The Cuban Economy: the Current Crisis, Its Causes, and Policies for the Future
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Slum Clearance in Havana in an Age of Revolution, 1930-65
SLEEPING ON THE ASHES: SLUM CLEARANCE IN HAVANA IN AN AGE OF REVOLUTION, 1930-65 by Jesse Lewis Horst Bachelor of Arts, St. Olaf College, 2006 Master of Arts, University of Pittsburgh, 2012 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The Kenneth P. Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2016 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS & SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Jesse Horst It was defended on July 28, 2016 and approved by Scott Morgenstern, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science Edward Muller, Professor, Department of History Lara Putnam, Professor and Chair, Department of History Co-Chair: George Reid Andrews, Distinguished Professor, Department of History Co-Chair: Alejandro de la Fuente, Robert Woods Bliss Professor of Latin American History and Economics, Department of History, Harvard University ii Copyright © by Jesse Horst 2016 iii SLEEPING ON THE ASHES: SLUM CLEARANCE IN HAVANA IN AN AGE OF REVOLUTION, 1930-65 Jesse Horst, M.A., PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2016 This dissertation examines the relationship between poor, informally housed communities and the state in Havana, Cuba, from 1930 to 1965, before and after the first socialist revolution in the Western Hemisphere. It challenges the notion of a “great divide” between Republic and Revolution by tracing contentious interactions between technocrats, politicians, and financial elites on one hand, and mobilized, mostly-Afro-descended tenants and shantytown residents on the other hand. The dynamics of housing inequality in Havana not only reflected existing socio- racial hierarchies but also produced and reconfigured them in ways that have not been systematically researched. -
Política Y Conflicto Armado: Cambios Y Crisis Del Régimen Político En Guatemala (1954-1982)
POLÍTICA Y CONFLICTO ARMADO: CAMBIOS Y CRISIS DEL RÉGIMEN POLÍTICO EN GUATEMALA (1954-1982) VÍCTOR GÁLVEZ BORRELL POLÍTICA Y CONFLICTO ARMADO: CAMBIOS Y CRISIS DEL RÉGIMEN POLÍTICO EN GUATEMALA (1954-1982) GUATEMALA, OCTUBRE 2008 972.81052 G35p 2008 Gálvez Borrell, Víctor Política y confl icto armado : Cambios y crisis del régimen político en Guatemala (1954-1982) Guatemala, Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 2008. 183 p. : 22 cm. cuadros. ISBN : 9939-72 1.- Guatemala-Historia-1954-1982.-- 2.- Democracia.-- 3.- Política.-- 4.- Partidos políticos.-- 5.- Confl icto armado.-- 6.- Proceso electoral.-- 7.- Fraude electoral.-- 8.- Fuerzas armadas.-- 9.- Elecciones.-- 10.- Presidentes (Guatemala).-- 11.- Golpes de Estado. ©Víctor Gálvez Borrell © De esta edición: Postgrado Centroamericano de Ciencias Sociales de FLACSO. Diseño de portada: Hugo Leonel de León Pérez. Dibujo original de portada: Arnoldo Ramírez Amaya. Título “La guerra”, de la serie Los cuatro jinetes del apocalipsis. Este libro se publica gracias al apoyo de la Agencia Sueca para el Desarrollo Internacional Los criterios expresados en esta obra son de la exclusiva responsabilidad de su autor. ISBN: 978-99939-72-69-3 Editorial de Ciencias Sociales 3a. calle 4-44 zona 10, ciudad de Guatemala PBX: 24147444 Víctor Gálvez Borrell ÍNDICE PRESENTACIÓN 11 INTRODUCCIÓN 15 I. LA LARGA MARCHA POR LA DEMOCRACIA REPRESENTATIVA EN GUATEMALA 25 El modelo desviado del “liberalismo criollo” y los problemas de la democracia 26 II. LA “DEMOCRACIA LIMITADA”: 1954-1982 LA CRISIS DE 1954 Y LA POSICIÓN DEL -
Ernesto 'Che' Guevara: the Existing Literature
Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara: socialist political economy and economic management in Cuba, 1959-1965 Helen Yaffe London School of Economics and Political Science Doctor of Philosophy 1 UMI Number: U615258 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615258 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I, Helen Yaffe, assert that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Helen Yaffe Date: 2 Iritish Library of Political nrjPr v . # ^pc £ i ! Abstract The problem facing the Cuban Revolution after 1959 was how to increase productive capacity and labour productivity, in conditions of underdevelopment and in transition to socialism, without relying on capitalist mechanisms that would undermine the formation of new consciousness and social relations integral to communism. Locating Guevara’s economic analysis at the heart of the research, the thesis examines policies and development strategies formulated to meet this challenge, thereby refuting the mainstream view that his emphasis on consciousness was idealist. Rather, it was intrinsic and instrumental to the economic philosophy and strategy for social change advocated. -
