Musicology Today Journal of the National University of Music

Issue 4 (28) October-December 2016

Title: Byzantium, Folklore, Race: National Church Music in Interwar

Author: Costin Moisil E-mail:

Source: Musicology Today: Journal of the National University of Music Bucharest / Volume 7 Issue 4 (28) / October-December 2016, pp 277-289

Link to this article: musicologytoday.ro/28/MT28studiesMoisil.pdf

How to cite this article: Costin Moisil, “Byzantium, Folklore, Race: National Church Music in Interwar Romania”, Musicology Today: Journal of the National University of Music Bucharest, 7/4 (28) (2016), 277-289.

Published by: Editura Universității Naționale de Muzică București

Musicology Today: Journal of the National University of Music Bucharest is indexed by EBSCO, RILM, and ERIH PLUS Studies

Costin Moisil National University of Music Bucharest Byzantium, Folklore, Race: National Church Music in Interwar Romania*

Keywords: Orthodox church music, Byzantine chant, Macarie the Hiero- monk, Anton Pann

n the wake of the First World War, the young Romanian state1 doubled its surface and population. Unlike pre-war Romania, where 90% of the Idwellers were ethnic and Orthodox Christians, Romanians now accounted for a little more than two thirds of the population. The rest of the population was comprised of Hungarians, Germans, Jews, Roma and other minorities. About 85% of the Romanians were Orthodox, and 10% Greek-Catholics, the latter living mostly in .2

* The main part of this article has been published in a slightly different form in Roma- nian language in “Muzica bisericească națională în muzicologia românească. Partea a II-a: perioada interbelică” [The National Church Music in Romanian Musicology. Part II: The Interbellum], in Artă și știință 2010 [Art and Science 2010], edited by Petruța Măniuț Coroiu (Brașov: Editura Universității Transilvania din Brașov, 2010), 141–42, 144–46, 149–50, 153–55, 160–61, 165–66 and resumed in Geniu românesc vs. tradiție bizantină: imaginea cântării bisericești în muzicologia românească [Romanian Genius vs. Byzantine Tradition: The Image of Church Chant in Romanian Musicology] (Bucha- rest: Editura Muzicală, 2016), 31, 65, 68–70, 71, 73–75, 77–78, 79–80, 87–88, 94–95. 1 The principalities of and elected the same prince, Alexandru Ioan Cuza, in 1859. The two states were unified during a process that unfolded in the fol- lowing three years. The new state was called Romania since 1862. After the First World War Romania also included territories which were parts of the Austrian and Russian empires: Transylvania, north of Banat, south of Bukovina, and . 2 Gh. Iacob, “Populația. Transformări sociale” [The Population. Social Change], in Isto- ria Românilor [The History of Romanians], vol. 7, part 2: De la Independență la Marea Unire (1878–1918) [From the Independence to the Great Union (1878–1918)], edited by Gheorghe Platon (Bucharest: Editura Enciclopedică, 2003), 62–64; Ion Agrigo- roaiei, Ioan Scurtu, “Teritoriul, populația, starea de spirit” [The Territory, the Popula- tion, the General Mood in the Country], in Istoria Românilor, vol. 8: România întregită

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The church music of the Romanian Orthodox was no less diverse. In the Old Kingdom, that is Wallachia and Moldavia, they sang . In the monasteries, the chant resembled more the Constantinople model. Nevertheless, they used the variants of chants translated into Romanian and printed by Macarie the Hieromonk and Anton Pann in the early nineteenth century. In the outskirts, villages, and in Transylvania they sung simplified variants and the music was transmitted mainly orally. In the main urban churches there were choirs in-parts singing various kinds of music at the Divine Liturgy. As Gavriil Musicescu put it around 1900:

I do not think there is a country with a greater variety of styles in Church compositions than Romania. In our churches with a choir one can hear: simple harmonic combinations, on the basis of a figured bass; compositions in the modern style of the Catholic Church, as well as the Italian stage style; attempts at a national style, using popular melodic figures; claims of a wide musical knowledge, such as imitations, fughettas, complicated modulations etc., attempts at an imitation of the style adopted in the , original compositions by foreign authors, mainly Russians, and moreover, one can even hear profane choirs with religious texts.3

