Quidditas
Volume 2 Article 3
1981
The Celestial Sign on Constantine's Shields at the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge
Charles Odahl Boise State University
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Recommended Citation Odahl, Charles (1981) "The Celestial Sign on Constantine's Shields at the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge," Quidditas: Vol. 2 , Article 3. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/rmmra/vol2/iss1/3
This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Quidditas by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. The Celestial Sign on Constantine's Shields at the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge
by Charle Odahl
Boi~c late nivcrsity
Most cholar now accept the reality a nd sincerity of Con tantine's convcr ion to Chri tianity during his military campaign against Maxe ntius for control of Rome in A.D. 312-provided that "conver ion' ' is under tood in terms of the upcr titious religious e nvironme nt of the times. 1 The ancient pagan and ~hri tian ource that described the campaig n all agreed that the war wa waged in a n atmosphere of inte n e re lig ious fervor, even uper titiosa maleficia as o ne source described it. and that each commande r appealed to divine power for aid against hi e nemy. 2 Christian accounts of the campaig n reported that Constantine turned to the Christian God at this time. and ad pt d the use f a Chri tia n tali ma nic symbol for his oldiers· weapon that s uccessfull y invoked the aid a nd powe1' of this new divine patron fo r his troop and drove off the hostile demon and pagan deities upporting his e nemy' for e . The e mpe ror's victory behind a Christian sign at the climacti c Battle of the Mulvian Bridge convinced him that he had found the one and only true Goel. governor of the co mos a nd repo itory of true powe r. Thereafter. he wor hipped only the Christian Divinity. ch lars can agree on thi gene ral outline of the conve rsion narrative . Yet a particul ar i s ue still contested i the precise form of the talismanic emble m that Con tantine e mployed at the battle. In orde r to a certain the form of thi ig n. schola r u ually turn to Lactantiu · pamphlet 011 the Death of the Persecutors [De M ortibus Persec111orn 111 ). which contains the earli e t account of the conversion by a contemporary. Thi La tin hri tian rhctor and a pologi t wrote his account arou nd J I S at Treve . where he was servin g as tutor at the imperial c-0 urt for onsta ntine ·s ldest son. ri pus. 3 He presumably had access to eycwitnc s te timony a bout the event s urrounding the emperor's conversion. But the con e rsion story is only a small part of a larger work, the main theme of which is God' 11/tio11 . revenge. against the evil persecutors of His Church. The conve r ion narrative is thus rathe r concise, a nd even somewh at cryptic. It read as follow in Latin: 4
IS Charles Odahl
Commonitus e t in quicte Con tantinu . us cae/este signum Dei notaret in scutis atque ita proelium committeret. Faci t ut iussus est et tran ver a X littera. s11mmo capite circumflex o. Christum in scutis notat. Quo signo armatus exercitu capit ferrum.
Tran lated into English, it says:
Con tantine was warned in a dream. that he should mark the cele tia/ sign of God on hi shi eld and thu commit himself to the battle. He did as he was ordered and with the /e11 er X traversed, with it s highest tip bent round. he marked Christ on the shi eld s. Armed with this sign the army took the battlefi eld .
Th trouble om phra e i rransversa X le11 era. summo capite circumflexo. It obviou ly refer to omc kind of Chri tian monogram, but eholar have divided into two chools of thought concerning it graphic form. Emphasizing the adj ecti va l force in transversa. rendering it "cro sed through," Burckhard!. Alfo1di. and J ones traditionally held that the phrase describe a Christ monogram or Chri togram- the Greek letter chi (X) with a Greek letter rho (P) slashed vertically through it, thus*or* . 6 Emphasizing the ve rbal element in transversa, translating it " turned round," Vogt , Dorries, and MacMullen have recently suggested that the phra e de cribes a cross monogram or crossogram-the Greek letter chi turned on end to form a Greek cross wi th its top bent into a Greek letter rho thu ,+or+ . 7 The fact that Ci.cero u ed transversa in the oblique ense of "aero s, crossed. or th warted,.. may favor the former rendering, sin ce Lactantius was uch a devotee and imitator of Ciceronian language that he wa ni cknamed " the Christian Ci cero" by the ancients. Mo t of the e cholar have relied primarily upon differing translation of the Latin phra eology of Lactantius for their interpretation . The e very differences reveal that a olution to this probl em cannot come from a literary analysis of Lactantian terminology alone. Other pieces of contemporary evidence mu t be co nsulted. Unfortunately, no shields u ed in the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge are known to be extant. Another literary account by a contemporary, alb eit two decade later in time of composition, does exist. as do ome pi eces of contemporary Christian and imperial art, especially co in age. which are relevant to th e issue under investigation. The literary account is that of the Greek Church Father Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea. important participant at th e Council of icaea, and ub equently a fri end and advisor of Constantine during the later part of the emperor' reign in the east. Aft er on tantine' death, he wrote a eulogistic biography in four books on the emperor's religious life and benefaction to the Church, the Life of Constantine (Vita Co11 sra,ui11i), ca. 337-38. 9 Book 1 is devoted to Constantine's earl y life and co nversion experience. Like Lactantius, Eusebius placed the latter in the campaign again t Maxentius for control of Rome.
