When you train the mind you educate the individual when you train a women you educate a whole nation." Market Women Understand Economics Ghana's National Council on Women of Development was formed to try to make the position of the woman better after it had been realised that educatioally, at primary school level the bigger percentage was that of women but by the time they reached university level only 8 per cent of the students were girls. She owed this to At the market various factors, including pregnancies and traditional beliefs on the ,part of families that they were better 'off spending their hard-earned resources educating the girl rather than the boy. Even though there are a number of women in the government of Ghana today, she said, this is not because of their high academic achievement but because they played a part on the political process of the country, but, she said this situation has changed, in order to get a higher post one has to have a certain educational attainment. "On the labour market you must have the qualifications". Economically, the women are also discriminated against. She said that the women in Ghana who are engaged in various small scale economic activities, literally control the Women get a raw deal distribution of goods. "They understand the supply and demand better than a university lecturer, but you find that when we had a severe drought in 1983, and prices went up as a result of the unavailability of goods, women were blamed for high prices." "But women are understanding they don't sell with a profit motive as the men, as when you compare the goods at a small shop and a market women's". She described how the market women had managed to bring the goods from the interior of the country where agricultural goods are to the towns and cities through their economic engenuity. Agriculturally, women started the production of shea nuts and butter before it became economical to produce it. Now when orders even for export are being received the men are trying to take over the industry from the women. However, this really is the iceberg and not the tip of it, because it illustrates the whole attitude of men as they are being seen as dommineering and uncooperative. "There are things that are peculiar to women, things that only women can understand" Comrade Akyea went on to the aspect of the contemporary position of women, complaining. "The men are refusing to accept the changing rules of women". "You cant talk about job incentives and not about martenity leave, the men are refusing to have dialogue with women and only dismissing it as a woman thing". She went to relate how two people a man and a woman ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 with similar positions might fare. "If the boss is a man, he will promote a man because he is a man over and above a woman because she is a woman and not because of efficiency, this is not fair at all." On the question of training, she related an existing situation that because a woman is pregnant she will not get the opportunity to go for more training because she has become pregnant." Most women who attain great position In society today are either single, divorced, or have grown up children." Day Centres There should be an opportunity for women to train and Day Care Centres should be established. "Day Care centres should become a merger point for governments. The system is changing. For example if I'm forty and have a 20 year child, who becomes pregnant and gives birth, she can no longer give me the baby to take care of because I'm the grandmother, I still want work. Its no longer like before when one could simply leave the baby with a grandmother who is at home. "Children are an assert to society so it should be of concern to both men and women. Comrade Akyea said, "Pregnancy is not a disease, one is always asked, ar you pregnant, are you pregnant, and If I'm I can't come on whatever program it is." "The onnus Is on women to educate the men on the changing rules of women. But changing the situation will, be a very small process, we can't get it overnight, the men can only help." he. Indian Federal government has taken steps to protect the growth of the children who hold the Day centres should be bult so women better their Lot future of the country. To date over 2 000 Day Centres are being run by the Integrated Child Development Services, a government program for the pregnant mother, and the nirsing mother, until the child reaches the age of six. Telling this to Zimbabwe News during the recent Commonwealth meeting of Ministers responsible for Women's Affairs, the Indian delegate said that this program was meant to care for the health of the largely underpriviledged mother and for pre- schdol activity. The women being catered for are those in slum areas and tribal areas, according to the delegate, these women have continued to suffer underpriviledge, as a result of the caste system that has operated in India for a long time and that still exists. "We want them to be the first to gain from this program for they have always been left behind" Hbwever there is also another program run by voluntary organisations which specialises on creches on a can engage in prUuGie acuivllles T local level. Asked to explain how India manages to coordinate the Integrated program on a national level, the Indian delegate explained that the Central government gives half the required finance for the running of this program and the state government the other half. So the State government then works out who should run the centres. Another important fact is that it is only women who are employed in these centres so as to create employment for the women. This program was launched by the late Indian Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Ghandhi in 1975 .because, "If you want to build the nation you must build the child" This program has been assessed by the international -NGOs including UNICEF as the most successful, she said. Today India trains other countries in the SADCC, Pakistan, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Maldive and Nepal, on these Day Centres. Victory for the women is still a long way away ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

The Thrust Towards A New Education Curricula: What is the Result Since Congress The development of practical skills should be the rule rather than the exception n an address to a seminar organised by the Ministry of Education and an external Foundation, the President of ZANU (PF) Comrade R.G. Mugabe said, "No sOciety can exist without a relevant education system. Education, the process of preparing individuals to meet the requirements of their existence as members of functioning communities, is a part of all societies. Education involves the diffusion and acquisition of knowledge, technology and skills as well as values, norms and attitudes." Comrade Mugabe further said, "the forms of this process varies from society to society. It always sustains and ensures the survival of the social order. It is the core of social existance itself." Today when we look at the Zimbabwe Foundation of Education with Production as a model for the transformation of education to a fuller meaning of the word in deed and practice. Having considered education as a basic requirement for change in Zimbabwe the Central Committee report to the 2nd Congress of the Party states emphatically that It is essential that all quantitative achievements made by consolidate by qualitative improvements in the education system. It is at this point that the Increase in the number of school age going children be balanced by the availability of trained manpower equipped with ideological education. The teacher, therefore Is the first to be educated so that his education is Imparted to the child with an intention to create a new man and woman of Zimbabwe. He or she must have the fundamental orientation towards the revolutionary transformation now taking place in many spheres of our society, for the child today is the worker and leader of Zimbabwe tomorrow. What kind of worker and leader we mould today will determine the men and women who will be a master of production tomorrow. Zimbabwe Education with Production encompasses the training of the leader In a class not the elitist pattern of a teacher. He or she has to attach great Importance to the needs of society. It is here then where we take the example of ZINTEC, a programme adopted by the Party and government towards the creation of a new teacher. The Zimbabwe Integrated National Teacher Education Course started in 1981 pioneered a new teacher training scheme for Zimbabwe with teacher trainees working with the people during their training. It is an integration of theory and practice, of both academic and practical teaching. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

Education with production is the basis for the correct socialist orientation The teacher, a new teacher who has gone through .the process will in turn give the correct education to the children of Zimbabwe. Thus the Education with Production system of education does not only aim at widening the horizon of the child but his teacher too. The child and teacher will have to go through the same process and reflect the same political and socio economic order that shapes the future of Zimbabwe So far the programme has 8 000 such teachers who are about to complete more their training and more entrants will be absorbed into the programme. The scheme aims at producing a technical and academic worker. The institutions that have so far been created are not enough but the Party and government continue to establish more of such colleges as training facilities. The breath and width of the country has an identified place where such institutions will be built if not already built. The objective for the transformation of education and the teacher and child attitudes will go through the same transformation as the education system itself. The Party and the leaders of Zimbabwe realise the importance of technical education, for as a nation that has adopted socialism as its philosophy of development, the unemployment problem should be squirely studied and a formular found whereby the student of today can be intergrated Into society as a producer of wealth straight from school. On the other hand as the infrastructure of industry grows under the socio, political and economic socialist trend, it will not be hard to re-train or re-direct our school leavers Into other skills that will be lacking at one given time. As research continues, the planning in the pipeline and drawing board, through the Carriculum Development Unit of the Ministry of Education, the teachers and students should start being molded to transform education from book work to practise and fulfilment. To illustrate the point in discussion ZINTEC aims at producing an agriculturalist, a builder, a technician, woodworker, an artist, a home economist, metal worker beginning with the teacher and then the student. Education with Production has and should be the bases on which the elitist tendency that we inheriteded from the colonial education system destroy what today has produced many school leavers but nonproductive part of society for which the Party and Government must find employment before the situation gets out of proportion. ZINTEC stands for the transformation of Zimbabwean education and the transformation of the Zimbabwean man and woman. It is in this context that the President and First Secretary of ZANU (PF) Comrade R.G. Mugabe said," We wish to build a new Zimbabwe, but this quest will be frustrated unless we have an educational system that is firmly oriented towards the transformation we seek. To change Zimbabwe we must first change the education system." Socialist transformation should transform the child from a very early age The School Should Play its Role in Development o some extent the school is fulfilling its task in society but in many of them there is a lot to be desired. In an interview with Zimbabwe News Comrade Fay Chung of the Ministry of Education Curriculum Development Unit pointed out the changes presently taking place in the education of Zimbabwean children. The colonial education system had many facets which worked against the interests of Zimbabwe. What that educational system did was to promote the racial policies of the Smith regime. This therefore negated the socialist policies of the post independence situation. "The school can either weaken or strengthen a government" said Con- ZIMRARWENEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 rade Fay Chung, "In most cases the school takes the form or natuie of the policies of the government." This therefore illustrates the contradiction existing during the Rhodesian days when the black schools used to rebel against the system for it sought to make the students subject to the policies of the Smith regime. The Zimbabwean school curriculum has in part been changed and is being changed to suit the Zimbabwean social conditions. Realising that Zimbabwe is on the road to socialism it is therefore imperative that the syllabus being Introduced work towards that goal. It is in this vein that there have been legislation revoking the classification of schools into groups. During the colonial regime African schools used to have an allocation that was nineteen times less than the white schools thereby making the black child nineteen times deprived of essential educational equipment, and learning aids. This unpalatable situation has therefore been changed to give all children an equal status in the classroom. However, the changing of the school curriculum should go hand In hand with a psychological change on the part of the teachers who impart knowledge to the students. In any discipline there is need for a socialist approach. It is also the same reason that there is being formulated political economy as a compulsory subject that would insure that the student understands the goals of the Zimbabwean society. "Every school has a political aspect, whether you like it or not." Comrade Fay said. In reference to this, it does not matter therefore whether it Is in a capitalist, racist or socialist society, that school works to fulfil the national goals of the particular society. It is in this breath that Comrade Fay explained the changes in the school curriculum. The primary school up to the junior secondary school level syllabus have been changed to suit Zimbabwe's situation. "At '0' Level the school syllabus was British orientated. All the science subjects were designed for an examination and the practical experiments were designed for a British situation. We do not think that the subjects should only be designed for examinations. The child must learn to participate in the development of the nation," Comrade Fay said. It is in the respect therefore that such practical subjects are being orientated to industries in Zimbabwe, rather than to merely an examination situation. Comrade Fay said that industrial science and agricultural science are both compulsory subjects. This helps prepare the child for future roles. The development and change of the school syllabus takes cognisance of what type of skills are needed in national development. However, some of the efforts towards achieving completely satisfactory results are being hampered by the limited extent of the teachers understanding of socialism. It is I this regard that the Curriculum Development Unit of the Ministry of Education has seen it fit to hold workshops in order to promote socialist understanding on the part of the teacher for the success of the socialist experiment depends on how knowledgeable the teacher is. Comrade Fay sard it is not only the teacher that needs to be improved but also the system of supervision needs to be improved as well as the system of examination. Contact Oliver Pawandiwa for all your electrical installations Bright Lights (PVT) LTD 91 Kelvin Rd. South Graniteside, P.O. Box 1547, Harare. Tel: 761190 ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 The Honourable Prime Minister, Comrade R.G. Mugabe, at Heroes' Day's Commemoration Ceremony - Heroes' Acre, 11 August 1987 nce again, and this time in the eighth year of our Independence, . we are assembled here to pay fitting tribute to those of our gallant freedom fighters, whose acts of valour too and courage characterise the immense ' - °s sacrifices they were prepared to make for the freedom of our country and its peopie frn'm the yoke of settler colonialism and imperialism. Although the objectives of British and other colonial systems had "zommon features, the forms they took varied from country to country. In our own case, that is, the Rhodesian colonial case, control of our country, its people and resources was effected through a direct settlement process. By 1979, the final year of British colonialism in our country, the population of the white settier community had risen to over a quarter million enjoying full political and economic rights and social privileges as opposed to the oppressed and impoverished masses of our people, numbering 8 million. Racist Colonial God Those leaders guilty of robbery would have to make up their minds either to persue their own individual interests or give these up and Walk the road to Demolished Forever socialism T he primary source of this overall power, wielded by the entrenched settler community, was of course the gun. They shot in order to rule. They killed in order to subdue. They imprisoned so they could gog criticism and foil political activity. They rejected democracy for oligarchic despotism. Legality yielded to illegality. Morality, justice and equity were turned into the vices of immorality, injustice and inequity. The Devil Incarnate had really seized power and reigned supreme through institutionalised violence. The choice to us was, in those circumstances, clear: Either we accepted the evil system and remained abject and subservient slaves worshipping, without question, the settler colonial god or we defied and challenged him and his evil forces to war. For us, such war could be an anti-colonial struggle for our longdenied freedom, for democracy, for our sovereignty as a nation, for a new political and social system that would reverse immorality to morality, injustice to justice, inequity to equity, inequality to equality, the negative to the positive, and demolish the racist and oppressive god of settler colonialism for all times. Sons and Daughters sacrificed their lives O ur choice of an anti-settler colonial struggle was the choice of a just war not only against a violent settler system but a system that throve on violence, human blood and suffering. Opposing such a violent colonial system by means of war was indeed an act of great courage and bravery, and those who enlisted themselves for this war of liberation, whatever their role and part, had indeed to be men and women of courage. Yes, they had to be brave and courageous men and women; for they knew the enemy was violent by nature and easily killed; was barbarous and bloody and could recklessly bomb mass settlements and encampments; was quite ruthless and could dismember, torture and imprison them; was callous in the extreme and could burn and destroy property, torture and harass families. But the direct violence of the enemy was not the only danger to the thousands of freedom fighters, within and without the country, who had committed themselves irrevocably to the struggle. Other enormous calamities and risky hazards also confronted them, among them fatal car accidents, flooded rivers, ragged terrain, hideous animals, poisonous snakes, disease and illness, hunger, starvation and thirst. The dangers were thus multiple and varied, and our freedom fighters knew they all existed. Yes, they knew them all, and yet they risked them all, for the noble objective of a free Zimbabwe with a free people, sovereign in their own right, deeply inspired them and infused them with unyielding courage. Our liberation war was an uphill struggle the whole way through, and many, many thousands fell, thousands of both men and women, young and old perished. Car and parcel bombs, poisoned food and clothes claimed their own toll. So did enemy bullets, bombs and anti- personnel mines in the actual fighting arena. But the great numbers ZIMBABB , .BER. 198 of those who fell on our side were the innocent masses including, amongst them, innocent women and children who, in the refugee and other camps, became victims of indiscriminate genocidal bombing and firing raids conducted with the inhuman and barbaric settler instinct to kill. Thus, we had the massacres of Nyadzonya, Chimoio and Tembwe in Mozambique, and of Nampundu and Freedom Camps in Zambia. Other mass killings, however, occurred inside the country, as evidenced by the numerous mass graves we continue to uncover. In all, we reckon that some 40 000 people died during the liberation struggle. An inventory of our dead can never be accurately completed, but our Party and Government resolved that a permanent national shrine be erected here in ... perpetual commemoration of all our .. Heroes, because of their most outstanding OUR LIBERATION WAR WAS AN UPHILL STRUGGLE MANY THOUSANDS FELL NYADZONYA CHIMOIO TEMBWE (MOZAMBIQUE) NAMPUNOV AND FREEDOM* CAMP - (ZAMBIA) deed in pursuance of the national liberation struggle. Many of those who sacrified their lives for our freedom and independence will remain unknown to us. All these are, however, represented here by this triple state you are all looking at which is dedicated to the Unknown Soldier. It thus represents all those who fought and died for the struggle but lie buried elsewhere. The Party and Government decided, at * the start of our Independence, to set aside the 1 th and 12th of August as the days for the commemoration of our Heroes. The established tradition is now to begin our series of events with a ceremony here at Heroes Acre. The Struggle Continues As we assemble here. in this moving solemnity, I wish to remind you that the revolutionary struggle that cost us so ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