Despite, or maybe because of, this variety, the question of a national church music was quite widely debated. The main ideas were those set as early as the late nineteenth-century: Romanian church music originated in the Byzantine one; by adapting the Byzantine chant to the and to the Roma- nian genius, and by purging the Turkish traits of the modern Byzantine chant, this music acquired a national character; the harmonized variants of the adapted chants were part of the national music as well; it was highly desirable to have a uniform repertory all over the country, because a nation implied uniformity.4

(1918–1940) [Romania Reunited (1918–1940)], edited by Ioan Scurtu and Petre Otu (Bucharest: Editura Enciclopedică, 2003), 56; Ioan Scurtu, “Societatea românească în perioada interbelică” [Romanian Society in the Interwar Period], in Istoria Românilor, vol. 8, 125; Ioan Scurtu, Ion Agrigoroaiei, Petre Otu, “Instituțiile” [The Institutions], in Istoria Românilor, vol. 8, 209, 212–13; Viorel Achim, Țiganii în istoria României [Gypsies in the History of Romania] (Bucharest: Editura Enciclopedică, 1998), 120–22. 3 Gavriil Musicescu, quoted in Octavian Lazăr Cosma, Hronicul muzicii românești [The Chronicle of Romanian Music], vol. 4: Romantismul [], 1859–1898 (Bucharest: Editura Muzicală, 1976), 192. 4 For details see Costin Moisil, “Muzica bisericească națională în muzicologia româ- nească. Partea I: de la întemeierea României până la primul război mondial” [The Nati- onal Church Music in Romanian Musicology. Part I: From the Foundation of Romania

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In the interwar period, after the national state was consolidated and recognized as such by foreigners, Romanians felt less the need to legitimize themselves as Europeans and compare themselves with neighbouring states. Musicologists could now shift their interest to “nationalism-free” topics such as the Byzantine chant from which the Romanian chant originated. On the other hand, they became more interested in elements specific to Romanian church music. Consequently, interwar writings about the Romanian chant attached less importance to the comparison with the Greek or Turkish or Russian music and invoked less the opposition between East and West, but laid emphasis instead on national traits for which they mainly looked to traditional folk music.

Byzantium Unlike the prewar writers, Constantin Brăiloiu5 and Alexandru I. D. Ștefă- nescu6 were interested not in the differences between the Romanian and the Constantinopolitan church chant, but in their common aspects, and in the possibility of revival of Byzantine music in Romania. Constantin Brăiloiu’s view about church music was similar to the one of Western researchers at the time:7 Oriental church music—taken by the Roma- to the First World War], in Portretele muzicii românești — 2007 [Portraits of Romani- an Music—2007], edited by Petruța Măniuț (Brașov: Editura Universității „Transil- vania,” 2007), 128–46, and “The Role of the Nationalism in Modeling the Romanian Chant before the First World War. The Case of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostome,” http://www.asbmh.pitt.edu/page12/Moisil.pdf (accessed on 17 February 2014). 5 Well-known for his activity as an ethnomusicologist, Constantin Brăiloiu (1893– 1958) was also interested, though to a lesser extent, in church music: he was director and professor of the Academy of Religious Music in Bucharest, contributed to the post- humous edition of the Psaltic Liturgy by D. G. Kiriac, and conducted religious pieces by Romanian composers in concert (Alexie Buzera, “Constantin Brăiloiu și Academia de Muzică Religioasă” [Constantin Brăiloiu and the Academy of Religious Music], in Cen- tenar Constantin Brăiloiu [Constantin Brăiloiu’s Centennial], edited by Vasile Tomescu and Michaela Roșu (Bucharest: Editura Muzicală a Uniunii Compozitorilor și Muzico- logilor din România, 1994), 191–98; Emilia Comișel, “Constantin Brăiloiu — viața și opera” [Constantin Brăiloiu—His Life and Works], in Centenar Constantin Brăiloiu, 29; Vasile Vasile, Istoria muzicii bizantine și evoluția ei în spiritualitatea românească [The His- tory of Byzantine Music and its Evolution in Romanian Spirituality], vol. 2 (Bucharest: Interprint, 1997), 250). 6 During his short life, Alexandru Ștefănescu (1916–1933) was equally interested in history and music. He was equally well versed in Western music—having studied the violin, the piano, and composition—and in Byzantine music. 7 Brăiloiu mentioned the names of H. J. W. Tillyard, Amédée Gastoué, and Egon Wellesz and quoted the opinions—which were older, but still accepted by Western musicolo- gists at the time—of L. A. Bourgault-Ducoudray (“Muzica bisericească (I)” [Church Mu- sic (I)], in Constantin Brăiloiu, Opere/Oeuvres, vol. 6, edited by Emilia Comișel (Bucha- rest: Editura Muzicală, 1998), 238; “Muzica bisericească (II),” in Brăiloiu, Opere, 240; “Muzicomoftologie bizantină” [Byzantine Whimusicology], in Brăiloiu, Opere, 321).