16 The Cele ti al Sign
Since thi was the all-important initial event in the emperor's Christian life, he dealt wi th it at greater length than his predeces or. Relying on what he affirmed was personal and sworn testimony from Con tamine himself, Eu cbiu offered the fo lio, ing account. to He told how the emperor renected that he needed more powerful aid than hi military force could afford him , and so decided to eek divine assistance. Con tantine recalled that the persecuting emperors who had tru ted in many god . sacrifice . oracle . and the whole paraphernalia of paganism, had been deceived and met unhappy end . Only his father Constantius. a philosophical monothei t who worshipped a" upre me Deity" all his life, had found a true protector and giver of good thing . Thu . Constantine decided that the God of his father mu t b the holder of real power. He invoked thi Deus Summus in prayer. entreating him to reveal hi identity and to provide his help in the coming trial. Con tantine' answer. Euscbius asserted, came in the form of a marvelou vi ion and an explanatory dream. While he and his army were pushing toward Rome. they encountered a miraculous sign in the sky: a great cro of li ght above the sun bearing the in cription " In this, conquer" (T0UTW v ~ xa .or Hoc ·ig 11 0 victor eris). 11 The impo11 of thi apparition was explained to Constantine in a ub equent dream. Chri t appeared to the emperor with the image of a celestial sign, and ordered that a copy of it be made for u e as an apotropaic device against his cncmie . Con tantine followed instructions and had workmen fashion a new imperial vexillum. This Christian war standard, called the Labarum, was com po ed of a long pear, overlaid with a cro bar carrying a banner with the imperial portrait. and topped with an enwrcathed monogram, "the symbol of the Savior' name. two letters indicating the name of Christ through the in cribing of the initial characters. the P crossed through the middle'' ( Tris owtnpCou t nnyoo~as To cruµBoAov , 6uo crTo ~xe La To Xp~crTou n,pa6nAoUvTa 6voµa . . ,x~ ,oµc vou Tou pw xaTa TO µ ecra ~Tatov ). Eu ebius reported that the emperor wa accustomed to wearing this hri togram on his helmet. and in a later section. mentioned that he made his soldiers inscribe it on their shields as well. 12 Confident of invoking divine power through the talismanic emble m on his war implements, Constantine marched to victory over Maxentiu . The purpo e here is not to co nfirm or deny the miraculous clements in the u ebian account of Constantine's conver ion. though in the uperstitious religi u environment of the era the c clements were wholly acceptable to Con tantine's contemporaries. Rather. the concern of this study is with the graphic manife tation of Con lantine' turn to a new patron deity. If there was a cro vi ion at all. ii imply indicated to Con tantine the name of the divinit y he hould invoke for aid. Although Eusebiu de cribed a cruciform tandard a one implement of invocation. it is obvious from his account that the constitutive element of the new vexif/11111 - the element al o found on hel met and shield -was the monogram urmounting ii. Much more clearly than Lactantius. he id e ntified it as a Christ monogram, or monogrammatic