The revolutionary struggle that cost us so many lives was never meant to come to an end Unless we place the common interest before individual interest we cannot claim to be walking In the footsteps of our heroes many lives was never meant to come to an end with the attainment of our independence. Freedom and Independence were, indeed, tl immediate goals of the protracted and bitter national struggle we waged, but once attained they became transformed into our nation's viable means of securing other goals and moving on and on into the future with the guarantee that our people shall forever remain masters of their own destiny. Never again, the guarantee assures us, will they be dominated politically, economically and socially by a foreign people. No doubt, our Independence is there to yield political and socio-economic benefits, but it also, and we must never forget, thrusts upon us the burden and responsibility to guard it jealously, defend and protect it against any disruptive forces, whether these are internal or external. You will be aware that in our efforts to consolidate our Independence politically, the Party and Government are proceeding to amend the Lancaster House Constitution so Parliament and its composition can reflect the true wishes of the people. The aspects of the Constitution which were meant to serve their interests than our own must go, but the democratic rights of the people will assuredly remain enshrined. We fought and died for freedom and won it, and thus that freedom must remain securely guaranteed now and in the future. The task of securing Independence in the context of our region is a mammoth one and demands, on the one hand, the oneness of our nation and total commitment to the sustenance of our national sovereignty, and, on the other, our preparedness, in the spirit of our Heroes, to continue to make sacrifices in defence of our country, our nation and its territorial integrity. It is this reckoning, extremely vital for our survival as a sovereign nation, which has prompted that we take full stock of our defence capabilities and work to strengthen them. It is equally this reckoning which has made it necessary for us to defend not on- ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 ly our routes in Mozambique but the sovereignty of that country as well. For, racist South Africa's strategy in the region is clear in its main objective. Once Mozambique is allowed to fall into the hands of the. Renamo bandits, which means into the hands of the South African regime, then Zimbabwe will obviously be the next target. We have thus decided that it is wiser tb fight the war now than later when the situation will have grown worse and much more unfavourable for us. It is now quite evident that the Renamo bandits, in spite of their loud-mouthed claims, are on the run, hence the callous savagery of the remnant gangs characterising the recently reported incidents in Mozambique. I am glad that support for Mozambique is not coming from us alone, but also from the other Frontline States, as well as from other committed states in Africa and outside it. Socialist Deviants Betray our Heroes nthe sphere of the socio-economic objectives of our revolutionary struggle, the Party and Government are pledged to programmes of development that will ensure the elimination of the imbalances and disparities created in the colonial era. But may I appeal to your revolutionary sense by reminding you that our Heroes fought for the common good so the socio-economic benefits yielded by our society could be equitably distributed and shared. Unless we place the common interest before individual interest, we cannot claim to be walking in the footsteps of our Heroes. This is why we conaemn self-aggrandisement by whomsoever in the sphere of property acquisition. It is thus down-right selfish and utterly immoral that we leaders should take advantage of our position to acquire wealth we would never have been able to acquire had we not held leadership positions. Such behaviour is nothing less than daylight robbery of the people. Those guilty of this robbery would have to make up their minds either to pursue their own individual interests or give these up and walk the road of socialism in harmony with the enunciated goals of our Revolution. Socialist deviants are indeed traitors to the Revolution. They betray our Heroes. Today and tomorrow, must be an occassion for us to examine our own individual paths and establish whether they are still one and the same as the road walked by our Heroes, Do we still think, talk and act as our Heroes (lid? Do we still put the nation above tribe, race or region, as they did? Is the national interest still paramount in our thinking? Do we show the same coirage, loyalty and lb - - -VR The President and First Secretary Comrade R.G. Mugabe lays a wreath at the tomb of the unknown soldier devotion to duty, as they did? And are we prepared to make the same sacrifices in the defence of our nation? Wherever we work and however we are employed, do we display the same virtues of commitment, industry and dutyconsciousness? What are we to them, their followers or their opponents or worse still traitors? To remember the Heroes well is to act as the Heroes did. Let us walk the same march, sing the same tune, and talk the same language as our Heroes. May they live forever! A luta continua! MASHONALAND PARTS DISTRIBUTORS A Ovsoo of MASHONALANO PARTS SUPPLIERS IPVT I LTD OUR PRIORITIES ARE: LOCAL MANUFACTURE AND IMPORT SUBSTITUTION For your nearest supplier and trade enquiries phone 736639/40/41 or write to: Mashonaland Parts Distributors, PO. Box 1023, Harare ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

