DOCSLIB.ORG

Il Narcotraffico in Argentina. Sviluppi E Dinamiche Recenti (2000-2013)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Il Narcotraffico in Argentina. Sviluppi E Dinamiche Recenti (2000-2013) Corso di laurea in Lingue e Culture per la Comunicazione e la Cooperazione Internazionale IL NARCOTRAFFICO IN ARGENTINA. SVILUPPI E DINAMICHE RECENTI (2000-2013) Relatore : Prof. Fernando DALLA CHIESA Correlatore: Prof. Christian PONTI Tesi di laurea di: Filomena De Matteis Matr. 809250 Anno Accademico 2012 – 2013 “Ci sono uomini che lottano un giorno e sono bravi, altri che lottano un anno e sono più bravi, ci sono quelli che lottano più anni e sono ancora più bravi, però ci sono quelli che lottano tutta la vita: essi sono gli indispensabili.” B. Brecht A chi lotta ogni giorno contro la criminalità organizzata. INTRODUZIONE ........................................................................................................................... 3 CAPITOLO 1: MERCATO DELLA DROGA IN ARGENTINA ....................................................... 1.1 NASCITA E AFFERMAZIONE DEL MERCATO DEGLI STUPEFACENTI ...................................... 7 1.2 INDUSTRIA DELLA DROGA .................................................................................................. 22 1.3 LA COMPARTECIPAZIONE DELLE FORZE DI SICUREZZA ........................................................ 31 CAPITOLO 2: IL RICICLAGGIO DI DENARO: I NARCODOLLARI ............................................... 2.1 IL LAVAGGIO DI DENARO SPORCO .................................................................................. 36 2.2 I NARCODOLLARI IN ARGENTINA .................................................................................... 46 CAPITOLO 3: INSEDIAMENTO DELLA CRIMINALITÀ ORGANIZZATA STRANIERA ................................ 3.1 CONDIZIONI DI CONTESTO ................................................................................................. 5 2 3.2 I NARCOTRAFFICANTI COLOMBIANI ................................................................................... 57 3.3 I NARCOTRAFFICANTI MESSICANI ...................................................................................... 60 3.4 GRUPPI CRIMINALI DEI PAESI LIMITROFI E PERU' ................................................................ 64 3.5. LA CRIMINALITÀ ORGANIZZATA ITALIANA.............................................................................71 3.6. I GRUPPI TERRORISTICI E CRIMINALI NELLA TRIPLICE FRONTIERA........................................79 CAPITOLO 4: PASSAGGIO DA STATO DI TRANSITO A STATO CONSUMATORE .................................... 4.1 FATTORI DI CAMBIAMENTO ........................................................................................... 8 4 4.2 AMPLIAMENTO DELLE ATTIVITA' ILLECITE ...................................................................... 9 6 4.3 LA ZONA CALDA DEL NARCOTRAFFICO: ROSARIO E IL GRUPPO CRIMINALE LOS MONOS.......... ................................................................................................................................. 101 1 CAPITOLO 5: QUALI PROSPETTIVE FUTURE? ................................................................................... 5.1. LA CORRUZIONE DEGLI ORGANI STATALI...........................................................................106 5.2. ATTIVITA' DI CONTRASTO: L'IMPEGNO DALLA SOCIETA' CIVILE E DELLO STATO................................................................................................................................................111 CONCLUSIONI .......................................................................................................................... 117 APPENDICE .............................................................................................................................. 122 BIBLIOGRAFIA ......................................................................................................................... 146 SITOGRAFIA ............................................................................................................................. 152 2 INTRODUZIONE Questo lavoro di tesi tratta degli sviluppi e delle dinamiche recenti del narcotraffico in Argentina. Il traffico degli stupefacenti è un crimine che opera su scala globale, coinvolgendo sia il Paese in cui nasce e si afferma (come in questo caso l'Argentina), sia i Paesi confinanti, ma anche i Paesi a cui la droga è destinata1; muove grandi somme di denaro, frutto di attività illecite che “sporcano” l'economia del Paese in cui si commette il reato di riciclaggio; infine presenta una grande dispersione geografica e sociale, poiché non conosce frontiere “chiuse” e riesce a coinvolgere attori di ogni provenienza sociale. Per le condizioni appena citate e per la sfera illegale nella quale opera, il narcotraffico si presenta come una materia di studio difficile da analizzare; bisogna inoltre tenere a mente che si tratta di un crimine altamente dinamico e mutevole: cambiano le rotte, gli attori coinvolti, i metodi impiegati e le droghe (“naturali” e/o sintetiche). Il traffico di stupefacenti è un crimine più “appetibile” rispetto ad altre attività illecite: offre un maggior profitto, poiché in poco tempo e con poco sforzo si riescono a guadagnare somme ingenti (le quali hanno poi un grande potere corruttibile); vi è una maggiore cooptazione al crimine, che si manifesta attraverso la compartecipazione al gruppo e attraverso il favoreggiamento o l'occultamento; infine, comporta un minor rischio di scontri violenti2, vi è la possibilità di sfuggire alle forze dell'ordine, tramite le varie modalità di trasporto (mulas, capsuleros, camuffata nei containers) e ciò rende questo traffico illecito più sicuro, poiché non sempre è presente il fattore violenza3 nello spostamento degli stupefacenti. Il narcotraffico in Argentina è nato per condizioni geografiche, sociali ed 1 Rendendolo così un crimine transnazionale, per il quale si intende “il movimento di informazioni, denaro, persone, oggetti fisici e altri beni tangibili o immateriali attraverso le frontiere di più Stati. Esso evoca forze anonime che costituiscono un sistema di relazioni amorfe, non coordinate fra loro, gestite da soggetti che, il più delle volte, non si identificano con l'autorità statale”. Cfr, Massari M., “Criminalità organizzata transnazionale”, pag. 249, in Dizionario enciclopedico di mafie e antimafia, a cura di, Mareso M., Pepino L.. 2 “El tráfico de estupefacientes en la Argentina” studio dell' Observatorio Argentino de Drogas, reperibile al sito, http://www.observatorio.gov.ar/investigaciones/El_trafico_de_estupefacientes_en_la_Argentina. Un_estudio_sob.pdf 3 Bisogna tenere in considerazione che ogni operazione di trasporto o vendita può comportare dei rischi. 