17 Charles Odahl .
comb ina1io 11 of th e fir t two let1e,-- f the Greek work "Clui t. .. Iii and rho (* ). 1.l A graphic rcpr e nt ation of 1he e mperor's monog ramm d standard is ,ivailabl o n tl1 imperial coinage of the e ra. and co nfirm. th e Eusebian
The first specimen of the official type was the beautiful "Safety of the Republic" ilver medallion, apparently issued from Ticinum as a luxury donative lo important individuals on Constantine's Dece1111alia in 315 [Figure 4). 19 Celebrating the emperor's recent victory over Maxentius, for which the Senate was simultaneously erecting a triumphal arch near the Roman Forum, the obverse side pictured the victorius Constantine in a high crested war helmet with a Christogram badge at the top front of the helm. umerous cholar al o identify the implement over the emperor's shield as a Christian cross cepter with a globe atop it, representing the emperor's new political awarenes that he ruled as an agent for Christ on earth. 20 Here certainly is Constantine· per on al and public te timony that he had won the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge behind the name of Christ and held power on earth from him. 21 Once the imperial convert had publicly revealed his new religious position, mint officials and engraver began to use monograms and crosses quite frequently as control marks and decorative embellishments. 22 But as far as the monogram is concerned, with only one late and eastern exception, it ah ay appeared in the Christ monogram or Christogram form . Pos ibly inspired by the Ticinese helmet medallions, some bronze coins of the i cia mint. ca. 318-20, celebrating the "Happy Victory of the Perpetual Prin ce" showed the e mperor in hi new war helmet. Among the various decorat ion on the central bar of the helm were Christograms, probably engraved there by Chri tian mint workers [Figure 51. 23 More significant were the contemporary bronze coins issued from the four western mints of Ticinum, Aquileia. Siscia. and Thcssalonica between 319-20 [Figure 6] . 24 The rever e motif celebrated the "Valor of the Army," and showed captives bel w a war standard. tylized Christograms with a pin-headed shaft or iota la hed through the chi were employed as issue and series marks in the left field. The appearance of the monogram in several mints probably indicates that the decision to use it came from somewhere high up in the monetary hierarchy of the e mpire, but whether or not from the court it elf is debatable. Yet the monogram in a martial setting was evocative of the story of Con tantine's conque t under the name of Christ at the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge. ome intere ti ng and exceptional bronze pieces within the " Bl essed Tranquility" type were minted at Treves in 322-23. They pictured on the obver e the emperor's on Crispus carrying a shield. The decoration of the shield varie from mint to mint. But at Treves, some engraver apparently familiar with the Lactantian account of the Mulvian Bridge Battle. or at least cognizant of the current military practice of decorating shields with Christian ymb I . marked ome of the shields on these coins with a large and clear chi -rho [Figure 7]. 25 Since Lactantius had probably written and published the De Mor1ib11s Persec11tor11111 at Treves, these exceptional pieces from the same city would serve to butres the Christogram interpretation over against the cro sogram interpretation of hi celestial sign description. ·
19 Charles Odahl
The most striking and clearly Christian motif among official issue wa minted at Constantine's new Chri tian city of Constantinople, ca. 326-28. These .. Hope of the Commonwealth" bronze coins commemorated the emperor's recent victories in the east over Lici niu , the last of the pagan persecutor and imperial rivals for power. The reverse iconography showed Constantine's Christian Labarum piercing a wriggling serpent-an apoca lyptic mot if ai med at the Christian community familiar with pierced serpent imagery [Figure 8). 26 The standard wa dominated by a large and clear Christogram at its apex, and alm ost perfectly pictured the Labarum de cribed in the Eusebian account of Constantine's conversion. Along with the earlier Dece1111a/ia medallion, thi coin represented the offi cial form of the monogram as Constantine used it in the army, and wanted the general public to see it. A contemporary sil ver medallion for " Constantine the Augu tus" was minted at Rome, ca. 326, depicting th e emperor hol ding a standard with a banner carryi ng the chi -rho [Figure 9). 