CUNSUMER ADVICE BUSINESSMEN MUST STICK TO THE PRICE FREEZE Research Officer of the Consumer Council p rice control regulations in this country are designed to protect both the consumer and the trader. The move to introduce such measures, was the Government's method of ensuring that prices of consumer goods do not escalate thereby exploiting the consumer. Nevertheless, these regulations also look after the interests of the retailer because they allow him to acquire a reasonable percentage of profit. However, prices of all goods and services were frozen, across the board, by the Government since June this year but other individuals in the business sector overcharge or increase prices. This is illegal and should be stopped. But although the price control regulations were introduced about five years ago, the Consumer Council, in its day to day activities has found out that some traders are still not aware of how they should markup their goods. In most cases the difficulty lies on the mark-ups of those goods which have no fixed control prices. And worse still, these mark-ups are calculated in percentages which makes it difficult for traders to come up with accurate prices for such goods. Most traders, especially the small businessmen in rural areas are still in the dark on this issue of percentage mark-ups. To make life easier for themselves, most traders consult the wholesalers on how to price a particular commodity. Sometimes they are told, but mostly some wholesalers are not aware of the retailer's mark-up prices. If asking for the mark- up is not adequate, the rural trader usually compares prices in urban shops and when he goes back to his store, adds up any amount which he thinks is appropriate on each item he sells. This is where overcharging and profiteering come in. In this country, price control is national such that even imported goods are controlled. Prices of imported goods should be calculated by applying a percentage mark-up on landed costs which are charges per unit, including factory costs, packing and dispatching, transportation, insurance, interest, customs duty and clearing, but less any trade discount obtained. This calculation probably justifies the discrepancy between prices of imported and locally manufactured commodities. According to Statutory Instrument 263 of 1982, most commodities' prices are controlled. Goods which are affected by the price control regulations can be put into three categories. Those whose maximum prices are gazetted by Government Order, those that require an approval of price increase or pricing formula by the Ministry of Trade and Commerce, and thirdly those with specific mark-ups. With the first and second categories, few problems are encountered as prices of these commodities are fixed and announced by the Government, and also published in newspapers. Commodities in the first category include cars, fuel, beef, sugar, bread, maize meal, vegetable oils and fats, fertilizers, cement, and "kapenta" fish. Among those which require the Minister's approval are: rice, pork, carbonated soft drinks, traditional and clear beer, cigarettes and tobacco, matches, spirits and wines, tubes and tyres, typewritters and ribbons, newspapers and newsprint, educational and technical text-books, duplicating and photocopying machines, motor vehicle parts and lubricating oils, batteries, calculators and drugs. All these should have specific prices. Problems are usually encountered with the pricing of the third group which is priced according to specific mark-ups. One item can have various prices depending on where the respective dealers order from and also where that dealer does business. For instance Tanganda tea-leaves can differ from shop to shop, but that does not- necessarily mean that the shops with higher prices are over-' charging, as long as they do not exceed the stipulated mark-up. However, others deliberately exceed the official mark-up. Those found to be overcharging are flouting the Price Control Regulations and should be reported to the Price Control Department in the Ministy of Trade and Commerce or the Police or even to the Consumer Council. We know that between the making of any commodity at the factory and the sale of that commodity in a shop, the goods pass through various hands and some amount is added at each stage along the way. For example, you will have one mark-up applied by the maker (or importer), then it might pass through a wholesaler and another sum is added to the price, and then to the retailer who also adds to this. Sometimes the process can even be more involving, with one retailer buy. ing from another, especially in these times of shortages. So very often by the time the goods get to you the customer, particularly imported goods, the price will be very high. Some mark-ups are justified, others are not. Under the price control regulations it is not taken into account how many transactions take place between the time the goods are made (or imported) and the time they are sold. The only mark-ups which can be applied are; one mark-up by the maker or importer, the wholesaler, and one applied by the retailer. So no wholesaler can put a mark up on goods which have already been marked-up by another wholesaler and no shopkeeper can put another markup on goods which have already been marked up by a previous shopkeeper. Commodities with 10 up to 15 parcent mark-ups for wholesalers and retailers respectively are: tea, salt, flour, powdered milk, baby foods, vaseline, candles and toilet papers. Goods with 20 up to 35 percent mark- ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 ups for wholesalers and retailers respectively are; stationery, bicyles, radios, TVS and domestic appliances such as heaters, stoves, fridges, sewing and knitting machines. Hollowware, dry cells, battery-type torches, light bulbs, yarns, canvas shoes, and blankets have 25 to 40 percent markups for wholesalers and dealers respectively. Products with 30 up to 50 percent mark-ups for wholesale and retail sale respectively are; undecorated domestic glassware, plain dyed fabric sold by the metre, baby's nappies, feeding bottles and teats, school type hats, ties, shirts, blouses, pullovers, blazers, dresses, skirts, shorts and long trousers. Wrist watches without straps have percentage mark-ups of 50 up to 65. Those goods which are exempted from price control are; secondhand Items, (excluding locally assembled vehicles), cooked food, commodities intended for export and those sold by public auction, seasonal goods such as fresh flowers, fresh vegetables, fresh fruit and eggs in the shell. It has also been noticed that whenever a particular commodity becomes scarce, some traders take advantage of the situation and hoard so that they can sell it later at an inflated price or conditionally. This is violating the price control regulations and those practising such dirty tricks should be reported immediately to the Ministry of Trade and Commerce, the police or to the Consumer Council. Businessmen are also required by the law to display clearly the prices of their merchandise. The prices should be fixed either on a label attached to the article or In a conspicuous place on the item itself or on a placard displayed next to the product. Traders are reminded that if they are not familiar with their markups, they should seek help from the Price Control Department in the Ministry of Trade and Commerce, the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce, (if one is a member) and from the Consumer Council. Relax with a good book this weekend! -INDEPENDENCE IS NOT ONLY." Zimbabwe Publishing House offers aFOR ONE" variety of relevant top class literature S E X from African writers. . A ...W'm.. Our many affordable titles include: Breakfast of Sjamhoks The Beast of Fame Independence is Not Only for One Sex On The Road Again Up In Arms A Storm is Brewing Battlefront Namibia God's Bits of Wood Mayombe Tenderness of Blood ed L. Mkiai D. Mofsi K.B. Stewart F. T. V. Nvainubava C. Hove K. Rungano John Ya-Otto S. Ousmane Pepetela M. Langa $ 5,00 $ 3,50 $ 6,50 $ 4,75 $ 2,95 $ 3.20 $ 3,75 $ 4,40 $ 4,35 $12,00 AVAILABLE AT YOUR BOOKSHOP NOW ~1 -, -I: *K, ) . 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L REGIONAL HOMOINE MASSACRE: MNR MUST PAY FOR THE CRIME By Our Own Corespondent ust before dawn on July 19, the small farming town of Homoine in southern Mozambique was attacked by a group of MNR bandits leaving hundreds of people dead or wounded. "They came in one group, with a bearded man in front leading and directing his people down different streets", said Mark van Koevering, a 30 year old aid worker from America. '"They were shooting every person and building in sight". The attackers, estimated more than 100, smashed doors and put whole families to the knife. They hacked their way through the local hospital, shooting pregnant women and bayonetting newborn babies. Scores of others were marched away, some to be killed later as the bandits fled government troops. "It was a massacre, killing for the sake of killing", Mozambique's Prime Minister.Cde. Mario Muchango told reporters who reached the area shortly after the event. Cde. Muchango put the death toll at 386i a figure which was likely to go higher. Seventy six people, many of them children, were wounded. It was the bloodest episode yet in the 10-year-old MNR bandit campaign which has devastated Mozambique, leaving at least 100 000 dead and more than 1,5 million refugees. As news of the Homoine massacre circulated around the world, searching questions are being asked about the MNR: Who are these bandits? Who is behind them? What are they fighting for? Below we show clearly the origins of the MNR as a bandit organisation used by the Rhodesian security forces; and later handed over to the South Africans, for the purpose of advancing the interest of the Boers and the Boers alone. It has nothing to do with the Africans of Mozambique. Its leaders were paid agents of the Rhodesian regime of Ian Smith, and they are now paid agents of South African Boers. They are neither nationalist nor patriots. They have no credentials of any kind in Mozambique; no Mozambican spirit of nationalism or pride of nationality. MNR Bandits And Their Backers T he so-called Resistencia Nacional Mozambican (MNR), traces its origins to a meeting of Rhodesian and Portuguese security chiefs held in Lourenco Marques (now Maputo) in March 1974 - little more than a month before the Portuguese coup d'etat. The meeting was convened by Major Silva Pais, head of Portugal's notorious secret police, the General Security Directorate (DGS), more commonly referred to by its previous name, the International Police for the Defence of the State (PIDE). In attendance were Antonio Vaz, DGS head in Mozambique, Sao Jose Lopes, DGS head in Angola, and Mr. Ken Flower, director-general of Ian Smith's Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO). At that meeting it was agreed to start a clandestine movement directed jointly by the CIO and DGS to operate against Frelimo and guerrillas of the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) - the military wing of ZANU. The idea of starting this movement had originated from Ian Smith's Government which had been convinced that it was necessary to operate d clandestine movement inside Mozambique as its forward intelligence "eyes and ears" against ZANLA guerrillas. Ken Flower wanted the new movement to be modelled on the "special forces", Flechas, in Angola, which came under the control of the DGS. Logistical details were finalized in Lisbon When Flower met Silva Pals and Portuguese military commanders in April of the same year. After the Portuguese coup, as Flower later recounted, "the entire control and command of the resistance came across the border and offered their services to us". This was an overstatement for there had not been time to set up any structures after Flower's last meeting with Silva Pais. But the group which crossed the border, numbering about 40, did provide the CIO with a nucleus to begin operations against FRELIMO and ZANLA. They were almost all members of the DGS or Special Groups, some black anal some white. Their commander was Major Oscar Cardoso, an officer who had been with the Angolan Flechas. The Cardoso group went operational against ZANLA twice inside Rhodesia with the Rhodesian Light Infantry (RLI). They then left in 1975 to join Holden Roberto's National Front for the Libera- tion of Angola (FNLA) which, with plentiful funds from America's CIA, could afford to pay mercenaries better wages than the Rhodesian CIO. The Rhodesian CIO continued recruitment efforts for its dissident force, concentrating on Africans. After many failures, in June 1976 the CIO recruited Andre Matade Matsangaidze who had served in the FRELIMO forces from 1972 to 1974 without distinction. He was acknowledged as a brave fighter but never -attained a command position. After Mozambique's independence in June 1975 he had worked in the quartermaster's stores at Dondo, north-west of Beira. He was brought before a military tribunal for the theft of a mercedes car and items from the quartermaster's stores; he was convicted and sent to Sacuze "re-education centre" in Sofala province. From there he escaped to Rhodesia to become the first leader of what was to become known as MNR or Renamo. In 1976, after Matsangaidze's arrival, the CIO decided to establish a permanent training camp on a tobacco farm outside Odzi. near Mutare. The trainees came under the control of the CIO's operations desk headed by Eric 'Ricky' May. The CIO seconded a senior instructor and three others, former members of Rhodesia's SAS, to train the MNR at Odzi. The senior instructor subsequently described their strategy in this period. "To start off with it was sabotage, to disrupt the population and disrupt the economy which really comes under sabotage, to come back with decent recruits at that stage And hit any Frelimo bases they came across. And if they came across ZANLA they were to take them on". They were equipped with captured weapons originating from Eastern block countries and China, initially dressed in blue boiler-suits like the police reserve and later in olive-green uniforms. All of their basic requirements, such as food, were taken care of by the CIO and Matsangaidze was paid $75 per month. His deputy, Afonso Dhlakama, who served in the Portuguese colonial army fighting against Frelimo was paid $65; and ordinary recruits received $20.. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

"The objectives of the MNR were essentially to provide the opportunity for Rhodesia to deal with ZANLA in Mozambique without doing so directly, and to perpetuate or create instability in areas of Mozambique", said Mr. Flower. Another of the CIO officers involved said, "The MNR gave a cover for Rhodesian operations and, from initial intelligence-gathering operations, moved on to getting recruits and then on to the offensive, disrupting road and rail links and making it harder for Frelimo to support ZANU". Reactionary White Portuguese have always been prominent in the activities of the MNR. Two of the most prominent of these Portuguese whites are Orlando Christina, a former DGS officer who was the liaison in Tete with the CIO in the late 1960s, and Evo Fernandes, a Goanese businessman. Fernandes has admitted that the MNR were no more than a Rhodesian fifth column. He has claimed that six people met at Christina's suburban Salisbury home on I May 1977 and were responsible for giving the MNR its name. He said the six were Christina, Matsangaidze, Dhlakama, Armando Khembo dos Santos, Leo Milas and himself. Fernandes, a lawyer by training, worked for the Portuguese judicial police in Beira during the colonial era. Frelimo says that, like Christina, he worked for the DGS. He became administrator of Jorge Jardim's newspaper, Noticias de Beria, before being ousted by the journalists some months after the Portuguese coup de'tat. He fled to Portugal on 23 September 1976 after he says, receiving a warning from Christina "that some military action may start and it would be safer to get away". Fernandes is currently the most active spokesman of the MNR from distant Lisbon. In 1978, with the MNR numbering about 500 and the Rhodesians confronted by increased ZANLA infiltration along the entire 800-kilometre border with Mozambique, the CIO decided to step up banditry. They set up an MNR base inside Mozambique on top of Gorongosa mountain, 100 kilometres north-east of Beira. As fighters they suffered a range of setbacks, the first of which came on 17 October 1979 when Matsangaidze was killed in a foolhardy attack on a wellfortified Mozambican army position at Vila Paiva de Andrade (now Vila de Gorongosa). On Matsangaidze's death, his deputy Dhlakama immediately took over MNR leadership, although the organisation's sponsors had little respect for him and preferred Mhlanga. A great deal of infighting followed with the MNR leading to assassinations of many of its leaders like Mhlanga, Christina and the Bomba brothers. The biggest blow for the MNR came on 21 December 1979 when the Lancaster House agreement was reached leading to Zimbabwe's independence on 18 April 1980. The CIO were convinced that ZANU (PF) could not win a majority of the 80 African seatA at stake in the election and so, on 4 March, when it was announced that Comrade Robert Mugabe was to form the government, it came as a major shock to white Rhodesia and thus to the MNR. Soon after ZANU (PF's) victory was announced, Flower began to put into operation long-time contigency plans. Because of his own budget limitations he had sought South African involvement in MNR activities since 1976. South Africa started supplying MNR with weapons and vehicles around 1978. A colonel Charles van Nickerk became the liaison officer to the MNR for South Africa's Military In-, telligence Directorate (MID), headed by General Pieter van de Westhuizen. Colonel van Nickerk visited Odzi on a number of occasions during 1979. So the South African Connection had been firmly established in the 12 months or so preceeding Zimbabwe's independence. Dealing through South African army commander, General Magnus Malan, Van der Westhuizen and van Nickerk, Flower arranged the transfer of the MNR, their equipment and vehicles, and the personnel of the bandit radio Voz da Africa Livre, to South Africa. The transfer to South Africa was carried out in.three phases. The first group to be moved were the staff of Voz da Africa Livre who, unconvincingly, announced they would be off the air for some time while they transferred their "mobile transmitter to a new location in Mozambique". They were flown out to Waterfkloof military base just outside Pretoria on a South African air force C130. A team of SAS personnel driving seven MNR vehicles from the Odzi base followed in the next stage of the transfer. They went to Voortrekkerhoogte military barracks in Pretoria. Finally, over a period of one day and one night a shuttle of South African air force Cl30s landed at Grand Reef air base near Odzi* They airlifted out about 250 MNR personnel and their armaments. They landed at Phalaburwa in the eastern Transvaal. From there they were moved in a convoy of trucks to the edge of the Lutabo river, near the Kruger National Park. Lutabo then became the new MNR base. About ten days later the South Africans began supplying equipment, ammunition, mortars and webbing; and it was immediately apparent that Pretoria intended to continue using the MNR. Nkomati Accord F ollowing the signing of the Nkomati Accord between South Africa and Mozambique on March 16, 1984, the apartheid regime was meant to have cut off support for the MNR. But it is clear that to this day South Africa has continued to sponsor MNR banditry. On August 28, 1985, the MNR headquarters at Gorongosa was attacked and overrun by Mozambican and Zimbabwean forces. Documents recovered at the base revealed the extent of South African duplicity before and Nkomati. A portion of the "Gorongosa ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 Pik Botha and Jonas Savimbi Imperialist lackeys and bandit leaders documents" made public by Colonel Sergio Vieira, Mozambique's Minister of Security, revealed massive and premeditated violations of Nkomati. They also revealed some of the principal names involved in the violations: Luis Neil, General Viljoen, chief of the South African Defence Forces (SADF), Lieutenant- General Andre Liebenberg, head of SADF "Special Forces", van der Westhuizen, van Nickerk and Brigadier van Tonder of MID. Reliable accounts of night parachute drops of supplies have elicited from eyewitnesses at many places, and there have been reports mentioning sightings of South African submarines in Mozambican waters. Just before Homoine the Mozambican press reported that MNR bandits had received guns, mortars and ammunition in a May 8 parachute drop by the South African Air Force near Lake Chitipe and that local people were forced to carry the weapons. Members of the Mozambican News Agency (AIM) saw one of the parachutes which was inscribed "U.S. HUDCO-63". In all, the MNR is supported by South Africa, Israel and certain rightwing elements of Portugal, West German', America and a number of other countries. No Political Aims The MNR has no known political agenda or set of political proposals which they wish to implement in Mozambique. MNR bandits are the "fifth column" of South African and other interests being used to destabilize Mozambique in the same way as Jonas Savimbi's UNITA in Angola. Recently these bandits murdered innocent villagers in north-west Zimbabwe and blew up a tea factory at Katiyo tea estate in Manicaland, suggesting that their pay- masters may now be wanting them to play. a larger destabilizing role in this area than before. The countries of this region should increase their military co-operation to make the MNR and its backers pay for their crimes. Mozambique-Zimbabwe Solidarity Week: A Person to Person Relationship of the two peoples When the liberation forces of FRELIMO and ZANLA shared all the suffering and revolutionary experience together during the war against Portuguese and Rhodesian settlers, the bond of friendship and brotherhood deepened. After the liberation of Mozambique in 1975, the FRELIMO Party and ZANU (PF) continued to share their lot in the struggle to liberate Zimbabwe, Racist Smith saw the bond of friendship and formed the RENAMO bandit organisa- tion to destabilise the Peoples Repusblic of Mozambique and thereby stop the advance of the revolution in Zimbabwe. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