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nians from the —had reached perfection during Byzantium, became petrified in the forms of that period and slowly declined. After the fall of Con- stantinople, it suffered Turkish and Arabic influences, among which the use of Asian scales, which were accepted “officially” by the reform of Chrysanthos,8 introduced into Romanian church music by Macarie and Anton Pann in the 1820s. Despite the foreign influences, the Romanian and Greek Church music continued to be healthy until the second half of the nineteenth century, when the decline became apparent. Brăiloiu was pleading for the restoration of this music and for putting together a repertory “as purely Romanian and as purely Byzantine as can be.”9 Brăiloiu did not show bias for the Romanian over the Byzantine repertory. He suggested not only a uniform repertory for the entire country, as his predecessors did, but also, as a next step, “the unification of the Orthodox repertory, taking the current Greek repertory as its basis.”10 A similar view was expressed by Alexandru I. D. Ștefănescu who was influenced by Nicolae Iorga’s view on the relationship between the Roma- nian civilisation and Byzantium. According to Ștefănescu, Byzantine music was “part of a religious and artistic unity that had deep roots in the spiritual life of the Romanian people.”11 It has endured—although in modern times in a weakened form—both in Romania and in the other countries that have inherited the Byzantine tradition. Ștefănescu mentioned that in the previous century Romanians had considered Byzantine chant a foreign element and added that it was time to abandon this misconception. Having been used for six centuries in the churches of the Principalities, this music was very import- ant for the Romanian church from a national point of view, according to him. He supported its revival and suggested a careful selection of pieces to estab- lish a repertory. The pieces in this repertory could be “purely Romanian” as well as “purely Byzantine Greek, with their text translated into Romanian” or “by Greek authors but composed directly into Romanian.”12

8 For the reform of Chrysanthos see K. Romanou, “A New Approach to the Work of Chrysanthos of Madytos: The New Method of Musical Notation in the Greek Church and the Μέγα θεωρητικόν της μουσικής,” in Studies in Eastern Chant, vol. 5, edited by Dim- itri Conomos (Crestwood, NY: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1990), 89–100. 9 Brăiloiu, “Colinde de Paști — Muzică bisericească” [Easter Carols—Church Music], in Brăiloiu, Opere, 233. 10 Brăiloiu, “Colinde de Paști,” 232–33; “Muzica bisericească (I),” 237–38; “Muzica bi- sericească (II),” 240. 11 Alexandru I. D. Ștefănescu, “Contribuții la istoria musicii bisericești în România” [Contributions to the History of Church Music in Romania], in Alexandru I. D. Ștefă- nescu, Sola verba (Mănăstirea Neamț: Tiparnița Sfintei Mănăstiri Neamțu, 1940), 31. 12 Ștefănescu, “Contribuții la istoria musicii bisericești în România,” 7, 10, 30–31; “Mu- sica bisericească veche” [Old Church Music], in Sola verba, 36–39.

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Ștefănescu gave differentiated treatment to the ethnic factors in church music. Byzantine music, he explained, came from the ancient music of the Greeks and had been influenced by Oriental music, especially from Persia and Turkey, long before the fall of Constantinople. None of these components caused the author to express any reserve about the value of Byzantine music. In contrast, other musical influences were regarded unfavourably: the Italian, the German, or the Russian ones. The author recommended dropping from the current repertory both the music that showed Western influences (such as the replacement of the supple rhythm of Byzantine music, based on prosody, with the binary rhythm) and the music influenced by Russian patterns. The explanation of this apparent inconsistency must be sought beyond the eth- nic categories. The Oriental influences were regarded as essentially congru- ous with the rhythmic and modal systems of Byzantine music, even though they caused the scales to become “almost exclusively” chromatic. Western music (including here Russian music) was unsuitable for the Orthodox liturgy because it was a secular music, created for the theatre or the concert hall. Consequently, the opposition between Byzantine music and Western music was based on a liturgical criterion and not an ethnic one.13 Harmonic music was criticised by Ștefănescu if it hailed from either the West or from Russia, since the latter had in turn suffered the influences of Italian and German music. In contrast, the harmonisations of Byzantine pieces were held in high regard. To illustrate this, the volume contained an appendix where a piece by Anton Pann was arranged for four parts by Alexandru Ștefănescu himself.14