27 Here was the first graphic representation of the simplified labara that would become tandard in subsequent years-no crossbar or imperi al portrait , just a banner with the acred monogram of Chri t. Ii appeared again in the we t during the 330's at Ari es or. as it was then known, Constantina. Here bronze coins celebrating the " Glory of the Army'' carried a reverse motif of soldier holding war tandards. The chi -rho monogram appeared first in mid-fi eld between two regular military standards in 334 [Figure 101, and then on the banner of a si ngle Christian /abarum in 336 [Figure 11] . This latter motif depi cting the emperor's Christian vexillum became a regular representation on coin s from all the mints throughout the empire in the late 330's and 340's [Figure 12]. 2 Against all this evidence supporting the Christogram interpretation of Lactantius·s celestial ign. there was only one coin containing a cros monogram during Constantine's reign . It was a " Victory of Con tantine the Aug ustus''gold piece is ued on ly at Antioch in the east, ca. 336-37, and the crossogram appeared in the field a a mark of issue rather than as an official part of the iconographical motif [Figure 13]. 29 This form of the Christian monogram appear to have developed rather late in Constantine' reign, and in the ea tern part of the empire. nder the influence of the Eusebian cro vi ion story it became more popular in subsequent generations, and was used int erchangably with the Chl'istogram on both coinage and in other art forms, such as sarcophagi reliefs. JO It had the advantage of co mbining both the name and the cross of Chri t into a si ngle monogram . Yet, this wa not apparently Constantine's practice early in his reign in the west. As the graphic ev idence reveals. the Christogram and cross were separate symbols; even when appearing together, as on th_e Ticine e medallions or the Con tantinopoli tan Labarum co in , the Christ monogram was clearly a distinct ntity. Con id ering the evidence now available as a whole, it must be concluded that the cae/este sig1111m on Constantine's shields at th e Battle of the Mulvian Bridge was the hri togram. The emperor, following Roman religious
20 TI1e Celestial Sign
tradition and early Christian usage, appealed to the name of his new patron Deit y for power in his time of trial. As onstantine indicated in the later edict, he had abundant proof for the power of Christ's name, and he held it in great reverence. 31 Returning finally to the disputed passage in Lactantius, it must be noted that it was Christ us not the crux. the name not the cross of Christ, which the author !ates was marked on the shields. Thi marking of the name became the official ver ion of the conversion story as seen on coin motifs minted later in th e century. In the 350' . Constantine's son issued coins depicting the emperor holding the monogrammed fabarum and surrounded by the in cription "In thi ign you will be victor" [Figure 14]. Starting in the 380's, the Th eodosian empres es were honored with "Safety of the Republic" bronze coins carrying rever e motifs howing an angel of victory inscribing the chi-rho on a hield [Figure 15]. 32 Thus, until a contemporary shield is fo und marked otherwi e. it is unwarranted to assume that Constantine's hields at the Battle of the Mulivan Bridge were marked with any other sign that th e Christogram, the monogrammatic name of his new divine patron, Chri t.
NOTES
1 For summaries of the modern scholarly debate over Constantine's conversion, consult: J. IV . Ea di e. The Con version of Constantine (New York: Holt. Rinehart & Winston. 1971). and C. Oda hl. ··constantine·s Conversion to Christianity." in Problems in European History (Durham, orth Ca rolina: Moore. 1979).
2 The pagan sources are two contemporary panegyrical addresses delivered to Constantine in the decade after the Mulvian Bridge Battle-IX. Pa11 egyricus Constantino Dictus (313), and X. uzarii; Panl!gyricus Consranrino Dicrus (321 ). The supersritiosa maleficia phrase comes f-rom ch. 4 of th e former work . The latin text of both are published with French translations in Panegyriques Latin . Tome II. Ed. E. Galletier (Paris: Societe d"edition "Le Belles Lettres." 1952). The Christian sources are Loctantius. De Monibus Persecutorum (ca. 315). the Latin text of which i published in the Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum latinorum, Vol . XXVU , Fas.2 (Vie nn a: F. Tempsky. I 97): and Eusebius. De Vita Constantini (ca. 337-38), the Greek text of which is publis hed in Die Griechische11 Christ lichen Schriftsteller Der Ersten Drei Jahrhunderte (Leipzig: J . . Hinrich"ssche Buchhandlung. 1902).
J On Lactantius. see: J-R. Palanque, " Sur la date du De Mortibus Pers ecutorum. ·· M elanges offerts a J. Ca rcopino (1966). pp. 711 -16; and J . Stevenson. " The Life and Literary Activity of Lactantiu ... Studio Patristica. Vol. I. I (1957). pr. 661 -77; and orman H. Baynes, By zamine St11dies & Other Essays. chs. 24 & 28 on " Lactantius" (London: Univ . Press, 1960), pp. 321 -25, J4 -54.