However, no revolutionary spectre can be stopped when it enjoys the support of the popular masses. This was the situation in both Mozambique and Zimbabwe. In 1980, Zimbabwe gained its independence in the same manner that Mozambique had gained its independence. FRELIMO and the Portuguese settled the Independence issue in Lusaka and ZANU(PF) shared the Mozambican experience at negotiating from a strong position like FRELIMO. This is the historic revolutionary story of the two parties and the two country's peoples struggles for independence. In August this year, the two parties, the governments, the masses and the popular organisation from both countries share the revolutionary experiences by exchanging delegations to mark the Solidarity Week in both countries at the same time and dates. Exchanges of delegations comprising experts in history, the arts, sculptors, economists, journalists, panters and film makers is an indication of the two peoples learning from each other from grass-roots level. The solidarity week unfolds the continuation of stronger and firm relations that pave the way for the unity of the peoples who were once united during the Monomutapa era. The unity and solidarity that was cemented during the liberation struggle and the unity that has been examplified by the fighting together against forces of reaction, supported by racist South Africa. Solidarity week therefore comes at a time when more programmes and projects are taking shape in Mozambique with personnel from institutions in our two countries. The 6th solidarity week celebrations see the people of Mozambique and Zimbabwe fight together against aggression from racist South Africa, see Zimbabweans and Mozambican brothers and sisters exchanging agricultural experts and farming together, learning together, singing and dancing together, playing soccer and other games together. The beginning of deeper cooperation from grass roots level will no doubt set the precedent of a true federation of the two countries when the time comes for such a federation. The solidarity week starting 17th, 24th August, 1987 should be an examplary move towards the coming together of countries of Africa, coming together to form a united continent for the good and defence of its people. THE FALL OF SOUTH AFRICA'S BASTION OF POWER he once mighty South Africa, which boasted that it could contain any internal strife and still continue to hit any target south of the equator, has now fallen. Its ability to resist domestic political, economic and military pressure by freedom fighters is dismally failing. Aiding to the existing pressure by the Azanian freedom fighters which includes bomb blasts at military and intelligency agencies, the strike by mine and industrial workers has made racist South Africa ungovernable. The bomb blast which claimed the lives of nine military and intelligen- cy personell in Pretoria in 1983 was a pointer to greater things to come and serious strategy by the freedom fighters against military and intelligency installations. The second heaviest bomb blast of July 31st this year in central Johannesburg targeted at the racist army command post is yet another Inci- ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 dent at which the freedom fighting forces in South Africa are showing the weakness of the racist military and intelligency machinery. And striking at the centre of the system shows how apartheid is failing to contend the internal strife and the spectre of revolution inside the racist ,South Africa, especially in protecting the centre of apartheid. Force of Arms Cannot Stop the Revolution Though in December, 1986, the racist regime tried to militarise the "civilian" administration by officially creating a so-called National Security Management system, "NSMS", to contain an ongoing offensive by the people of South Africa it has now become clear that no force of arms can stop the revolution In that country. The military structures, called 'joint Management Centres (JMC), were designed in Pretoria's own words," to find solutions to legitimlse grievances so that revolutionary forces are pre-emptied. The recent bomb blast which occurred in the heart of Johannesburg's diamond cutting district with tight security and strengthened glass buildings shows how weak the giant has become. Many of the casualties are mostly military personnel and military targets damaged. Strikes Can Defeat Economics Gains To add more oil to the already burning fire is the strike by miners, Industrial and chemical workers which account for the racist economic stability and government. If miners, chemical workers at Sasol and industrial workers strike for more than one week, then for sure South Africa will fall. The figure put at between 340,000 workers on strike Is much less in real terms as the mining Industry is dependent on other sectors. The exact figure involved is much higher and the cost per day too high for the South African regime's economy to bend to for a long period. The strike by Sasol workers does not only affect the racist nuclear power plant but the oil, chemical industry and other industries which the Pretoria regime does not want to reveal as it will show its weakness and soft targets which would only be identified by the freedom fighters of South Africa. This is the implementation of the call by leaders of the struggle in South Africa to aim at the white areas of the white community, not civilian targets but business which has been oiling the military and other security racist machinery. The intended strike by the 14 000 strong workers at Secunda Sasol complex which Is racist South Africa's nuclear power base and oil refining giant is yet another blow at the white area of the racist economy. Without oil, the South African racist forces cannot operate for it is this instrument of government that holds the apartheid regime together today. In all, minerals, coal and metals account for South Africa's economic activity. Affected by such strikes It means the racist industry is at a standstill. To try and stop the striking workers the racist police Is reported to have arrested 300 top union leaders. The National Mine Workers Union represents the interest of all mine workers-in South Africa and the racist State economy is dependent on that mining industry. It is therefore Imperative that once this economic base is affected for sometime, the racist state is in more serious economic-crisis. South Africa Surviving by Gold Mining The latest South African budget stands at 46 billion rands most of which is for the military and security matters. These tens of billions come direct from the racist industry which has now been affected by the legal strike by workers and further more, other industries which depend on the chemical industry which is now suffering after 14 000 workers went on strike as well. If Gold production and coal exports for the racist regime fall it will affect South Africa's requirements for services as well as for the military and security. The Diamond Mining sector though not mentioned is also affected by the strike. In their demands the workers of South Africa demand freedom to work and work with a fare remuneration. Better working conditions like any other worker. The system of apartheid is denying the people of South Africa justice. The system of apartheid has denied the people of South Africa freedom of movement on union activities inside the mining compounds using the National Security Management System (NSMS). The Revolution will Triumph Meanwhile the racist regime In Pretoria is trying to paint a wrong picture of the situation inside the racist state. Suffering pressure from the liberation forces inside the country, the racist regime has now stepped up its operations against the Frontline States especially aimed at the Republic of Mozambique and Zimbabwe. The recent mass massacres of people inside Mozambique and the destruction of economic targets in Zimbabwe using the RENAMO bandits shows that the racist regime is waging a war of annihilation in the region as a destabilisation prggramme. The recent promotion of banditry in the region show how the Pretoria regime is affected by the war inside the country. The recent massacres and destruction of property in both Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Zambia is typical of all reactionary forces when cornered by the freedom fighters of the nonindependent state. The Rhodesian Ian Smith Regime formed RENAMO bandit group when it was failing to contend the situation at home. Its forces bombed refugee camps in Mozambique and Zambia. After the liberation of Zimbabwe in 1980, the RENAMO bandits were transfered to Pretoria where today under direct racist South Africans command carry out acts of banditry and aggression against independent Frontline States. Inside South Africa itself, workers, students, street peoples associations are ruling. The emergency declared by the Botha regime cannot break the people's will to dismantle apartheid by armed struggle. Though through the NSMS, the regime has supplied sophisticated armour and equipments to even private companies and corporations like the mining industry, this will not pre-empt the people resolve to fight for their freedom and independence from within South Africa. The people have now started attacking the white areas of the apartheid regime as Comrade Winnie Mandela urged in her address to students and other peoples at the University of Witwatersrand recently. Let the NUM, AZAPO, CWIU, NUMW, and other freedom fighter organisations stand up to the fighter for the dismantling of apartheid, an evil against humanity. A Luta Continua. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 OIL EMBARGO I n internationally co-ordinated oil embargo against South Africa deals a severe blow to Pretoria's aggressive designs ine Southern Afican, APLA Commander. in- Chief and PAC Chairman, Comrade Johnson Miambo, has said. He told delegates to a recent International sanctions conference that "In the context of South Africa, oll is a military weapon". Military activities of the regime, both internally and in neighbouring states, depended heavily on diesel and gasoline, and it was known that the racist South Africa army consum. ed 17 000 barrels of fuel a day to suppress the people of Namibia alone, for instance. "Every tank, every saracen, every buffalo, every police vehicle, every aircraft engaged In activities to perpetuate apartheid Is fuelled by oil," said Comrade Mlambo. As part of Its psychc the regime had dellbe, out data that It had the meeting Its oil needs fr SASOL oil-from-coal plants and claimed that the three generated up to 50 percent of Its total liquid fuel needs. "This, of course, Is a lie," Comrade Miambo said. "Our Information Is that the three plants produce only 45 000 barrels of liquid fuel a day or about 13 percent of the regime's consumptlon needs." South Africa was so concerned about oil purchases that it had set up an agency known as the "Strategic Fuel Fund" to conduct Its oil trade, and all transactions and dealings were to be kept tightly secret. According to one survey, said Comrade Mlambo, the oil required by South Africa would have to be carried by at least 74 tankers with a load capacity of 225 000 tonnes each. "Oil is not a commodity that one can easily smuggle across borders in a suitcase," he said. "Nor do we ilogical war, stely leaked potential of om Its three believe that monitoring some 74 ships Is an Impossible task. What Is required here Is a political will." An Immediate and total oil embargo would render the trigger-happy racist armed forces of the regime im. mobile and thereby vastly reduce the daily massacres of unarmed and defenceless men, women and children of Azanla. "We wish to emphatically state here that every barrel of oil that reaches apartheid South Africa fuels Its brutal repression against the Azanan and Namibian peoples and aggression against the nelghbouring states. "We call on this Important conference to adopt effective measures to ensure a total oil embargo against the apartheid regime, and particularly measures against owners of oil tankers and unscrupulous businessmen." Comrade Mlambo assured the conference that the PAC would do Its part by striking even more harder militarily at Pretoria's armed forces and police. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 |m I A TERRORIST DEFENCE "BUDGET South Africa's 22 times The 1972 Defence Spending From Azania Combat - Official organ of the PAC military wing. As the Azanian People's Liberation Army (APLA) intensifies its armed activities deep inside South Africa, the Pretoria regime has announced a defence budget that is 22 times larger than its defence spending in 1972. he racist South African Defence Force (SADF), in a document issued shortly after the budget was tabled in the apartheid parliament, described the R6,683 billion defence budget (more than 22 times the 1972 defence spending) as "modest" The SADF document said the 30 percent increase in this year's defence budget was "not unreasonable". Spending on the racist South African Police (SAP) went up by more than 50 percent from R1,071 billion in the R46 billion South African budget announced in the racist parliament recently. In its document, in defence of the big defence allocation, the SADF referred to the high South African inflation rate and noted that the United States, Britain and Israel spent greater proportion of their respective gross national products on defeiice. The racist army gave out what were apparently carefully selected figures to support its defence of the "guns not butter" defence budget. The figures, which were lifted out of context from current South African statistics, deliberately ignore several facts which suggest that at the end of the day, the security forces budget will have reached R12 billion - twice the figure given on budget day. The first fact the SADF document ommited to mention is the current South African inflation rate of about 15 percent. By that deliberate ommission, the document sought to shelve the fact that the official defence budget rose by twice the inflation rate figure. It also consequently plays down the fact that the R6,683 billion defence spending amounts to 14,7 percent of the overall South African budget compared with 13,7 percent last year and 13,2 percent in 1985. Considering the existence of different arms of the security forces in South Africa today, the country's security budget must include the R1,530 billion police vote, which saw a 43 percent rise from last year's. The budget must also include the $198 secret services vote, which rose by 17,3 percent from last year's. It must include the R9,2 million vote for detained persons (a 73,8 percent increase), the R2 million control of security measures within the Department of Development Aid (100 percent increase) as well as the R334 million for defence housing and buildings under the Public Works vote. In short, huge sums of defence spending can be found in various other ministries' votes. It is noteworthy that South Africa's defence expenditure always exceeds the estimates contained in the official defence budget, with a seven percent excess recorded last year. This excess rule also applies to the police expenditure. Taking these facts into account, the official security force spending should come to approximately R9,5 billion so far. The defence budget, as it was officially presented in the racist parliament, did not include some secret items of security force expenditure such as the amount placed in the Special Defence Account, the bantustans' defence and police budgets, the South West Africa colonial forces budget and the foreign currency from overseas sales of South African arms. With the addition of these expenditures, South Africa's security force spending for the year ending March 1988 will reach about R12 billion, which will be about 25 percent of the overall country's budget and over 8 percent of the Gross National Product - more than the percentage the United States and British defences each take from their respective budgets. A glance at the R6,683 billion official defence budget indicates that the largest single increase in the various arms of the racist security forces went to air defence, having risen from R1,687 billion last year to R2,613 this year. The second largest increase was in landward defence, with a rise from R2 007 billion last year to R2 458 this year. The SADF's explanation of this one is that the rise was necessitated by "the transfer of responsibility for border protection to the SADF and increased aid to the police". Whatever the fascist soldiers say, all these billions of rands explain one thing: Racist South Africa (RSA) has been plunged into full scale war by its own settler- colonial and apartheid policies. And the rising figures in defence spending indicate that Pretoria is losing that war because it is in defence of the indefencible. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