Islenos and Malaguenos of Louisiana Part 1
Islenos and Malaguenos of Louisiana Part 1 Louisiana Historical Background 1761 – 1763 1761 – 1763 1761 – 1763 •Spain sides with France in the now expanded Seven Years War •The Treaty of Fontainebleau was a secret agreement of 1762 in which France ceded Louisiana (New France) to Spain. •Spain acquires Louisiana Territory from France 1763 •No troops or officials for several years •The colonists in western Louisiana did not accept the transition, and expelled the first Spanish governor in the Rebellion of 1768. Alejandro O'Reilly suppressed the rebellion and formally raised the Spanish flag in 1769. Antonio de Ulloa Alejandro O'Reilly 1763 – 1770 1763 – 1770 •France’s secret treaty contained provisions to acquire the western Louisiana from Spain in the future. •Spain didn’t really have much interest since there wasn’t any precious metal compared to the rest of the South America and Louisiana was a financial burden to the French for so long. •British obtains all of Florida, including areas north of Lake Pontchartrain, Lake Maurepas and Bayou Manchac. •British built star-shaped sixgun fort, built in 1764, to guard the northern side of Bayou Manchac. •Bayou Manchac was an alternate route to Baton Rouge from the Gulf bypassing French controlled New Orleans. •After Britain acquired eastern Louisiana, by 1770, Spain became weary of the British encroaching upon it’s new territory west of the Mississippi. •Spain needed a way to populate it’s new territory and defend it. •Since Spain was allied with France, and because of the Treaty of Allegiance in 1778, Spain found itself allied with the Americans during their independence. -
Racism in Cuba Ronald Jones
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound International Immersion Program Papers Student Papers 2015 A Revolution Deferred: Racism in Cuba Ronald Jones Follow this and additional works at: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/ international_immersion_program_papers Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Ronald Jones, "A Revolution Deferred: Racism in Cuba," Law School International Immersion Program Papers, No. 9 (2015). This Working Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Papers at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Immersion Program Papers by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. qwertyuiopasdfghjklzxcvbnmqw ertyuiopasdfghjklzxcvbnmqwert yuiopasdfghjklzxcvbnmqwertyui opasdfghjklzxcvbnmqwertyuiopaA Revolution Deferred sdfghjklzxcvbnmqwertyuiopasdfRacism in Cuba 4/25/2015 ghjklzxcvbnmqwertyuiopasdfghj Ron Jones klzxcvbnmqwertyuiopasdfghjklz xcvbnmqwertyuiopasdfghjklzxcv bnmqwertyuiopasdfghjklzxcvbn mqwertyuiopasdfghjklzxcvbnmq wertyuiopasdfghjklzxcvbnmqwe rtyuiopasdfghjklzxcvbnmqwerty uiopasdfghjklzxcvbnmqwertyuio pasdfghjklzxcvbnmqwertyuiopas dfghjklzxcvbnmqwertyuiopasdfg hjklzxcvbnmqwertyuiopasdfghjk Contents Introduction .............................................................................................................................................. 2 Slavery in Cuba ....................................................................................................................................... -
Cuba Myths and Facts
Myths And Facts About The U.S. Embargo On Medicine And Medical Supplies A report prepared by Oxfam America and the Washington Office on Latin America BASIC FACTS: The Cuban health care system functioned effectively up through the 1980s. Life expectancy increased, infant mortality declined, and access to medical care expanded. Cuba began to resemble the developed nations in health care figures. While the U.S. embargo prevented Cuba from buying medicines and medical supplies directly from the United States, many U.S. products were available from foreign subsidiaries. Cuba may have paid higher prices, and heavier shipping costs, but it was able to do so. The Cuban health care system has been weakened in the last seven years, as the end of Soviet bloc aid and preferential trade terms damaged the economy overall. The economy contracted some 40%, and there was simply less money to spend on a health care system, or on anything else. And because the weakened Cuban economy generated less income from foreign exports, there was less hard currency available to import foreign goods. This made it more difficult to purchase those medicines and medical equipment that had traditionally come from abroad, and contributed to shortages in the Cuban health care system. In the context of the weakened Cuban economy, the U.S. embargo exacerbated the problems in the health care system. The embargo forced Cuba to use more of its now much more limited resources on medical imports, both because equipment and drugs from foreign subsidiaries of U.S. firms or from non-U.S. -
What Should US Policy Be Towards Cuba?