4 De Mort. Pers. 44 (My italics).
5 With the numismatic and papyrlogical evidence now available that supports the Christian ources. the old view of a French school of scholars that Constantine's monogram was a pagan syncrctisti c symbol is no longer tenable. For that older view, see the articles of Gregoire and Hatt
21 Charle Odahl
in E.1dic. Conver ion. pp . J0-38
6 J acob Burckh ard1. Th e Age of Con 1,mti11 e th e Grem. Tr . M. Hadas (Garden City. .Y.: Doubled ay. 1949). p. 2 3: Andrew lfOldi . Th e Conver ion oJConstamine a,ul Pagan Rome. Tr . H. Man ingly (Oxford : larendon Press. 1969). pp. 16, 1 : A. H. M. Jones. Co 11 s1w11i11 e and the Co111'(-rsio11 0(£11rope (, cw York: Coll ier Books. 1962). pp. 84 -86.
7 Jose ph Vogt. The Decli11 eofR0111 e. Tr. J . Sondheimer (London: G. Weidenfeld & icholson. Lt d .. 1965) . pp 7-9 : H erman n DOrrics. Co11 sw 111 i11 e the Grem. Tr. R. H. Bainton (New York Harper & l< ow. 1972 ). p. 33: Ramsay MacMullcn. Co11 swmi11e (New York: Harper & Row, 1971) . p. 72.
Cllssel/', L"'i" Dictionary. Eds. J . R. V. Marchant and J_ F. harles ( ew York : Funk & Wa gnalls o .. 19531, p. S 6.
'l On Euscbius. see: .J oht111n es Quastcn. Patrology. Vol. Ill (U trecht: Spectrum. 1964). pp. 30'l,45: F. J . Foak cs-J ackson. £ 11 sebi11 s Pllmphi/i: A Study of the Mau a11d His Writi11 gs (Cambridge: W. Heffer & Sons. l'l53): and D. S. Wall ace-Hadrill . £ 11sebius of Cll es<1rc" (West minster. aryland: Th e anterbury Press. 1961).
IO Viw Co 11 st. I. 26- 40.
11 Vit" Cons,. l. 2 : Eusebius gives II m Greek. but 1he official Latin ve rsion has been prcscn1cd on 1hc imperial coinage. See Fig. 14. 12 Viw 011st. 1. 31: lll. 2: IV. 2 1.
13 A. Alfoldi . " /locSig11 0 Victor Eris: Beitrlige zu r Geschichte der Bckchrung Kon tantin des Grossen." Piscicu/i Festschrift fur F. J . Dolgcr (Munich. 1939). pp. 3-9. and Co 11 versio11 of 011 sra11t i11 e. pp. 17-18.
14 J. M. C. Toynb ee . ··A New Roman M osa ic Pavement Found in Dorset.·· Journal of Roman S 111 dh•s. U V ( 1964 ). pp. 7- 14.
IS On the catacombs. ee: J . tcvenson. Th e Cmacombs (London: Thames & Hudson. Ltd .. 197 ). esp. pp. 33-34. 7- . 14 3. and 146: for Christ monograms in the catacombs. see: L. Hertli ng. an d E. Kirschbaum. Th e Roman Catacombs & Th eir Marry rs. tr. J . Costclloc ( il waukee: Bruce Pub. o .. I 956).
16 Dom Hen ri Leclercq. " hrismc.' · Dic1io 11nairc d " archf!ologie Clire1ien11e er de lirurgie. Vol. 111. I (Paris: Lctouzey. 19 131. pp. 14 · 6.