Destabilisation - The Mounting Cost of Apartheid's Presence in the Region INSIDE South Africa apartheid is enforced with whips and armoured cars. Outside, the South African government believes that it can hold back the tide of majority rule by opening a second front in the neighbouring states. The war is part of South Africa's "total strategy policy which involves the mobilisation of all forces - political, economic, diplomatic and military. The war is undeclared and hidden, but it has cost the majority-ruled states more than $10 000 million and more than 100 000 lives since 1980. ll these attrocities carry the imperialist rubber stamp. Namibia, Angola, Botswana, Mozambi que, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Swaziland, have all experienced their measure of destabilisation, economically and militarily. Apartheid is a devious system, that has tried all ways to gauge how far stronger it is militarily and economically vis a vis its black majority ruled neighbours. Gadenhuys in his study lists variously, manipulating that availability of railway trucks or berthing facilities in harbours or harsher measures such as imposing surcharges on goods transported or officially announcing restrictions on the amount of goods that may be exported via South Africa. Placing curbs on imports of goods from black states through the imposition of tarriffs or quortas as in the case of Zimbabwe. I Regulating the export of goods to black states especially food and oil, and suspending the Customs Union Agreement or violating provisions as in the case of Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland. As long as the apartheid system is allowed to remain in operation in South Africa there will be no peace in Southern Africa. Apartheid cannot be reformed, it must be dismantled. South Africa continues its military destabilisation in the region. In February of this year South Africa imposed martial law in Namibia which resulted in the persecution, killing and torturing of thousands of civilians. In Angola, May 4, 1978 South African The work of South African backed bandits - the scale grows - South Africa must be destroyed forces attacked Cassinga refugee camp and killed 612 refugees, 147 men, 167 women and 298 children. Health centres were destroyed and 160 hectares of crops were devastated and 100 heads of cattle were killed. In February a refugee school at Boma was attacked. 600 civilians were killed and US $4 451 worth of material destroyed. Numerous other acts of banditry were committed, in Angola. In Botswana, when the racist regime attacked Gaberone killing 16 people and destroying 10 houses, US$194 900 worth of damage was caused. The South African regime also imposed selective sanctions on Botswana. The list is endless. In Mozambique the racist together with the MNR bandits continue to destabilise the country making thousands of people homeless, and causing hunger through the destruction of crops and land. The same is true for Zimbabwe, Lesotho and Swaziland. In 1981 the South African regime in its endeavour to cripple the Zimbabwe Defence Forces caused explosions in the armoury at Inkomo Barracks causing $36 million worth of damage of armournients destroyed. In her bid to reduce dependence on the racist routes Zimbabwe together with other countries in the SADCC region investigated alternative routes to channel her goods and the Beira route was found nearest. The racist regime together with RENAMO bandits proceeded to sabotage the railway over Pungwe River which carries the Beira to Mutare oil pipeline. As if that was not enough, in 1984 Chicualacuala, the cheapest route to the sea from Zimbabwe was closed down completely due to continuous attacks by the MNR, aided by the Pretoria regime and its US imperialist backers. In Lesotho Joba Rampeta, the Lesotho Minister of Works was assassinated by South Africa and in 1985 an indefinite border closure was imposed by the regime. The racist regime said the border would only be opened on the condition ANC members were expelled and Chief Lebua Jonathan deposed. January 20, 1986 South Africa overthrew Chief Jonathan, thus paving the way for their own puppet. Should this animal be let to live? Aparthcid's lease has come to an end. It should be destroyed. How long shall it continue to do this? The time is about finished. Let the mass struggle and the armed struggle intensify, and throttle the regime to the point not only of surrender but of utter defeat. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

If you're starting to look like this, we suggest you look in on... I - Z1M BABW ASEPTEMBER, 1987

INERNATIONAL The Progressive World Focuses on Southern Africa he organisation of African Unity, at its 23rd Summit elected the Chairman of the Frontline States and President of Zambia Dr Kenneth Kaunda as its new Chairman. In August, 1986, the Non Aligned Movement elected the First Secretary and President of ZANU (PF) and Prime Minister of Zimbabwe, Comrade Robert Mugabe as the new Chairman of the organisation that represents nearly three quarters of the world's population. Both Movements have pledged to see the realisation of independence in South Africa and Namibia as soon as possible. T he OAU liberation Committee continues to intensify its support for the liberation forces in Southern Africa and the NAM created a fund, the Africa Fund for the purposes of supporting the liberation struggle in the region. The last Chairman of the NAM Prime Minister of India Rajiv Ghandi said during the Summit "No man i-, free until every man is free." Politics of liberation now take centre stage. as the Apartheid regime becomes increasingly isoiated. Recently a group of South African Liberals went to Dakar and talked to the ANC amid denunciations of such a move from the Pretoria regime which was unmasked through this action by the Liberals. who went back convinced that what South Africa now needs is majority ruleWithout the realisation on the part of the western governments that the tide of events in the region has now reached another stage of concerted efforts to free the oppressed masses in South Africa and Namibia. the toil of the oppressed people dying for their freedom from South African bu!!ets will definitely rise. Other efforts that have been taken by the western businessmen as a resu! from pressure by anti-aparthe o grou!)s in the west that of disinvestmenf -ire also commendable Some of the finest youth In South Africa have fallen and continue to fall from racist South African enemy bullets "We should never say. because we are enjoying our independence, and -because we won our own freedom, therefore the people of South Africa must fight for their own freedom. The women who stood together with us in the struggle against colonialism together with international support all helped us achieve independence. "We must all support the struggle for the freedom of those who are being jailed, killed for their frredom in South Africa and Namibia" Comrade Mugabe told the recent Commonwealth Conference of Ministers Responsible for Women's Affairs. The Commonwealth's stand which is unstintingly anti-apartheid has also vowed to see apartheid go, passing the Nassau Accord of sanctions at the end of 1985 Comrade Mugabe toid the Meeting that women have a maior roie to play in the struggie for tre~rOr1 ,nr id penen¢;Of South ,So 'MuCh fr'es out to be done and always urgently the world rolls on time presses ten thousand years are too long now is the time" Mao Zedong. ... to unseat the apartheid regime. The rise in worker consciousness in South Africa and their organisation through trade unions in South Africa is a reflection of a. major dialectical process in the revolutionary struggle in South Africa. The more vicious the apartheid regime the more the determination of the people to gain freedom This dialectical manifestation is true in any revolutionary situation- It can not be reversed. Again and again the tide of protest, of revolt, of the people's unwavering spirit towards freedom, has surfaced through marches, through strikes, and acts of defiance. The apartheid regime is not a permanent feature in the region's politics. The United States which is the apartheid parents, which is pulling the strings of racism and reaction cannot continue to do so because soon those strings will be cut by the revolutionary forces of the region and in South Africa Their principle, "Might is right" is a wrong principle. It is a principle based on the belief that the Pretoria racists are in total control inside South Africa and that they can unleash a reign of terror in the region to silence the anti-apartheid wave in the Frontline states thereby giving a ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

!onger lease to the apartheid regime thus enabling the continued eXp!oit,tion of the people, to the benefit of both the minority and thei imperialists "So much cries out to be done now is the time" It is true, Mao Zedong said for adifferent situation but it has a ring of having been said for the South African situation Pretoria's prisons cannot house the whole South African masses The Pretoria regime cannot eliminate the whole Black population, without envoking the total directed anger of the oppressed masses of South Africa and Namibia A conflagration that will take a long time to put' out is being ignited by the forces of both imperialism and apartheid. The progressive world is on standby to fuel this conflagration and the revolutionary masses of South Africi are angry A hundred years of oppression is more than enough it is in this recognition therefore that through their leadership 75 per (ent of the world's population endorsed its repugnance with the shortsighted apartheid regime and passed resolutions for an ending to this uncivilised and bar. baric system It is thn reason why the Non Aligned Movement has found it fit to en. trust the leadership 'of its Movement in one of the sons of a once oppress. ed people who liberated itself through the barrel of the gun. This political message has not dawned on the Pretoria racists " now is the time" It has not dawned on the regime either, why the Organisation of African Unity has brought its leadership to the region Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam speaking at the 23rd .Summit of the OAU said in cl,;'r terms " we will not rest before we realise the obiectives for which the sons and daughters of Africa have been sacrificing their lives" The capitalist conspiracy of the United States, the United Kingdom, West Germany of rejecting the implementation of sanctions against the apartheid regime cannot help the survival of racism for a great deal longer. Not even can the attempt at blackmail by the United States of withdrawal of assistance to the Frontline States can prolong the presence of the apartheid regime in the region Already there's a protracted struggle being waged by the masses for their liberation. Victory is certain! BULGARIA-ZIMBABWE Non- Transient Friendship Of the 7 000 students from over 100 countries studying at higher educational establishments in Sofia, Plovdiv, Varna, Bourgas, Rousse and Stara Zagora, 86 come from Zimbabwe. The largest group of Zimbabwean students study at the Academy of Social Sciences and Management with the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party in Gorna Banya, one of Sofia's most picturesque districts. Thanks to the active and fruitful co-operation between the BCP and the ZANU (PF), which has been acquiring new and richer dimensions since 1980, every year Zimbabwean students are enrolled in courses at the Academy of Social Sciences and Management. The Zimbabwean students study at the expense of the Bulgarian side which also grants them scholarships. On April 18 a meeting was held at the ceremonial hall of the Academy to mark the seventh anniversary of Zimbabwe's independence. Prior to the meeting I met two of its organisers - Walter Chidhakwa, 23, chairman of the community of Zimbabwean students in Bulgaria, and Stanislav Hakutangwi, 30, political leader of the community of Zimbabwean students. 'In 1975 1 joined the guerrillas and shortly afterwards I familiarised myself with the Marxist-Leninist philosophy with whose ideas I was enchanted', Stanislav said. 'In 19801 joined the ZANU (PF) as a convinced Marxist-Leninist. I have always dreamt of studying thoroughly this most progressive ideology. Meanwhile I had begun working as a journalist and I felt that a more serious ideological training was necessary for me. Our party is doing its best to ensure that the former guerrillas continue their education. I was lucky enough to be one of them. I chose Bulgaria. I liave been studying at the Academny for two years now and I am happy with my choice which was dictated by another fact as well: I was the first journalist to interview the then Bulgarian Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Tanzania and Zambia, Hrist K jev. It was what I learned from him about Bulgaria that made me take my choice right away, Stanislav said. 'I would like to say something as chairman of the Zimbabwean student community in Bulgaria. I would like to stress the fact that all my compartriots are very pleased with the standard of training here. This applies not only to the Academny of Social Sciences and Management but to all higher educational establishments in Bulgaria in which they study.' Walter Chidhakwa said. 'The fact that we live'in the country which has becn followinc a socialist path of devclopment for 43 ycars now is of major ilnportancc for u%. Zim- babwe too has picked this path of development and the experience which we are gaining here, not only inihe lecture rooms but through our contact with people, the first-hand impressions we get of Bulgaria's social, economic and cultural development is equally important. This will be a very useful experience for us when we return to our homeland,' Walter Chidhakwa said. The ceremonial meeting was about to begin. My interlocutors said we would meet again once the ceremony was over. The ceremonial hall at the Academy was overcrowded. It was Walter Chidhakwa who took the floor. His speech enchanted the audience. He told of the Zimbabwean people's national-libcration struggle, of how on April 18. 1980 the 50th sovereign state in Africa came into being. The speaker further dwelt on the current situation in the South of Africa and on the struggle waged by the 'frontline countries' against the policy of destabilization pur* sued by the racist government in Pretoria. The Bulgarian and foreign students present as well as the many visitors followed with interest a Zimbabwean film and a musical and cultural programme given by their hosts from Zimbabwe. '1 think we succeeded in showing our Bulgarian and lorcign fricnds at least a small part of Zimbabwe.' Walter said ZIMBAB __ EPTEMBER, 1987 after the meeting. 'It is no mere chance that I say friends, because we have got many friends here indeed, friends who help us in everything, in our studies, in learning Bulgarian and in our everyday life. This helps us to adapt more easily to the new conditions, to forget the nostalgia felt by everyone away from the homeland,' Walter said. Stanislav too joined in the conversation. 'I heard you speak of nostalgia. I do not know but I think that when we return to Zimbabwe we will miss Bulgaria a lot. And since you asked me if I would remain a friend of Bulgaria, this is my answer: 'Before we won our independence the neighbouring frontline countries, Angola, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia gave us their wholehearted support. Our guerrilla movement relied on that assistance very much. After winning independence we felt an urgent need for skilled cadres. It. was Bulgaria, which during the years of struggle was on our side, that gave us the opportunity of completing our education in its educational establishments. This is invaluable assistance for Zimbabwe particularly during the first years of our independent development. That is why for me and for all Zimbabwean students studying here in Bulgaria and all Bulgarians will remaij friends just as all the people of Angola, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia are. To renounce this would mean to renounce our past, and our future as well,' Stanislav said in conclusion. A group of Zimbabwean students came up to us, singing and dancing with excitement. They have the full right to enjoy themselves today. Walter and Stanislav joined them, too. Dimiter Tsonev Sofia Press Western Sahara: The Struggle Continues The Saharawi Democratic Arab Republic is no more a regional issue but a plot by imperialists to deny the people of that small country of their independence. The media from the west which claims a bigger share in the gathering of news has since stopped reporting on the war situation in the country. Alternatively, it is now only the Information Ministry of the SADR which has at times issued war communiques to tell the world what the Moroccan occupationalforces are doing to the people of Western Sahara. he beginning of 1987 saw increased activity by the POLISARIO Front against the Moroccan forces of occupation. Many Moroccan soldiers were put out of action. However Moroccan occupational forces also claim victory over the POLISARIO FRONT fighters. In 1966 the 21st session of the United Nations General Assembly recommended the holding of a referendum in the then Spanish Sahara, which was about to be decolonised. The world body took this decision to give the people of Western Sahara a right to self-determination and Independence. Developments since 1966 reveal that when the Spanish were preparing to leave, Morocco and Mauritania made claims to the territory and divided the country between themselves. An agreement between Spain, Morocco and Mauritania was signed in Madrid in November, 1975. The POLISARIO FRONT had since been fighting colonialist Spain. On its part Spain complicated an issue which the United Nations and the OAU had passed resolutions on and recommended the holding of a referendum, so that the people of Western Sahara and their political Party the POLISARIO FRONT determine their own destiny. The future of Western Sahara rests squarely on the people of the SADR themselves and no nation or organisation can choose for them their future. The POLISARIO FRONT have seen the imperialist plot that had imposed servitude on the people of Western Sahara formed the Provisional Council which represents the interests of the people of the SADR under the leadership of the POLISARIO FRONT. A constitution was adopted and a president and leading bodies of the country were elected. The 1976 POLISARIO FRONT decision was followed by international recognition of the SADR in line with the United Nations and OAU resolution for the decolonisation of the Western Sahara. Developments in the other country that was part to the annexation process of Western Sahara changed as Mauritania pulled out of the SADR after the 1978 coup. The regime of King Hassan II of Morocco occupied the whole country and to date more than 70 000 strong Moroccan army personnel are stationed in Western Sahara. The King Hassan regime has since started the Moroccanisation of a country whose people are now denied the freedom to choose for themselves the future of their country and the peoples Party the POLISARIO FRONT. At one point the Moroccan administration sought support from Tunisia and Libya at the OAU when the question of Western Sahara was being discussed. Of late the two countries have since broken away from unions or bilateral relations with Morocco, which is now serving the interests of USA imperialism. It is exploiting the riches of the Saharawi people, socially and economically. Morocco has over the years been an ally of the United States of America and as much depends on US aid. Rabats dependence made US aid has move that country an apendage of Washington. In 1982 the Reagan administration gained access to establish military bases in the South West for its so-called Rapid Development Force. The force is there to protect the US imperialist interest. Joint military manoeuvres were carried out in southern coast of Morocco and in December the same year the USA Secretary for Defence Casper Weinberger was in Rabat for a meeting of the Morocco-American Joint Defence Commission. Like in all its imperialist designs, the United States of America is now using the King Hassan regime to create tension between the north African Arab and African countries. The state of affairs between Morocco and Algeria is very explosive to the region and indeed the presence of USA forces in the region causes a lot of concern not only to the other north African countries but to, the OAU andthe continent as a whole. This has been demonstrated by the OAU decisions at all the 18th, 19th and the 20th sessions of the Pan African body, which in its 19th session asked the two sides in the conflict to hold direct talks and move on to call for a ceasefire while preparations for an internationally supervised referendum were in progess. Morocco turned down the holding of such talks and at its 20th session the OAU ratified the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic's membership to the Pan African Organisation. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

