Max Weber's Politics Wallace & the Labor Draft
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p o l i t i cs Max Weber's Politics Wallace & the Labor Draft Meyer Schapiro Dwight Macdonald A Plug for America Uncle Sam’s Uncle John Berryman Niccolo Tucci REFLECTIONS ON WAR by Simone Weil (with a biographical note by "Candide” ) Can Politics “Manpower Shortage” Be Socialized? Arthur W. Calhoun Eastmania The Greek Tragedy (2) 34 politics is aware how deeply the P.W.E. psychology has already Wallace & the Labor Draft penetrated. Roosevelt’s handling of the issue shows all his usual skill. One of his first acts, after being handsomely re-elected by N POLITICS a year ago Walter Oakes put forward his the Forces of Democracy, was to send up a trial b a llo o n . I thesis of a “permanent war economy.” His idea was He was going to ask Congress, he told his press conference that capitalist crisis and mass unemployment in postwar to pass a law requiring that henceforth all young persons America could and would be prevented until World War III of both sexes between the ages of 18 and 23 serve one (at the expense of the workingclass’s liberties and living year in government training camps. Queried as to whether standards) by the expenditure of around $15 billions a year he meant military training, he turned coy and talked about on the equipping and maintaining of a vast naval and mili the desirability of every one learning to brush their teeth tary establishment. The economic theory behind such a properly. He evaded a question as to his attitude toward policy would be the same Keynes-Hansen government- the Wadsworth-Gurney bill, then and still pending, which spending policies as tided American capitalism over the provides for one year’s compulsory peacetime military crisis in the early New Deal period—but with military training for all males who reach 18. (The same day the installations replacing public building projects, the Army Argentine government decreed universal military training_ replacing WPA, etc. The political theory would be a kind which, of course, is one more indication that it is fascist of militarized New Deal based on the integration of labor and that Roosevelt’s State Department is quite right to have unions and other class groups into governmental apparatus, nothing to do with it.) which would be used to plan and guarantee full employ The trial balloon was successful. Organized labor grum ment at home and to protect America’s imperialistic inter bled a little but showed no real fight; most of its leaders, ests throughout the world. after all, were just as keen on “national defense” as Roose In the past month, as the war moves into its final phase, velt himself. And the War Department, from the other the Roosevelt Administration has taken two important steps flank, on December 22 issued a circular to all officers which towards such a Permanent War Economy: (1) Roosevelt has endorsed a specifically military training program (as come out finally for compulsory peacetime military train against Roosevelt’s seminars in care of the teeth), stating ing, and he has greatly intensified his efforts to get Congress bluntly: “Universal military training will be our prepara to pass at once a National Service Act, or labor draft; tion for the next war.” In his message to the new Congress (2) he has replaced—subject, of course, to Congressional on January 6, therefore, Roosevelt came out clearly for the confirmation—the oldstyle conservative banker, Jesse Jones, first time for a compulsory m ilitary peacetime training with the crusading New Dealer, Henry Wallace, in the key law. This may well prove to be the most significant action economic posts of Secretary of Commerce and head of of his entire Fourth Term. The implications hardly need the Federal Loan Agencies. At first glance, these seem to be labored here: the extension for the first time to the be steps in opposite directions; certainly, the liblabs and USA of the military service laws which were hated by so their PAC are as strongly for Wallace as they are against many generations of European youth; a great step forward a labor draft. And in traditional political terms, conscrip in the militarization and state regimentation of our society; tion of labor and a peacetime military service law are the recognition of war as not a “mistake” or “accident” “reactionary” measures, while Wallace’s planned economy which better management may hope to avoid “next time” proposals are considered “progressive.” If, however, we but as a permanent feature of The American System. abandon the traditional concepts in favor of the P.W.E. The arguments advanced against peacetime military serv idea, it is possible to see the two moves as harmonious and ice are for the most part as feeble and halfhearted as the in fact complementary. This is what I want to attempt in organized opposition to it. The American Civil Liberties what follows: Union has shown its usual conservative timidity: its Board has taken no stand one way or the other, but has contented 1 . itself merely with urging that passage of a law be post- Perhaps the most immediately striking thing about the campaign that is now reaching a crescendo to put through Congress a compulsory military training act is that the p o l i t i c s measure is not seriously opposed by organized labor or VOLUME 2, NO. 2 FEBRUARY, 1945 by such liberal groups as the American Civil Liberties Editor: Dwight Macdonald Union and the Federal Council of Churches. The liblabs Business Manager: Nancy Macdonald Circulation Manager: Dorothy Brumm have for the most part avoided taking any stand on the POLITICS is published monthly at 45 Astor Place, New principle itself and have confined themselves to objecting York 3, N. Y., by Politics Publishing Co. Telephone: to the passage of the law now, in wartime. They object, G R am ercy 3-1512. Subscription $2.50 for one year, $4 for two years. Add 30c quite rightly, for the same reason the military authorities a year for Canada, 50c a year for all other foreign and the President are anxious to get action now: because countries. Single copy: 25c. All back issues are still available. Special rate for service men and C.O.'s anywhere $1.75 the popular mood is now much more bellicose than it a year. probably will be after the war. An implication of opposi Copyright February, 1945, by Politics Publishing Co. tion to the law itself is in this stand, but on such an issue Entered as second-class matter March 16, 1944, at the post- office at New York, under the Act of March 3, 1879. one might expect more than an implication from people 8 5 who call themselves progressives and liberals—unless one FEBRUARY, 1945 35 poned till after the war. So, too, the Federal Council of fusion it will cause.” The President’s real motive I guessed Churches—on the grounds that (1) we can’t tell how big was “an attempt to extend the State power over labor rela an army we’ll need “when there shall have been established tions . Nor is it just a question of weakening the unions. a general system of international security,” and (2) people It is significant that both the U. S. Chamber of Commerce won’t take seriously our plans for a peaceful world if and the National Association of Manufacturers are on such a law is now enacted. Only a clergyman could believe record as opposed to a national labor draft. (The only there is going to be a “system of international security” backing comes from the Army and Navy—and Roosevelt.) except in the sense that each big power will damned well Business evidently fears the strengthening of State control see that it is secure—which means the more security, the of industry even more than it welcomes a blow at unionism. bigger army. As for (2), who (except the Federal Council It is precisely to extend that control that Roosevelt plays of Churches) takes our peace plans seriously now anyway? with the idea of a labor draft, despite the political and It is equally infantile to argue, as liberal isolationists economic dangers involved. This is the road towards a like Oswald Garrison Villard and Norman Thomas do, that native totalitarianism which would conflict with very little peacetime conscription is “not in the national interest” and in Roosevelt’s political personality.” not “necessary.” Of course it’s in the national interest, of All of the above is as true today as a year ago. As Walter course it’s necessary—unless one assumes, as they do not, Oakes’ letter in this issue shows, the argument for a labor a radical change in our institutions. In the interwar period draft as a production panacea is no better grounded today coming, the USA must play the part of a great imperialist than it was then. The opposition to a labor draft is still power — or go under. A big army, fed from universal powerful: the NAM at the recent hearings on the May- service by the youth, will be necessary partly for reasons Bailey bill took the same general line as the AFL and CIO of domestic policy—to keep millions of men out of the and Farmers Union—that better use of existing agencies, labor market, to provide a market for goods, to integrate more effective planning of production, and labor-manage- the citizen more closely into the coercive political structure ment-Government cooperation at the local level would be —partly for external reasons: to guard and man air and sea more effective than legal compulsion.