For standard surveys of hristian s mbols on onst antinian coinage. sec: Jutes Maurice. Numismmique Consrn111i11 ien11 P. J Vols. (Paris: Leroux. 190 , 12): Guido Bruck . .. Die Vcrwe ndung ch ri sttichcr Symbole auf Munzen von Constantin I. bi M ag nentius." 11111is 111111ische Zeitscrifr. tXXVI ( I 955). pp. 26·32: Patrick Bruun. "The Christi an ig ns on the oinsofCon tantinc." A rc,os. 11. s .. Vol. 3 (1962). pp. 5-35: and M. Pierre Basti en. " Le chrisme dans la num is mar ique de la dynastic Constantinienn e. ·· Collectio11neurs et Co/lecrions 1111111 is11wtiq11es (Pari s: Hotel de la monnaie. 1968). pp. 111- 119.
18 sec Eusc bius. Vi1 a Cons,. IV . 52.
19 Brunn. " Christian Si gns," pp. 9. 17- 1 . and 23-24 : Bastien. " Chrisme ." pp. 112-13: Alfci ldi. " Moc igno ... pp. 4- . and " The In itials of Christ on the Helmet of Constantine ...
22 The Celestial Sign
Studid Kraft. " Das Silbcrmedaillon Constantins des Grossen mit dem Christusmonogramm auf dem He lm." Ja/,rhuck f ur Numismmik u11d Geldgeschic/,re (1954,S5). pp. 15 1•7 : J . M. C. Toynbee. Roma11 Med11 /lio11 s ( ew York : American Numismatic society. 1944). pp. 197, 210·11.
20 Ibid.
21 A conlemporary literary statement which confirms this intcrpretalion is Constantine's £f)is111 /11 ad Aclajium. the La tin of which is published in Mignc. Patrologia lati11a. Vol . VIII (Paris. I b4). cols. 4 • 6. Cf A. Jones. Co11sta 11ti11 e & Co 11 l'ersio11 . p. 97: and J . Straub, " onstantinc as KO INOI: EIT II:KOITOI:." Dumb11r1011 Oaks Papers. 21 ( Waslti11 gto11 , 1967 ). /!· 4 .
22 Bruun. "Christian Sign . " passim.
23 Bruun. "Christian Signs." pp. 9•17. and 31 : Bastien. "Chrisme," p. 11 3:. Alfo1di. " The Helmet of onsrnntine with the Chri stian Monogram." Journal of Roma11 S111dies. XXII (1932). pp. 9-23. and " Hoc Signo." pp. 3·6: and C. Odahl "Christian Symbols on Constantine's Siscia Helmet Coi ns." SA Vol. VII I. 4 ( 1977). pp. 56•
24 Bruun. " hristian Sign ... pp. l9•21: Bastien. "Chri me." pp. 113• 14; Alfo1 di , " Hoc Signo ... p. 6.
25 Bruun. " hristian Signs." p. 17. note: and Romu11 /111 per~ oi11age. Vol. VII (London: Spink. 1966). p. 197.
26 Bruun . " hristian Signs." pp. 21·22: Bastien. "Chrisme. " p. 11 2: and C. Odahl. "An Eschatological Interpretation of Con tamine·s Labarum Coin ... SA . Vol. VI, 3 (1975). pp. 47•51.
27 Alfred R. Belli11ger. " Roman and Byzantine Medallions in the Dumban on Oaks Coll ection.'' DO P11f)er . 12 (Cambridge. 1958). pp. 135·36.
2 Bruun. "Christian Signs," pp. 24•25: Basti e n. "Chrismc," pp. 114, 19: R. A. G. Carson. P. V. Hill. and J . P. C. Kent. l ate Roma11 Bronze Coinage (London: Spink. 1972). p<1ssim.
29 Bruun. " hristia11 Signs." pp. 29·3I. 33,34: Bastien . "Chrisme," p. 114: and A. R. Belli nger. P. Bruun. J.P. C. Kent. and C.H. V. Sutherland. " Late Roman Gold and Silver Coins , 1 Dumbar.on Oaks: Diocletian 10 Eugenius." DO Pa,,ers. 18 ( a mbridge. 1964). pp. I J.84.
JO Alfoldi. " Hoc igno," pp. 9·10: Michael Gough. The Origins o/Chri tia11 Art (New York: Praeger. 1974). p. 20. It might be remarked here that a n ankh scyle cross <+>appeared on the Gloria £xerdt11s reverses of the bron,e coin at the Aquilcia mint. ca. 334.35, and approximates the S)• mbol MacMullen gives for the onstantinian monogram; it was merely a variant of the la1in CTO!.S. and thus. has to be ruled ou t of consideration as a monogram. See: Bruun. "'Christian igns." p. 25.