INTERVIEW BY THE NICARAG COMRADE FR MCwem Ar s kw' Natio Directorate of the Con, antar 01 -11,~ ,'',X"z "ciDac '4 A,,, n July 1979, the Front for the National Liberation of Nicaragua or the Sandinistas successfully led the National Democratic Revolution toppling the Somoza dynasty. We are very glad to publish this interview with the Nicaraguan Ambassador to Zimbabwe Cde. Fran. cisco Campbell. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER. 198 COmman0--t thp kt,,ol- r

PMBASSADOR TO ZIMBABWE, 3CO CAMPBELL Com(a d o~ ~i he vnolution Henry iiuir Hernndez Man&of the ROVtAt.',q Crto N6,66z ToiIlz Je,"t of 'th' Nbl!of'a| A-ewttV- QUESTION: Cornrade Campbell. the question that would be in most peope's minds is how the National Commandr of the Revolution Luis Carri6n Cruz Vie mirnister o he lntr or Democratic Revolution was Nicaraguan people who for many established in 1979. years struggled primarily against the ANSWER: Fundamentally, its the United States impositions of puppet ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 regimes imposed on the Nicaraguan people by the United States beginning in the 1820s into the 1930s. In the 1930s the US imposed another dictatorship the Somoza Family Dictatorship which the US kept in power until we successfully overthrew that dictatorship in 1979 The Nicaraguan people led by the Sandinista National Liberation Front were successful in bringing together all the Nicaraguan people and through very systematic and consistant struggle we were able to topple the US dictatorship and since that day July 19th, 1979 we are in a process of building in Nicaragua a new society that responds to the hopes, the dreams and the ideals of the majority poor who for many years were exploited, excluded and oppressed. QUESTION: Now what the International media has either deliberately obscured or failed to bring out is the fact that first of all the American link between Somoza and the US administration and the fact that the family had for a long time owned a substantial part of the wealth of Nicaragua. Would you like to tell us about that? ANSWER: Well you know. Somoza used to boast that Nicaragua was his private farm. In truth, he operated in Nicaragua as his, not only the land, also the people were the private property of Somoza, and of course he would administer the country in a way that it would benefit not Nicaraguan people but US and other foreign interests. I mentioned that the US imposed the Somoza Family Ditatorship in 1936 after Sandino and Nicaraguan patriots had sucessfully struggled against the US Marines occupying Nicaragua. The US finally decided to withdraw its marines but in their place the US established a National Guard headed by SOMOZA GARCIA. They kept him in power and he really had a regime that imercilessly oppressed the Nicaraguan people. We calculate that during thereign of the Somoza family dictatorship approximately two hundred thousand Nicaraguans were kil ed because they refused to accept dictatorship and they insisted on their right to build in Nicaragua a society that was just, a society that promoted human dignity and pride. QUESTION: I understand that he owned close to 50 percent of the land himself? ANSWER: intact we calculate that he owned even more than that and that is why one of the major programmes of the revolutionary government was to institute the agrarian reform pro- Comrade Francisco Campbell Nicaraguan ambassador to Zimbabwe gramme. Under our agrarian reform programme, peasants who want to work on the land receive the land free of charge. They receive title to the land, they also receive technical and financial assistance so as to increase the productivity of the land and they also receive fair price for the crops when the crops are harvested. We understand the agrarian reform to be one of the fundamental pillar in the new and genuine democracy that the Nicaraguan people began to build when on July 19, 1979 they finally overthrew the US supported Somoza Family Dictatorship. QUESTION: The context or the background against which we can understand the Nicaraguan Revolution or the existance of people like Somoza are things like the the Monro Doctrine, Truman's Doctrine where the US regards the Latin American and the Carribean as an appendage (backyard). But one is surprised by the fact that notwithstanding the fact that American society itself is not perfect, but America has in nine out of ten cases supported dictatorships. Can you explain this phenomenon? ANSWER: Well, the Monro Doctrine was infact conceived within the context of US domination and its not domination for the sake of domina, tion, there are tangible benefits for the US to be derived from such a policy. In viewing Latin America as part of the Monro Doctrine enhanced backyard of the United States it meant that the US has access to cheap raw materials, mineral resources et cetera. And it also had access to cheap labour. On the other hand it guaranteed a virtual captive market for US manufactured goods. In order to protect those interests, the US, of course- wanted reliable, dependable regimes. Puppet regimes which would infact carry,out the task of protecting US interests in Latin America, regardless of whether these interests coincided or not with the interests of the people of the region the people of Latin America. So it is easy to understand why the US chose to identify with the Dictatorship. Dictatorship was good for US business. Democracy in Latin America, from the standpoint of the US is not good for US business because under democracy, it means people will have access to school, they will have access to decent roads, housing, people will have access to jobs, they will have access to land and that is why the US will always be found to attack Governments such as the one in Cuba because in Cuba you have a revolution that is trying to build a more just society. You will find the US attacking governments such as Nicaragua because in Nicaragua we are trying to build a more just and dignified society. You will never find the US attacking Chile for example, thats a dictatorship that responds to US interests and thats the real reason why you find the US being hostile to us in>Nicaragua and commited to try and destroy the Nicaraguan revolution. QUESTION: Comrade Campbell, the name Sandinista National Liberation Front comes from somebody who carries on in the footsteps of people like Simon Bolivar and Josd Marti of Cuba. Would you like to tell us a bit about Sandino and how he died? ANSWER: Sandino is the father of the Nicaraguan Revolution. We say Sandino incorporated the dignity of Titles given by the Agrarian Reform Oct 81 a Dic82 1983 1984 1985 Area Fam. Area Fam. Area Fam. Area Fam. Cooperatives108 096 7 024 Individuals ; 27 761 408 Indigenous Communities - Special Titles 26918711344 24729711730 180510 926613144 241 15348 360 142686 6204 21352 1548 28284 1600 51772 200198634 3805108970126192 133616 3400 ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

Nicaragua in this person. In 1928, the US intervened militarily in Nicaragua to keep in power a puppet regime which the US had established there a few years before. The reason why the US intervened was because a democratic revolution was about to topple this puppet regime. When the US intervened directly, some of the members of the democratic revolution apparently intimidated by the US and its powet, decided to stop fighting and they signed an agreement with the US government and the puppet government. There was one General who said no. That General was Aug usto Sesa Sandino. He went to the mountains and for six years he waged a guerrilla war against the United States. Infact Its very interestirag to know that for the first time that, the US used aeroplanes in warfare situations was precisely when in Nicaragua in the late 1920s they used aeroplanes to attack Sandino's holdouts. Nevertheless he fought on until about 1934 when the US administration under Franklin Roosevelt realised that they could no longer maintain a situation in Nicaragua in which North American Marines were being killed and where they could not see any significant progress for US interests. So they decided to withdraw but before withdrawing they created the National Guards. At the head of the National Guards they placed Somoza Garcia, the first Nicaraguan Somoza dictator. Sandimo said: His objective was not only to remove the Marines from Nicaragua, but to bring about fundamental transformation in the society. He wanted a society that would really attend to the needs of the majority of the people, the peasants. Nicaragua is primarily an agricultural society and most of the people are peasants. So Sandino said "We have to build in Nicaragua a society that responds to the interests and needs of the majority poor". We need fundamental transformation in agrarian reform et cetera. Somoza, representing US interests arranged a situation whereby he along with US representatives were able to betray Sandino and they assassinated him. When the US and its puppet regime the Somoza dictatorship assassinated Sandino, they believed that the Nicaraguan Revolution had ended for ever and it would never rise again. But in 1956, a young Nicaraguan by the name Carlos Consega found a way, he came up with a strategy that brought together the struggle of Sandinos in the 1920s and the 1930s. Augusto C. Sandino With the new generation of the Nicaraguan revolutionaries they found the Sandinista National Liberation Front. The Sandinista National Liberation Front became the vanguard of the Nicaraguan struggle. And from 1956, through the 1960s the Sandinista National Liberation Front organised Nicaraguan people in the rural areas, organised the peasants and eventually we were able to bring together all the forces of the Nicaraguan society. And on July 19, 1979 we were able to overthrow the US supported Somoza Family dictatorship. And since that day, we are busy actively defending the freedom conquered by the Nicaraguan people fulfilling the dreams of Sandino. QUESTION: You said that the Sandinista National Liberation Front was able to bring together all the forces of Nicaragua. I Xfind that an interesting phrase, because people will be surprised to find that the Nicaraguan Ambassador to Zimbabwe is in fact a blackman. Would you like to tell us the make up of the * Nicaraguan socie.ty from a demographic point of view? ANSWER: Nicaragua is a country with a population of about three million people. Of that three million people, approximately. 95% are mejticious. Mesticious are a mixture of European and Native Indians, staff. The vast majority of Nicaraguans are ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 to be found on the Pacific Coast of the country. The Pacific side of Nicaragua was colonised by Spain. So therefore you are going to find on the Pacific side, Mesticious who are Spanish speaking and mostly Catholic. On the Atlantic side of Nicaragua you are going to find Indian groups but you're also going to find a black population, that is in places like Bluefields, Pelagun, Con Island et cetera. Now the black people of Nicaragua came there in three major waves as we call them. The first wave was made up of blacks who were being carried'from some point in West Africa to-the US as slaves. The ship ran.around in the Carribean Area and some of the slaves survived and made it to the coast as freemen. The second wave is made up of blacks who were slaves in British possessions in the Carribean who ran and escaped from the plantations in the Carribean and they made it to the coast of Nicaragua and became integrated into the society. Then finally, the British occupied the East Coast of Nicaragua and in doing so they brought along blacks Carlos Fonseca (11936-1976) founder of the Sandinista National Liberation Front from their various possessions in the Carribean too. So what you are going to find on *the East Coast of Nicaragua are Black, Ehglish speaking protestants because of the influence of the British, who remained in Nicaragua until 1894. It's very interesting to point out that the Pacific side of Nicaragua got its independence from Spain in 1821 whereas the Atlantic side and the East Coast of Nicaragua did not get its independence really from Britain until 1894. And in that sense we have some similarity between Zimbabwe and Nicaragua the British tradition and heritage. QUESTION: But the Sandinistas have managed to unite all the peop/e behind a broad National Front. ANSWER: Oh yes, definitely, at first it wasn't very easy especially with the East Coast of Nicaragua and the reason why it wasn't very easy is' because in the early stages of the struggle, the Sandinistas' strategy was to emphasize on the more densely populated area of the country. Since we emphasized on the more densely populated area for organisational purposes it follows that on the Pacific side the enemy would concentrate the bonds of its rage against that part of the country. And as a result a very interesting dialectic relationship, the more the enemy will attack. the more determined the people become and at the same time Mexico BeHe Gx ateemsx Hon.ado. El Salvado i n Coa. rca Cobi Centroamlbrica A4- Nicaragua y sus regiones ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