What Should U.S. Policy be Towards Cuba? Megan Orosz At this very moment, Cuba is an island in the world spotlight. With its changing and ambiguous leadership, political system, economy, and relations with Venezuela, Cuba could not be more of a topic of interest. Its current regime leadership is led by Fidel Castro’s brother Raul, who in his old age, will be stepping down within the upcoming decade. The regime’s socialist economy has incurred new policies of questionable basis and sustainability, as the government seems to be opening up to allow entrepreneur activity, within reason that is. All the while, the indistinct direction of Cuba is further muddled by the recent death of Venezuela’s late Hugo Chavez. Oil-rich and supportive Chavez had excellent relations with Cuba and the Castro regime. As Cuba’s crony country moves into its new presidential election, the world and the Cuban people wonder how this change will affect Cuba. With so much change and uncertainty occurring with such a close United States neighbor, this moves Americans to focus in on Cuba. The U.S. relations with Cuba in the past fifty years have been centered on the embargo. The embargo has always been debated and questioned, and now more than ever, we here in the U.S. ask ourselves: “What should U.S. policy be towards Cuba, given these new developments?". In this paper I argue that the United States should keep its embargo against Cuba, while seriously assessing the embargo’s current prohibitions. This policy position is in the best United States interest, since our country is not looking to change its policy to merely benefit another nation, specifically a Communist nation. -
Power Asymmetries and the Origin of Constitutions: Latin America, 1987
1 Power Asymmetries and the Origin of Constitutions: Latin America, 1987-2009 Javier Corrales Amherst College [email protected] June 2009 12,200 words 2 Abstract This article explores the origins of constitutions, and within them, levels of power concentration in the Executive branch. By looking at the 10 cases of constitutional rewrite in Latin America and several cases of aborted change since the 1980s, I develop a theory of constitutional change based on the notion of power asymmetries, defined as the power differential between incumbents and opposition forces at the negotiations. Under conditions of reduced power asymmetry, i.e., when both incumbents and opposition forces enjoy comparable levels of power, constituent assemblies are more likely yield constitutions that curtail presidential powers relative to the status quo. When the opposition is weak, assemblies will instead expand presidential powers. When the incumbent is weak, he or she will abort the process of constitutional rewrite. I conclude with a brief discussion of how this finding challenges some structuralist prescriptions for democratic renewal. 3 This article addresses two questions that are central to comparativists in general and Latin Americanists in particular. First, what are the origins of institutions, and specifically, constitutions? Significant research exists on the effects of different types of institutions, even constitutions,1 but less is known about their origins. 2 Second, what are the origins of different forms of presidential powers in new constitutions? Research has shown that democratic constitutions vary according to how much power they grant to the executive branch.3 But less is known about the conditions that give rise to such variation. -
Bolivian Teachers' Agency: Soldiers of Liberation Or Guards of Coloniality
education policy analysis archives A peer-reviewed, independent, open access, multilingual journal epaa aape Arizona State University Volume 23 Number 4 January 19th, 2015 ISSN 1068-2341 Bolivian Teachers’ Agency: Soldiers of Liberation or Guards of Coloniality and Continuation? Mieke T. A. Lopes Cardozo University of Amsterdam The Netherlands Citation: Lopes Cardozo, M. T. A. (2015). Bolivian teachers’ agency: Soldiers of liberation or guards of coloniality and continuation? Education Policy Analysis Archives, 23(4). http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v23.1713 Abstract: This paper investigates the problems and promises of teachers’ agency associated with Bolivia’s current “decolonising” education reform. The Avelino Siñani Elizardo Pérez (ASEP) education reform is part of a counter-hegemonic and anti-neoliberal policy that aims to advance the political project of the government of Evo Morales, with teachers as its most strategic leading card. The article draws on theoretical insights from the Strategic Relational Approach (SRA) and applies this frame to analyse teachers’ agency for change in Bolivia’s contemporary socio-political context. This framework allows for a critical reflection of current discourses and educators’ efforts to decolonize the education system, in a context of political and societal tensions and inequalities. The article argues that the current political discourse and socio-political changes open up some spaces for teachers’ agency. However, the reality in rather conservative teacher education institutions and schools, together with teachers’ daily struggle for survival, provide serious constraints for teachers to become “committed or transformative intellectuals”. Keywords: teachers; agency; Bolivia; decolonisation; reform; teacher education El sentido de “agencia” de los profesores bolivianos: ¿soldados de la liberación o guardianes del colonialismo y continuismo? Resumen: Este artículo investiga los problemas y los potenciales para la agencia de los profesores asociados con la actual reforma “descolonizadora” de la educación en Bolivia. -