Ji Constantinc ·s Edict on Religion. in Eusebius. Vira Const. II . 55.
J2 Carson. Hill. Ke 111. late Rom1111 Bro11 ze Coim,ge. pp. 70. 9. and passim: Ke nneth A. Jacob. Coins <111d Christianity (lo11 don: eaby. 19"9). p. 26: and C. Odahl. "Constantine's Conversion." pp. I. and I .
23 Charles Odahl
The author would like to thank the Mu seum Directors. lhe Libra rians. and the uril tOrs of Roma n co in s and artifacts at Du mbarton Oaks Mu eurn. Washington. D . . , the British Museu m. Lo ndon. the Hunterian Mu eum. University of Gia gow, and the Istanbul Archcologkal Museum. fo r allowing hi m t exa mine their Co nstantinian mate r·ial s. and providing him with negatives. prints. rtnd slides thereof: similar ,hanks are offered IO the offi cia ls of the Roman catacombs. The author is also indebted to Ardis Hewitt of the Boi e State Un iversit y Educational Media Services for making the prints for this article.
24 The Celestial Sign
FIG RE I: Polychrome floor mosaic from Hinton t. Mary. Dorset." ith Christogram above ponrait of a young Christ. 4th c. (British Mu seum)
FIGURE 2: Wall painting in t1 rro.sult'um of the ca tacombs of St . Comitilla depicting ts. Peter and Paul between a Christ monogram. 4th c.
25 Chari s Odahl
FIGUR 3: Grave tone in scription from ce metery or Callistus with Christo- gram. 3rd or 4t h c.
FIGURE4: Obver eorCon tant• ine's Sa/11 Reipub/icae tenth an niversary medallion with chi -rho badge at the top or hi s war helmet. and cross scepter above his shield , 31S (silver. Munich, Staat• li che Munzsamlung).
FIG RE S: Obverse or Victoriue luetae Prine Perp lypc of iscia. with chi- rh o sign on emperor's helmet. ca. 318-20 (bronze, British Mu cum plaster cast of original in Vienna . Bundcssammlung).
26 The Celestial ign
FIG R 6: Rcvcr c of Vir111s £xerci1 type from four mints carrying n Christ monogram in the left field. ca. 319-20 (bronze. British Museum).
FIG RE 7: Obverse of Beaw Trtmq,,ilfitas 1ype of T reves wilh th e emperor's son carrying a monogrammed shield. ca. 322-23 (bronze, plas1crcasr of original in Hunterian Museum. Glasgow) .
. FIGURE 8: Reverse of Spes P111Jli1·" type from Constantinople showing ihe emperor"s l"bctrum piercing a , riggling serpent. ca. 326-28 (bro117.e, British Museum).
FIG R ~ q: Reverse or Ccmswmiuu Aug medallion of Rome clcpic1ing 1hc emperor wilh what appen.rs to be a monogrammed standard. 326 ( ilvcr, Dumbarton Daks Museum).
FIGURE 10: Reverse of Gloria £xerl'i111s type from Aries carrying Christ monogram in field between military standards. J.14 (bronze. British Museum).
27 Charle Odahl
FIG RE II: Reverse of Gloria Exercit11s type fr m Aries "ith chi-rho on single military standard. 336 (bronze. British Museum).
FIG RE 12: Reverse of Fe/ Temp Reparatio "Restoration of Happy Times" -type common throughout 1hc empire showing Constantine's on onstantius II holding a labanm, above captives. ca. 346-50 (bronze. Odnhl collection).
FIGU RE 13 : Reverse of Victoria Com,tumini Aug type of Antioch with cross monogram in left field. ca. 336-37 (gold. Dumbarton Oaks Museum).
Fl R 14 : Reverse of Hoc Signo Vi tor Eris t pc from Siscia depicting the emperor with the Christogrammed ••cxi//11111 . 3 0 (bronze. British Museum).
FIGURE 15: Revcr e of Sa/11 Rcipublicae type common through out imperial mints howing an angel inscribing a chi-rho on a war shield. 380s & ff (bronze. British Museum).
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