Folk Music** Other writers were more interested in the connection between church chant and Romanian folk music. Ion Popescu-Pasărea15 explained the presence of foreign elements in Romania’s chant by means of borrowings, assignable to

** A part of this section has been published in a slightly different form in “Romanian vs. Greek- Turkish-Persian-Arab: Imagining National Traits for Romanian Church Chant,” Muzikologija, 11 (2011), 124–26. 13 Ștefănescu, “Contribuții la istoria musicii bisericești în România,” 7–8, 10, 12, 31; “Musica bisericească veche,” 36–39; “Contribuţii la cunoaşterea Ieromonahului Ma- carie ca scriitor” [Contributions to the Knowledge of Macarie the Hieromonk as an Author], in Sola verba, 73, note 36. 14 Ștefănescu, “Contribuții la istoria musicii bisericești în România,” 10–11; “Musica bisericească veche,” 36–37. 15 Ion Popescu-Pasărea (1871–1943) was the most respected chanter in the first half of the twentieth century. He was a professor of church music at both seminaries in Bucharest, at the Conservatory and the Academy of Religious Music, and a prolific

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the implacable “law of progress.”16 The same law would also explain how chant came to be influenced by folk music and evolved slowly and naturally towards the national Romanian musical spirit. Amongst other things, chants inappro- priate to the Romanian genius—which used scales unknown in the Romanian musical folklore, e.g. of the second mode—were replaced by chants “according to the Romanian national genius,” most of them composed “in the national melody of the first plagal mode” or “the melody of Romanian doină,”17 the doină being, in that epoch, the symbol of Romanian music.18 An approach to the national genius, opined Popescu-Pasărea, could be also seen in the adaptation of chants to Romanian texts. He distinguished the work of Macarie, who had faithfully adapted the Greek originals, from that of Pann, who “took the large, common people’s road”19 and adapted the chants more freely: “he rounded off, chiselled, simplified and accommodated the chant according to Romanian singing and expressions.”20 The principal merit of Pann was the nationalization of the chant. In the broad sense, nation- alization designated the transformation of the chant by reference to popular Romanian tunes, but also to the nature, language, and habits of the people. In the narrow sense, nationalization referred to the adaptation of Greek chants by shortening “excessive lengths” in some melismatic pieces, purging exter- nal figures similar to the Asian ones and bringing them back “to the closest church melody,” in the manner and style of “ancient Wallachian chanters and especially of the Homeland.”21 church music composer (Gheorghe C. Ionescu, Muzica bizantină în România: Dicțio- nar cronologic [Byzantine Music in Romania: A Chronological Dictionary] (Bucharest: Sagittarius, 2003), 301–07). 16 I. Popescu-Pasărea, “Evoluţia cântării psaltice în biserica română” [The Evolution of Psaltic Chant in the Romanian Church] [1], Cultura 29/3 (1940), 21–22. 17 The doină (also known as cântec lung, i.e. long song) is a highly ornamented traditional lyrical song in rubato rhythm, with elastic phrases and a partially improvised overall form. In fact, the mode to which Popescu-Pasărea referred to seems to be related rather to the western harmonic minor than to the Romanian traditional modal system. 18 Popescu-Pasărea, “Evoluţia cântării psaltice în biserica română” [3], Cultura 30/1–2 (1941), 6–7; “Rolul lui Anton Pann în muzica bisericească” [The Role of Anton Pann in Church Music], Cultura 17/5–6 (1930), 6–8. 19 Popescu-Pasărea, “Comemorarea lui Macarie şi Anton Pann. Intemeetori [sic] cân- tului bisericesc român” [Commemoration of Macarie and Anton Pann, Founders of Romanian Church Chant], Cultura 17/1–2 (1930), 13–14. 20 Popescu-Pasărea, “Rolul lui Anton Pann în muzica bisericească,” 6. 21 Ibid., 6–8. Popescu-Pasărea’s statements about Pann shortening the pieces and transforming them according to the Wallachian style deliberately misinterpreted Pann’s original text, see Costin Moisil, Românirea cântărilor: un meșteșug și multe con- troverse. Studii de muzicologie bizantină [The “Romanianization” of Chants: One Tech-