Cabildo Abierto with workers of Bluefields, Zelaya Sur. The people of Nicaragua have been united on a Broad National Front by the Sandinista Government their level of political consciousness would increase. Because we didn't concentrate heavily on the Eastern side and of the reason why the population was very low, as I mentioned there is a significant difference in terms of ideological involvement of the East Coast as compared to the west coast of the country. But we have been working at that very very consistantly and we can see that every day Nicaragua becomes a more united country. Weunderstand that a revolution to be a kind of a catalyst that is bringing together the fountain of Nicaragua nationhood. The fountain coming from the east which is English speaking protestant and black, and the other fountain from the Pacific which is mesticial, Spanish speaking and Catholic together. The revolution will bring these two forces together and a new Nicaraguan nation is going to emerge to a united Nicaragua. QUESTION: Ever since the Sandinista National Liberation Front launched its revolution or successfully ousted Somoza in July 1979, the Americans have sponsored a number of groups of bandits to assault the Nicaraguan sovereignty. Can you tell us Comrade Campbell how this has been organised and how the Nicaraguan people have stood up to American aggression? ANSWER: Beginning in 1981, President Reagan, as one of his first Act as President has re-approved 19 million doll. rs for the purpose of reorganising the defeated Somoza National Guards and placed them inside Honduran territory where they have been launching attacks, carrying terrorist raids against Nicaragua. What the Reagan Administration is trying to do is to destroy the Nicaraguan Revolution and to reestablish the kind of Government that existed before the triumph of the revolution. A government that responds to the interests of Washington not to the interests of the Nicaraguan people. We of course, have organised ourselves and we can say that we have successfully defeated militarily the US counter revolutionary forces. But the real danger is that the US is doing everything possible to sabotage any possibility of a successful political resolution in Central America. And we think that the real reason why the US has adopted that position is because deep down inside they have asigned to counter revolutionaries, specific tasks. The task of provoking a confrontatibn between Nicaragu and Honduras. The bases of the counter revolutionaries are located in Honduras. And they want to provoke a confrontation between Honduras and Nicaragua which the US will then use as a pretext to intervene directly ZIMBA'BWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

QUESTION: One gets the feeling that the US has even lost the ostensible basis. We know that real basis is to attack the progressive Government in Nicaragua and put in its place a puppet. But what is the ostensible reason that the Americans are using? ANSWER: They have used a number of fabricated justification for example, they say that Nicaragua is a base for the Soviet Union. But there are no military bases in Nicaragua whatsoever. In fact Nicaragua announced that it was prepared to sign a peaceful agreement which would specifically state that no Central American country will allow their territory to be used as a base by any foreign power, We are prepared to sign it but the United States is sabotaging the possibility of such a treaty. They said they were concernThe contras use U.S. army weapons: Humberto Ortega and the Red Eye Missile ed that Nicaragua might try to export its revolution. But you and I know Nith their own combat troops. of its boarders, we as a people that a revolution is something that QUESTION: / suppose one manner of believe that Nicaraguans have a right cannot be exported. Its not a comunderstanding the dynamics of Cen- to feel security of their own boarders. modity like cotton or sugar that you tral America is if you could probabl What we will never negotiate with the can just say, proces and package it y US or any other power is the internal abroad. A revolution occurs in a outline to us where Nicaragua is affairs of Nicaragua because we country when the people of that located in relation to the other states, believe that is a preserve of the country find themselves in a situation Qua tamela, Honduras, Costa Rica Nicaraguan people only. that they are no longer prepared to ANSWER: You have if you can picture, you have the US followed by Mexico, then you have Guatamela. To the side of Guatamela and to the eastern side you have Belize and then on the other side you have ElSalvador. Under Belize and Guatamela you have Honduras and Nicaragua follows. Its Honduras then Nicaragua, Costa Rica Panama, all the way down to South America. So what the US is doing really is to use Honduran territory to attack Nicaragua and they were also using Costa Rican territory for the same purpose. The whole objective being the US determination to destroy the Nicaraguan Revolution. Now we have tried through a number of means to c convince the United States to set aside its policy of aggression against Nicaragua and to sit down in a civilised way to work out the differences that exist between the two countries. In fact we have said, we are prepared to address any legitimate security interest concerns that exist, that the US might have with respect to Nicaragua and at the same time we demand that the US address the legitimate security interest concerns of Nicaragua. In other words, we are not about to attack the United States and we demand that United States not attack us. We believe that the United States has a right to security Nicaraguan women In national reconstruction - a revolution Is something that cannot be exported like a commodity ZIMBA PTEMBER, 1987 accept and they decide to take up arms against a regime denying them their fundamental rights, So a revolu. tion cannot be exported But we said okay, if you are con cerned that we are trying to export a revolution, lets sit down and work out an agreement. You said that we are trying to export a revolution to Hon. duras lets work out an arrangement whereby the boarder between Nicaragua and Honduras will be placed under international supervision That way no one will be able to attack Nicaragua from Honduras or no one will be able to attack Honduras from Nicaragua, the same would hold true for the boarder with Costa Rica. We are prepared to sign that agreement the United States is systematically sabotaging the possibility of a peaceful resolution of the conflict of International law. Finally, the court found that the US embargo which it imposed in Nicaragua in May of 1985 is in violation of United States International Treaty obligation. The court condemned the United States on each and every count. And not only that, the court demanded that the US put an end forthwith to all its differences with Nicaragua through peaceful means. The court added that the United States should pay damage to the Nicaraguan people for all injuries and destruction. We have suffered as a result of this illegal policy. So far the US has refused to comply and therefore has assumed the position of an outlaw state So mighty is right. That is the argument of the Reagan administration. But you and I know that mighty is not right, in the end ictims of the Counterevolutionary Aggressic 1980 to September 30, 1986 freedom, justice and human dignity will prevail and that is why the Nicaraguan people are defeating US counter revolutionary army. That is why the International public opinion condemns the United States policy of aggression against Nicaragua. That is why even the American people are against the illegal policy of the US administration against our country. QUESTION: And what parallels can you draw between the situation in Nicaragua and the situation in Southern Africa? ANSWER: To us, the enemy is the same- In Southern Africa, the face of the enemy is the racist regime in South Africa, that is attacking Frontline States, that is denying the people of Namibia their right to independence- That is doing everything possible to block the implementation Dead Wounded Total Counter Counter Victims Total Our evolution- Our evolution- Kidnapped Captured of our contra General Year People aries Total People aries Total Nicaraguans Contras people casualties Total 19802- 2 1- 1 1 - 4 6266 1981 46 40 86 24 2 26 3 20 73 62 135 1982 205 148 353 164 18 182 160 169 529 335 864 1983 863 1985 2848 944 396 1340 487 273 2294 2654 4948 1984 1408 3017 4425 1461 596 2057 1661 191 4530 3804 8334 1985 1452 4757 6209 1863 633 2496 1455 432 470 5822 10592 1986 729 3578 4307 1554 1263 2817 2305 473 4588 5314 9902 Total4705 13525 18230 6011 2908 8919 6072 1558 16788 17991 34779 Partial data. So every single one of the justification that they have tried to present really when placed to the taste of truth, falls flat on its face. Moreover we took our case against the US to the World Court. The 27th of June marks the first Anniversary of the historic world decision. This was a historic decision because for the first time in history that a small country took its case against a major country and won The World Court found in its ruling of June 27, 1986, that the US in arming, training and directing a counter revolutionary force against Nicaragua is in violation of the UN Charter is in violation of the US Charter and against the International Peace 1rea ty obligations. The World Court also found that the US in mining of Nicaragua's waters was in fact violation of Inter national Law. The court also found that the US in preparing a manual in structing its counter revolutionary Dr. my to assassinate Nicaraguan leaders, to carry out terrorist raid in side Nicaragua was infact in violation VALUE OF DIRECT MATERIAL DAMAGES Secto Accu urv itld Total Ar cliure and Husiandry 77,5 Mining 2,7 Manufacturing industry 7,5 Electricity and Water 8,9 Consti uction 18,1 Internal trade 2,4 Ti ansporration 4,4 Banking and financ 0,5 Social Services 5,4 Total 127,4 ° Capital Fijo mas Existencios. In the econoirlic sphere, the aggression has been directed ailainst the foundations of productive development, that is, the dcstri !,t ion of capital goods (112,200,000 dollars) ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987 of petinent resolution of the United Nations calling for sanctions against the racist regime in South Africa and calling for immediate independence for Namibia. Who is behind all this? The puppet in this region is South Africa. The puppetier is the US. The same way through in Central America. The US is pressuring Honduras, pressuring Costa Rica, pressuring El Salvador to block the possibility of a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Central America. The US has created a counter revolutionary army that is launching terrorist raids against Nicaragua from Honduran territory. Finally the US is actively seeking ways to fall pretext to interven directly militarily against Nicaragua for the purpose of overthrowing our government. What is the US doing in Southern Africa? The US in Southern Africa wants to deny the people in Southern Africa the right to self determination, the right to build for themselves a society that responds to their interests and needs. What is the US doing in Central America? The US in Central America is trying to deny the people of Central America the right to self determination, trying to deny the:people of Central America the right to independence. The US is infact trying to maintain in Southern Africa and in Central America a system that responds not to the interests of the people of Southern Africa, not to the interests of the people of Central America, BUT to the interests of Wall Street, to the interests of the United States and that is why we have to fight. That is why Zimbabwe and the Front Line States and Nicaragua must fight hand in hand to defend our right to be free, to defend our right for our life of dignity for ourselves and for our children. Direct material damages and production losses to August 31,1986. Costs of the aggression The Reagan administration's imperialist aggression against Nicaragua aims, strategically, to destabilize the economy and in so doing, undermine the social base of the Revolution. The government of the United States has been developing in the last six year a military, financial and commercial aggression along these lines. ECONOMICS COSTS OF THE AGGRESSION Destruction of goods Production losses Losses due to the Embargo Blocked loans Structure of the GNP 1985 . . 127,4 87,8 ...... 369 100 200 360 400 500 1600 Millones de D61ares USA Primorio: f 5 360 Tercioria: 10 130 Secundara: 6 297 Total: C$21 788 millores The anual direct economic effects without considering the short and medium term effects which compromise the future of Nicaragua - amount to 1 267,000 dollars, the equivalent of five and a half years of income obtained from the nation's total exports. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

