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A COMPARATIVE STUDY of NUCLEAR DISCOURSE in PAKISTAN and INDIA by HAIDER KHAN NIZAMANI M.Sc

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A COMPARATIVE STUDY of NUCLEAR DISCOURSE in PAKISTAN and INDIA by HAIDER KHAN NIZAMANI M.Sc REWRITING THIRD WORLD SECURITY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NUCLEAR DISCOURSE IN PAKISTAN AND INDIA by HAIDER KHAN NIZAMANI M.Sc, Quaid-I-Azam University, 1989 M.A., University of Kent at Canterbuy, 1990 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Political Science We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA December 1997 C) Haider Khan Nizamani, 1997 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of POLITICAL Sue^cQ The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date D-o- ^, '997 DE-6 (2/88) 11 Abstract •Retaining the nuclear option has become an article of strategic faith and a symbol of national sovereignty in Pakistan and India. There is widespread belief among security analysts of South Asia that the popularity of the nuclear issue among the Pakistani and Indian masses makes it impossible for any government in Islamabad or New Delhi to tamper with the existing policies of nuclear ambiguity. In spite of the domestic roots of the nuclear politics in the subcontinent, existing literature does not tell us how an issue which requires considerable scientific knowledge has assumed such political salience. This study attempts to redress this gap by offering an explanation and analysis of the gradual ascendance of the nuclear issue in the dominant security discourse of Pakistan and India. This study employing the methodology of the discourse analysis accounts for the dynamics that propel the politics of the nuclear issue in the subcontinent. As the overwhelming majority of studies of the nuclear issue approach the matter with theoretical lens of Political Realism, scant attention is paid to the question of the discourse on national identities and imperatives of domestic politics in which the nuclear issue is firmly embedded. Political Realism's assumption of states as undifferentiated entities forecloses possibility of looking inside the state to account for its security policies. The "weak state" perspective attempts to rectify this theoretical limitation by emphasizing the internal characteristics of the Third World states. However, this dissertation argues that the "weak state" framework concerns itself with symptoms rather than Ill processes underway in the Third World. Given these analytical limitations, this study using insights of Critical Security Studies explains how and why the nuclear issue has assumed such an important place in the security discourse of Indian and Pakistan. Comparing the two discourses, the dissertation shows how the politics of the nuclear issue can be meaningfully understood by locating it in the broader context of national identity formation processes in the both countries. This objective is achieved by critically analyzing the works and words of leading politician, strategic analysts, and opinion- makers of Pakistan and India. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract 11 Table of Contents iv List of Abbreviations V"L Acknowledgements vi-i INTRODUCTION 1 A Road Map 11 A Note on Sources 14 and a few Disclaimers Chapter One Rewriting Third World Security I 17 The Third World and 19 Traditional Security Studies Nuclear Weapons: Who Should or 25 Should Not Have Them? Obsolescence of War and 32 Peace Through Democracy A Distinct Third World 35 Security Problematic Distinct Problematic or 42 Security Orientalism? Of Unstable Regions and Weak States 44 Of Historical Insights and 46 Historical Fallacies A Unique Milieu or Latent 51 Historical Determinism Conclusion 54 Chapter Two Rewriting Third World Security II 57 Critical Security Studies and the 61 Third World What if not the State? 64 Discourse of Threats and 69 Appropriate Responses Colonial Legacy and 81 Postcolonial Discourses Conclusion 87 Chapter Three Nukespeak in Pakistan I: 1960s-1977 91 Ayub and National Strategy 93 Z. A. Bhutto and Nuclear Weapons 97 Imperceptible Shift 102 Traumatic Interlude: 1970-1974 108 Explosion of Device, 120 Explosion of an Issue V Nukes in the Public Domain 131 Chapter Four Nukespeak in Pakistan II: 1977-1995 135 Get Rid of Bhutto but 13 6 Keep His Nukespeak: 1977-79 Zia's Pakistan: Islam's Fortress! 