Havana Springfall Cuba Academicspring Year
API ABROAD PROGRAMS OFFERED TO MARIST COLLEGE STUDENTS FALL HAVANA SPRINGFALL CUBA ACADEMICSPRING YEAR WHY CUBA? • Colonial charm • Friendly people • Safe city • International art and music festivals • One of the oldest universities in the hemisphere • Amazing cuisine CUBANDIRECT ENROLLMENT AND CARIBBEAN PROGRAM STUDIES PROGRAM UNIVERSIDADUNIVERSITY COLLEGE DE LA HABANA DUBLIN CLASSES TAUGHT IN SPANISH • TRANSCRIPT FROM U.S. ACCREDITED INSTITUTION (MARIST COLLEGE) ROUND-TRIP AIRFARE (MIAMI-HAVANA) INCLUDED REQUIREMENTS ACADEMIC PROGRAM • 3.0 G.P.A. TOTAL CREDIT HOURS • Open to sophomores, juniors, and seniors SEMESTER 12-16 CREDITS • Must be enrolled as a degree-seeking Students who study abroad in Cuba with API on the Cuban and Caribbean Studies undergraduate student and under the Program will take a required Spanish language course throughout the term. This age of 25 course uses the Cuban experience as a backdrop for language practice, discussion, • Open to advanced level Spanish speakers and writing assignments. Students will select a “track” course covering either Cuban (with a minimum of 4-5 semesters of studies or Caribbean studies. Students choose their remaining courses from a college-level Spanish or the equivalent) selection of offerings in art history, communication, literature, and cultural/regional • Completed API application studies with local Cuban students. Courses are offered Monday through Friday, in • University contact information form both the mornings and afternoons. Course work will be supplemented by numerous cultural activities and excursions. • One letter of recommendation • One official transcript TRANSCRIPTS Students may receive transcripts from either the Universidad de la Habana or Marist • Completion of an oral interview College for courses taken at the Universidad de la Habana*. -
Deconstructing the Chilean Miracle
Deconstructing the Chilean Miracle James Robinson Harvard August 5, 2013 James Robinson (Harvard) Chilean Miracle August5,2013 1/24 Why Nations Fail The Divergence of the Americas In our book Why Nations Fail Daron Acemoglu and I propose a simple framework which we believe can explain comparative economic development. Let me motivate our theory by discussing the economic and political history of the Americas. In 1492 it would have been very di¢ cult to anticipate the current distribution of prosperity in the Americas since in was Mexico, Central America and Andean Perú and Bolivia which were more technologically advanced.... James Robinson (Harvard) Chilean Miracle August5,2013 2/24 The Divergence of the Americas— Latin America Juan Díaz de Solís explores Río de la Plata (‘Riverof Silver’)in 1516, and Pedro de Mendoza founds Buenos Aires in 1534. But Solís and de Mendoza unable to enslave and put to work the hunter gatherer Indians of the area, Charrúas and the Querandí. Starving Spaniards soon left the area. In 1537, Juan de Ayolas found the sedentary and more densely settled Guaraní up the Paraná river, in Paraguay. The Spaniards could successfully take over the Guaraní hierarchy, enslave them and put them to work to produce food for them. A very similar pattern to the colonization of the Mexicas and the Incas (Tawantinsuyu). James Robinson (Harvard) Chilean Miracle August5,2013 3/24 The Beginning— United States Colonization attempts of Virginia Company in Jamestown in early 17th century, attempting to re-create an authoritarian, “extractive” regime: “No man or woman shall run away from the colony to the Indians, upon pain of death. -
Cubanonomics: Mixed Economy in Cuba During the Special Period BRENDAN C. DOLAN
Cubanonomics: Mixed Economy in Cuba during the Special Period BRENDAN C. DOLAN Fidel Castro is a man of many words. No other political figure in modern history has spoken more on the public record, varying the scope of his oration from short interviews to twelve hour lectures on the state of Cuban society. Starting in 1959, his ideas flooded Cuban society and provided a code of social expectations for all to obey. Cubans listened patiently, and over time enjoyed the fruits of an egalitarian socialist system: food, shelter, education and medicine for all. By the early 1980s, Castro had constructed a centrally planned economy and an economically favorable partnership with the Soviet Union. In 1989, however, the dissolution of the Soviet Union crippled the Cuban economy and forced millions of Cubans into poverty, resulting in widespread hunger and unemployment. Faced with the threat of an economic meltdown that could end his regime, Castro looked inward for ways to revive the Cuban economy. Though previously condemning and imprisoning Cubans illegally possessing black market dollars, Castro suddenly regarded these dollar holders as the key to his regime’s survival. This hard currency was crucial to restoring the national economy, and though its legalization would undermine his socialist, anti-American ideology, Castro saw no other option. In 1993, he decriminalized the possession of U.S. dollars and established state-run dollar stores to channel dollars to the government. Castro legalized self-employment, decentralized the agricultural sector and boosted Cuba’s tourist industry. Though they aided in reviving the national economy, these policy changes transformed the socioeconomic structure of Cuban society, creating a mixed economy that required Cubans to embrace certain market principles outside of socialist doctrine.