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Popescu-Pasărea’s discourse was more nationalistic in a speech made in January 1941, when the ultra-nationalist party of The Iron Guard was in power.22 He made the connection between the problems of the present and the notion of “integral nationalism” promoted by the Iron Guard, the appa- rition of the principle of nationality (at the beginning of the nineteenth cen- tury), and the major role played by the Church—and especially by Macarie and Pann, the two being commemorated—in promoting the national idea. Popescu-Pasărea stated that nationalism was the main motivation of the two chanters and minimized the religious and artistic motivations:

Macarie the Hieromonk wants the church singer to be not an artist of the chant, not a pious servant of the church, but a true patriot, a lover of his Nation [Romanian: Neam] and useful to his Homeland! For him, the Homeland is the most important preoccupation, and nationalism is above art, since he does not work for art, art for the sake of art, but for the national art that serves the Homeland and the Nation. But Anton Pann, the great chanter, popular poet, so versed in folklore, with what wish and ardour did he work for national redemption!! . . . More ardent than Macarie and with a more complex activity, he understood that the people were the basis of the Nation and the clear source of Romanian national life. 23

The fact that for Popescu-Pasărea belonging to the nation appeared to be more important than belonging to the Church can be attributed to the polit- ical tension of the historical moment when the speech was made; a few years before that, the speaker might have been more reserved about making this emphatic statement. Nevertheless, it cannot be taken lightly: the statement shows that there was a change of perspective that had affected the church nique and Many Controversies. Studies in Byzantine Musicology] (Bucharest: Editura Muzicală, 2012), 63–66. 22 Ion Popescu-Pasărea had been a liberal politician, a former senator on behalf of the National Liberal Party (Victor Frangulea, Profesorul protopsalt Ion Popescu-Pasărea: Viaţa şi opera [The Protopsaltis Teacher Ion Popescu-Pasărea: His Life and Works] (Bucharest: Editura Institutului Biblic şi de Misiune Ortodoxă al Bisericii Ortodoxe Române, 2004), 40, 74). 23 Popescu-Pasărea, “Comemorarea marilor dascăli Macarie Ieromonahul şi Anton Pann (19 Ian 941 bis. Lucaci) [Commemoration of the Great Teachers Macarie the Hi- eromonk and Anton Pann (19 January 1941, Lucaci Church)],” Cultura 30/1–2 (1941), 10, emphases in the original.

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cantors as well, who now saw themselves as servants of the nations rather than of the Church. The ending of the speech confirms this topsy-turvy per- spective in which the Church had become an instrument serving the Nation: “May God grant that church chanters . . . should become the apostles of Romanian nationalism, thus serving, through the church, the Homeland and the Nation!”24 George Breazul25 also pointed to the influence of folk music on church music, but approached it from a different perspective. For him, the “authentic Romanian” church chant—or at least, chant “with a Romanian imprint, if not entirely original Romanian”—was the chant in villages, which crystallized over time from the original Christianization of the peo- ple to the nineteenth century, at the same time as and probably under the influence of folk song. Breazul deplored the fact that its place had been taken by Greek chant used in the big churches in the nineteenth century, which gradually permeated “the layers of Romanian religious conscious- ness.” According to Breazul, the adaptations by Macarie, Pann, and their contemporaries “affirm the indisputable authority of Greek chant, which they obey with servility.”26

Race The term “race” first appeared in connection with the church music in 1872, in a text where I. Dem. Petrescu27 stated that the origin of a people would be desirable to be reflected in its music. Consequently, in the case of the Roma- nians, who were “of Latin race settled against the side of the Orient,” he found suitable a church music with “a Western-Eastern air,” based—though it is not clear in which way and proportion—both on Oriental music and Occidental choirs.28 However, it was in the interwar period that a theory which connected a music with a race developed.

24 Ibid., 11. 25 George Breazul (1887–1961) was a professor of the Conservatory and the Academy of Religious Music in Bucharest. He was mostly interested in the history of Romanian music (with a special consideration given to the pre-modern period), in folk music and pedagogy. 26 G. Breazul, Patrium Carmen. Contribuţii la studiul muzicii româneşti [Patrium Carmen. Con- tributions to the Study of Romanian Music] (: Scrisul Românesc, 1941), 574–75. 27 Ioanne Dem. Petrescu (1818–1903) was hierodeacon for a while, worked as a teach- er, and wrote poetry and a few small works on history and pedagogy. He is considered the author of the first Romanian history of music: Arta artelor sau Elemente de istoria musicei [The Art of Arts or Elements of the History of Music] (Bucharest, 1872). 28 Petrescu, Arta artelor, 21, 67–68.