144 Forgotten Resistance 155 The Post-Zia Period 159 Crusaders' Bomb 165 Diplomats' Ambiguous Bomb 170 Dissenting Narratives 174 Conclusion 183 Chapter Five Nukespeak in India I: 189 From Celibacy to Explosion India and Its Neighbours 191 'Nuclear Celibacy': 1947-1964 199 Nukespeak on Political Margins 203 Nukespeak in Academia 213 The Road to Pokhran 217 Reaction to Pokhran 223 Conclusion 227 Chapter Six Indian Nukespeak Today 228 Islam, the Bomb, and Pakistan 231 Grand Conspiracy Versus 235 National Autonomy Evil Designs Versus 241 Noble Intentions Nukespeak in the 1990s 254 Dissenting Narratives 264 Conclusion 274 Chapter Seven Summary and Assessments 279 Siblings of the Same Theory 282 Different Histories, 291 Different Scopes Of 'New' but Unused Theories 294 Revisioning Nuclear Discourse 295 EPILOGUE 301 Selected Bibliography 308 VI List of Abbreviations AEC Atomic Energy Commission (India). AEE Atomic Energy Agency (India). AIML All India Muslim League. AL Awami League. BARC Bhabha Atomic Energy Research Centre. BJP Bharatiya Janata Party. CBM Confidence Building Measures. CSDS Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (Delhi). CTBT Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. DRDO Defence Research and Development Organisation (India). IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency. IDSA Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (New Delhi) INC Indian National Congress. IPS Institute of Policy Studies (Islamabad). IRS Institute of Regional Studies (Islamabad). ISI Inter Services Intelligence (Pakistan). ISS Institute of Strategic Studies (Islamabad). KANUPP Karachi Nuclear Power Plant. LoC Line of Control. MRD Movement for Restoration of Democracy (Pakistan). NAM Non-Aligned Movement. NIAS National Institute of Advanced Studies (India). NNWS Non-nuclear Weapon States. NPT Non-proliferation Treaty. NWFZ Nuclear Weopon Free Zone. NWS Nuclear Weapon States. PAEC Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission. PML Pakistan Muslim League. PNE Peaceful Nuclear Explosion. PPP Pakistan Peoples Party. PTB Partial Test Ban. RAW Research and Analysis Wing (India). SAARC South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation. TIFR Tata Institute for Fundamental Research (India). VI1 Acknowledgements Brian L. Job, without his encouragement and excellent supervision I could not have finished this project. John R. Wood, working with him in different capacities has been of immense intellectual value. Ayesha Haider, my friend, critic, and proof-reader, who chose to put up with me with all my faults during these years. Tahir Suhail, for reading and commenting on an earlier draft; and Scott Pegg, who read parts of an earlier draft. The Awards Office of the University of British Columbia and Waseem Nizamahi for providing financial assistance at crucial times. Adal Bha, for his unconditional love. Ali and Ahmad who distracted me with their laughter from the chores of research and writing. Mariam Aftab, who insisted that her name be included. Fermina Daza and Saleem Sinai, who through their characters helped a great deal to face the life and its absurdities. And finally, Lili, my mother, who has always been there for me. I thank you all. 1 INTRODUCTION Pick any writing on the nuclear issue in the subcontinent, and it will say the matter is too sensitive for any government of India or Pakistan to tamper with because of the overwhelming public support that nuclear programmes enjoy in these societies. Nuclear programmes have assumed the role of the guarantors of national security and symbols of national power. This study is a search for how the nuclear issue has assumed such importance in Pakistan and India. If the opening statement conveys the crux of how scholars and practitioners perceive the salience of the nuclear issue in the subcontinent, it implies a number of inter-related theoretical and practical assumptions. In practical terms it suggests a consensus within India and Pakistan on matters pertaining to the nuclear issue which is considered strong and clear enough not to permit any government to dramatically depart from the existing policies. Secondly, given this consensus, the demarcation between the external and internal realms disappears, and the nuclear policies of the two are considered intricately enmeshed in domestic politics. Thirdly, strategic relations between India and Pakistan marked by the nuclear ambiguity and a legacy of three conventional wars in the last half century make the region prone to a nuclear exchange. The last assumption, however, is most common among security analysts of the West and is usually not shared by their Indian or Pakistani counterparts. Theoretically, once the distinction between the external and internal spheres is questioned, conceptual lenses offered by 2 mainstream deterrence strategies, premised upon an assumption of a neat division between the domestic and foreign realms of policy-making, are rendered
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