Can the Western Sahara Issue be Called a Regional Conflict? evelopments in Western Sahara in- of Uranium, wanted by the USA and walls around the country to deny the peodicate that the conflict is no other nuclear powers of the west, iron, pie's army of the "POLISARIO more a region conflict because of the copper ores, manganese, potassium, salts FRONT" contact with the masses of USA military presence in Morocco which as well as phospherous. This wealth is all Western Sahara, the King Hassan regime is now facing a very difficult political as exploited in order to service USA and has become part and parcel of the imwell as economic situation. Politically it other imperialist economies while the peo- perialist forces who claim that revolution has no friends in the region. Libya which pie of Morocco and Western Sahara itself can be exported or imported. The at one time was a friend broke relations are suffering from inflation, unemploy- Saharawi people are in Western Sahara with Rabat. Tunisia followed early this ment and other socio-economic not in any other country as Morocco year. hardships. claims. Now that Libya and Tunisia have cut ties with expansionist Morocco it is clear that the best ally of Morocco which is the United States of America has filled the vacuum in playing the game of politics with Rabat with the aim of further exploiting the riches of Western Sahara. Desert as it may be it has wealthy reserves The economic situation in Morocco continues to deteriorate with a debt of over 18 billion US dollars. The youth are now resisting the imperial decree of conscription to fight in Western Sahara which they now know is not theirs but are helping to serve imperial as well as colonialists ends. While the Rabat regime is building The Saharawi people under the leadership of the POLISARIO FRONT and its fighters continue to gain ground in their fight for freedom and independence. Internationally as well as regional support will defuse the explosive and a solution found for the total liberation of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

FILM REVIEW I CRY FREEDOM "Cry Freedom" is film made by Sir Richard Attenborough in Zimbabwe about the liberation struggle in South Africa characterised by the Black ConsciousneSs leader Steve Biko who died at the hands of the regime's fascist police, in a cell. The preview was held in London during the last week of June. According to Comrade Charles Ndhlovu, Member of Parliament, and Deputy Secretary for the Youth League, who attended the preview together with Bev Tilley of the Ministry of Information, "Cry Freedom" had an "emotional grip on the audience - most were temporarily lost for words". But it was not for the beauty of the cinematograghy, though that counts a lot, it was depiction of the apartheid regime and its mercilessness to the innocent and defenceless masses of South Africa that astounded the audience that much. $8,4 million was spent by the Government of Zimbabwe as a loan to the producers through the Central Film Laboratories. The Government had seen it worthy to invest in such a film of nationalist and historical significance, not only to the antiapartheid movement but as well for the conscientisation of the international public as to the evils of the Apartheid regime. In previews held in the United States, "Cry Freedom" received a rating of 94 per cent which in commercial terms means it will show to "packed houses" for a long while yet. Steve Biko died under very suspicious circumstances. After attending the preview Sir Shridath Ramphal, the Secretary General of the Commonwealth said of the film, "This film will do more for the antiapartheid cause than a million words in the United Nations." It is the impact of the film. It is "peopled with the faces of suffering, of indomitable endurance, of dignity and pride .. . that when the South African armoured trucks roll in to smash down an illegal township and its inhabitants or when many hundreds of innocent young children in Soweto are mown down by gunfire as they flee, you feel as if you are there, screaming with them unable to stop the horror." ZIMBABWNEWS SEPTEMBER, 198 F,

Indeed during the 8th Summit of the NAM, Prime Minister Rajiv Ghandi of India sadly reflected, "we are now going to witness the finest flower of the youth of South Africa go down." If those who saw the preview emerged, "visibly shaken" let the international public especially in the West be "visibly shaken as well". The anti-apartheid cause is not a gymnasium of empty denunciations of the apartheid regime, but these denunciations must be backed by practical undertaking. However such productions that bring the obnoxious apartheid system to the doorstep of the innocents" should be supported. An international public ignorant of the evil that apartheid is, is a public that desperately needs to be informed now more than ever. Sir Richard At- for their support and co-operation in tenborough has paid tribute to the making "Cry Freedom" a resounding Zimbabwean Government and people success. SCENES FROM CRY FREEDOM ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

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11111 ART AND CULTURE Art in a Developing Society- ROMAN, Diderot had this to say about art - "art must have the purpose of glorifying great and fine deeds, of honouring unhappy and defamed virtue," of branding flagrant vice and of inspiring tyrants with fear. Well, this was during the days of Roman civilisation but as far as the role of art is concerned things have not changed much except in our epoch, the epoch of creating socialism an artist must have close participation in the constructive life of the country and be encouraged to have as close an acquaitance with the collective undertaking and experiments as possible. But there are a lot of arguments, bourgeois in oriention that seek to alienate the artist from the reality. some of them, such as the artist must be an individual, the artist must enjoy the fruits of his labour, the artist must create according to his/her whims, art for art's sake, are virtues of individualism, and they reflect deviationism, which only can be espoused by those of capitalist persuasion. Of course, other loose arguments of the same school of thought came about as a counter to the denunciation of individualism in artistic expression. That the artist would then be gagged. This is being blind, art needs to be socialised but not regimented. Artistic expression should show a road towards a higher social intergration and harmony Zimbabwe's history is a fine example. The colonial fascist tried to remove the beauty from the African art. When. the armed struggle was being waged, what the fascist was trying to destroy was undergoing purification, in the same way as the system of minority rule was being transformed for a new, and more beautiful system of majority rule. With the continuing struggle for economic justice, the artist should depict peasants and the women with an intense sympathy that should shock all possessed by the spirit of self-aggrandisement. The artist should practise proletariate realism. He must be true to the proletariate ideal and view life as the proletariate view it. The painter, the sculptor, the novelist and the dramatist should practice this realism. Some forms of art no longer pierce the consciousness to express reality. Many exhibitions have been mounted in Harare and other cities all over Zimbabwe. Some of the exhibitors, rather some of the artists' work, force one to appreciate it. It does not strike one particularly. The artist is indulging in some kind of orgy where he views the beauty in his. work, from the amount of satisfaction he derives from the final product, which he then forces down our reluctant but pure perception to accept as beautiful. With wine and cheese the bourgeois gloats over the form. Well, there definitely is nothing wrong with that but the masses experience does not award him the opportunity to appreciate it with wine and cheese. There is need to popularise the bent back of the peasant, driving his span of cattle, showing his indomitable spirit. Only the artist can catch the beauty in that. What is being advocated for here is, if you want but in a narrow sense, propagandist art. Art that talks, that mobilises. The commercialisation of art is costing development a major actor in that sphere. It also costs the creator of the art individuality in his/her expression. The history of art has seen it play a major part in nearly all aspects of the society. But mainly the point of which this assertion is based is not in the asthetics of art but rather in the practicality of art. Politically art has been used to express dissatisfaction with reactionary and fascist regimes. The historical evolvement of fascism, personified by Hitler, Mussolini and other notorious fascists saw the vanishing of freedom for democracy. One could not be free to be a Jew, not to have blue eyes, to be an artist, or least of all to be an individual in a society overcome by regimentalism. During this time the only option open to freedom of expression, and to defiance was artistic. Art therefore became confrontational with the state, but for a correct cause. In turn the state suppressed any artistic expression that abhorred it. However, art had made an impact as The preservation of a culture Is vital to the survival of a nation a voice of resistance. The movement of art from the medieval, through renaissance saw western art in some kind of revolution, that is, revolution in the sense of art changing owing to existing conditions. The philosophical aspect was seen in impressionism and expressionism. Art therefore in all its philosophical aspects should be linked to the social and political reality rather than merely be left to personal whims. The development of abstract art as a form of expression does not seem like it has played a useful role in politics. In fact abstract art has been viewed by others as a failure. It is like bad poetry. It is open to misinterpretation. Its message is impaired, though it might flow it does not flow strongly. To bring the art into our own reality, should artistic expression remain on the cultural level, without itself becoming political? One may assert that culture is political anyway. This is true but in that sense that after the history of colonialism It can only be the political forces that can redirect culture to make it functional. So in this sense one is bound to conclude that the artist inherently suffers a crisis. In our case, in Zimbabwe he suffers not only his own crisis but that of concretising reality of freedom into a form, and concretising the reality of revolution into a dialectical form. ZIMBABWE NEWS SEPTEMBER, 1987

If at one time in political history the artist resisted oppression and made art functional in that it rallied the people behind popular grievances which expression of them was denied, even during the Ian Smith fascism, the artist can redirect his creativity into rallying popular opinion into developmental energy. The French philosopher Jean Satre put it this way - the slightest human act must be construed as emanating from the future. Meaning that what ever act, should be seen as an aspiration, to construct from the ruins of yesterday. Even thought can have ruins. This implies a revolutionary element in the being of reality. Historical materialism teaches that nature is in a constant state of change. It is in perpetual revolution. However the social environment of the artist needs to be modified to aid in making his individual vision a collective experience, which may unify the feeling and will of the people and elevate it to greater heights. LOOK OUT FOR THIS COLUMN, ZIMBABWE NEWS WILL IN EACH ISSUE CARRY OUT ART AND FILM REVIEWS. QUIZ No. 3 Deadline for answers October 15. All Quiz will carry the same prizes for 1) What do the initials ZANU stand for? first, second and third positions. 2) Name four National Heroes that you know? 3) Who is the Party Secretary for External Affairs? 4) Which department of the Party does, Comrade M. Nyagumbo head? 5) 26th August is SWAPO DAY. For how long has SWAPO been engaged in the armed struggle? 6) Who is the Chairman of the Tanzanian Ruling Party, CHAMACHAMAPINDUZI? 7) When and where was the First ZANU congress held? 8) What is the name of the wife of the First Secretary and President of the Party? 9) How many people are in the Central Committee? 10) Name four ZANU PF women's League members in Parliament. We hope it won't come to this... Sorry if you're having difficulty obtaining Fanbelts, Hoses or c any of our other highspecification rubber products. We are doing the best we can with the very small import allocation we have received; and we're sure that in due course the situation will improve and your outstanding orders will be met. RUBBER&ALLIED II~l~l rlml i~ ( PRIVATE ) RODUCTSL I M I T E 0 P.O. Box 8034, Belmont, Bulawayo Tel. 71282 / 69559 ZIMBABWE h-l- EMBER. 1987 Answers to Quiz No. 1 - (Volume 18 No. 17) 1) The President and First Secretary of ZANU is Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe. 2) Members of the Politburo are 15. Their names are: Comrades R.G. Mugabe, S.V. Muzenda, T.M. Nyagumbo, E.M. Nkala, D.N.E. Mutasa, E.D. Munangagwa, N.M. Shamuyarira, S.T. Sekeramayi, D.B. Mutumbuka, T.R. Nhongo, E.R. Kadungure, S.T. Mujuru, J. Tungamirai and M. Urimbo. 3) Chimurenga Day was 28th April, 1966. 4) Political significance of the 8th of August is the day when ZANU was formed. 5) Chinhoyi is the place where the first battle where the first seven comrades died. 6) Channel of Command is as follows:- Cell; Branch; District; Province; Central Committee. 7) The Colours of the Party Flag are Black - Red - Yellow - Green. a) Black signifies - The Black Majority of Zimbabwe. 1&) Yellow signifies - The Mineral Wealth of Zimbabwe. c) Green signifies - The Agricultural Wealth of Zimbabwe. d) Red signifies - The Biood spilled during the war of liberation for Zimbabwe. 8) Any Chimurenga songs were acceptable. 9) ANC - Oliver Tambo, Nelson Mandela (acceptable) PAC - J. Mlambo 10) President of Swapo - Sam Nunjoma Winners 1st Prize of $20,00 - Stephen Sabilika, House No. 5 Tatonga Street, Dombotombo T/Ship, MARONDERA. 2nd Prize of $10,00 -, Sabhity Njoromah, House No. 7925, 115 Crescent, Glen View 8, HARARE. 3rd Prize of S 5,00 -, Atwell Bobo Sibanda, Central Criminal Bureau, CID Headquarters, P. 0. Box 8125, Causeway, HARARE. Congratulations! Makorokoto! Amhlophe!

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LONRHO, PART OF THE STRENGTH OF ZIMBABWE. This is the underlying theme in all Lonrho's many activities within Zimbabwe. Originally a mining company, Lonrho has diversified extensively into fields as varied as forestry, agriculture, textiles and engineering, in addition to mining. All are contributing significantly towards Zimbabwe's drive for much needed foreign exchange. MINING IN ZIMBABWE Lonrho produces just under one third of the Nation's gold and constant investment enables the Company to look forward to increased output in the future. THE WATTLE COMPANY Z$9 million exports of wattle extract and coffee. LONRHO RANCHING OPERATIONS 58 000 prime cattle on six ranches - helping the C.S.C.'s beef export drive. DAVID WHITEHEAD TEXTILES LTD. Exported over Z$8,9 million worth of products in 1984. DAHMER AND COMPANY Assembly of AVM heavy vehicles and buses for local use and export. CRITTALL-HOPE LIMITED Steel windows and doors for construction projects, both local and in SADCC. Our purpose - self sufficiency in Zimbabwe through development and improved technology. LONRHO PART OF THE STRENGTH OF ZIMBABWE I