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In 1933 George Onciul29 affirmed that “the ethnic origin, the tempera- ment, the race” determine the music of a people. As a result, for the Roma- nian people, as for all Romance people, polyphonic music was a best fit, which explained the rapid explosion of church choirs in parts.30 Eleven years later, just before the end of the war, Zeno Vancea discussed the differences between two radically opposed and irreconcilable conceptions in music: the linear conception and the functional harmonic one. While West- ern Europe used both types of musical thinking (pre-eminently the harmonic one, and the linear one in the polyphonic variant), people in the Orient and in Eastern Europe—with the possible exception of the Serbs—used only the linear concept of music, up to the moment when it was grafted onto the har- monic one. Vancea explained the two different types of musical thinking on the basis of racial differences, quoting the German musicologist Hans Joa- chim Moser: “the two concepts were born from two types of thinking that are fundamentally different and related to organic racial differences.”31 In the case of Romanian folk music and religious music, Vancea formulated three hypotheses concerning the origin of linear musical thinking: a certain psy- cho-musical structure (specifically Romanian, by implication); the influence of Byzantine church music; the Thracian origin of Romanian music. Regard- less of its origin, the linear character of Romanian music was undeniable.32 According to the author, “the ideal of every nation can only be that of creat- ing in every branch of art a distinctive [national] style,” and this includes church music.33 The polyphonic style, such as that used by D. G. Kiriac and his disciples, was suited to the linear music of the Romanian people. Vancea added that, nev- ertheless, a national school could not be limited to the purely autochthonous elements, but needed to assimilate elements that belonged to other nations as well, “on condition that these are transformed organically in accordance with its own psychological requirements and fused with its own national elements in a seamless unity,” with the indisputable predominance of the melody over the harmony and the avoidance of the imitation of church chant.34

29 George Onciul (1904–1981) was a professor of music history and conducting at the Con- servatory in Cernăuţi, and the founder of the first department of musicology in Romania. 30 George Onciul, Istoria muzicii, [History of Music] vol. 2: Evul nou până în prezent [Mo- dern Times until the Present] (Bucharest, 1933), 244. 31 Zeno Vancea, Cântarea corală bisericească la români: Studiu critic [The Choral Church Music of Romanians: A Critical Study] (Timișoara: Mentor S.A, [1944]), 24, emphasis in the original. 32 Ibid., 18–29. 33 Ibid., 6. 34 Ibid., 26–32, 66–68.

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Conclusions The way musicians and musicologists imagined the Romanian church music was obviously tributary to the ideas of the time as well as to the political pres- sure. However, it seems that the 1930s and 1940s were a flourishing period for the debates on Romanian (national) church music. Musicologists departed from the quasi-unique view of their predecessors and developed varied personal views. The dark times for the church music and musicology were still to come.

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before the First World War. The Case of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostome,” http://www.asbmh.pitt.edu/page12/Moisil.pdf (accessed on February 17th, 2014). 2010 “Muzica bisericească națională în muzicologia românească. Partea a II-a: perioada interbelică” [The National Church Music in Romanian Musico- logy. Part II: The Interbellum], in Artă și știință 2010 [Art and Science 2010], ed. Petruța Măniuț Coroiu (Brașov: Editura Universității Transilvania din Bra- șov), 135–72. 2011 “Romanian vs. Greek-Turkish-Persian-Arab: Imagining National Traits for Romanian Church Chant,” Muzikologija 11, 119–32. 2012 Românirea cântărilor: un meșteșug și multe controverse. Studii de muzi- cologie bizantină [The “Romanianization” of Chants: One Technique and Many Controversies. Studies in Byzantine Musicology] (Bucharest: Editura Muzicală). 2016 Geniu românesc vs. tradiție bizantină: imaginea cântării bisericești în muzicologia românească [Romanian Genius vs. Byzantine Tradition: The Image of Church Chant in Romanian Musicology], (Bucharest: Editura Muzicală).

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Romanou, K. 1990 “A New Approach to the Work of Chrysanthos of Madytos: The New Method of Musical Notation in the Greek Church and the Μέγα θεωρητικόν της μουσικής,” in Studies in Eastern Chant, vol. 5, edited by Dimitri Conomos (Crestwood, NY: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press), 89–100.

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