3 economiche che hanno poi portato lo sviluppo di questo crimine nel Paese. É stato favorito, innanzitutto, dalla vicinanza a Paesi che sono produttori di cocaina (Bolivia) e marijuana (Paraguay), tali frontiere influiscono considerevolmente con il flusso di droga che entra in Argentina, non va neanche dimenticato che questo Paese possiede importanti vie di uscita (o entrata), come il porto di Buenos Aires4 e quello di Rosario; il traffico e la vendita di sostanze stupefacenti sono stati favoriti, poi, dalla privatizzazione e chiusura di numerose imprese che hanno portato molte persone a sopravvivere con il narcomenudeo, ovvero la vendita di droga in strada5; l'Argentina è stata e continua ad essere terra fertile per il riciclaggio di proventi illeciti, appartenenti soprattutto ai cartelli colombiani, ai gruppi messicani dediti al traffico degli stupefacenti, ma anche alle organizzazioni criminali italiane; con il passare del tempo i gruppi sopracitati e negli ultimi anni anche gruppi criminali provenienti dai Paesi limitrofi e Perù, così come gruppi terroristici hanno spostato le loro attività in Argentina. Tutti questi fattori hanno comportato un incremento del flusso di sostanze psicotrope e un maggiore consumo di droga nella popolazione argentina. Il mio interesse per quest'argomento è nato dopo aver letto un articolo di Haley Cohen su Foreign Policy, intitolato, “The New Narcostate”6, nel quale viene descritto il cambiamento che sta attraversando l'Argentina per quanto riguarda il narcotraffico. Ho successivamente approfondito le mie conoscenze frequentando il corso di perfezionamento in Scenari internazionali della criminalità organizzata, nel quale ho acquisito maggiori conoscenze per poter affrontare non solo il tema del traffico di stupefacenti, ma anche maggiori conoscenze su come la criminalità organizzata si sviluppa e si espande a livello internazionale. Il fatto che un Paese come l'Argentina, considerata l'Europa del Sud America, possa correre il rischio di divenire un “nuovo narcostato” ha destato in me curiosità. Il reperimento di gran parte del materiale è stato effettuato in Argentina, nella Biblioteca Nacional di Buenos Aires, alcuni articoli e materiale bibliografico mi 4 Uno dei porti più importanti del Sud America e dal quale partono molti carichi destinati in Europa. 5 Il narcomenudeo iniziò negli anni Novanta e si affermò durante gli anni della crisi nel 2001. 6 Articolo completo reperibile al sito, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/04/19/argentina_drug_war 4 sono stati dati dalla Professoressa Adriana Rossi7, i quali sono risultati essere indispensabili per la comprensione del fenomeno e, infine, sui quotidiani locali sia in versione cartacea, sia in versione online, essi sono stati importanti per comprendere lo sviluppo a livello nazionale e internazionale. Il lavoro si avvale poi della ricerca effettuata su alcuni siti internet, tra i quali di fondamentale importanza si possono ricordare quello
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Mercosur: the Common Market of the Twenty-First Century?
    GEORGIA JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE LAW VOLUME 32 2004 NUMBER 1 MERCOSUR: THE COMMON MARKET OF THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY? Rafael A. Porrata-Doria,Jr. * I. INTRODUCTION MERCOSUR, the "Common Market of the Southern Cone," was created in March 1990 by the Treaty of Asunci6n and was meant to create a common market among its four signatories (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay) by December 31, 1994.' This common market would include the graduated elimination of all customs duties among its signatories,2 the creation of a common external tariff, the adoption of a common trade policy,3 and the harmonization of economic policies The Treaty of Asunci6n, and its * Professor of Law, Temple University. J.D. 1977, Yale University; M.A., University of Pennsylvania; B.A. 1974, University of Pennsylvania. This Article, based substantially on research materials not available in English, is the first comprehensive description and evaluation of MERCOSUR in the English language. The author is a former consultant to the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank) and was a mission participant and co- author of its study "Competition Policy and MERCOSUR" (1996). The author gratefully acknowledges the helpful comments of Marina Angel, Jeffrey Dunoff, and Henry Richardson. The author particularly appreciates the outstanding efforts of his principal research assistant, Julie Liebenberg, J.D. 2004, Temple University School of Law, and of his current research assistant, Suzette Sanders, J.D. expected 2005, Temple University School of Law. The information in this Article is current as of August 2003. ' Treaty of Asunci6n Establishing a Common Market among Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, Mar.
    [Show full text]
  • Women's Rights and the Legacy of Lincoln
    Women’s Rights and the Legacy of Lincoln: Explaining the Adoption of Legislative Gender Quotas in the Western Hemisphere Adriana Piatti-Crocker University of Illinois, at Springfield [email protected] Even though Abraham Lincoln’s views on women’s rights have not been thoroughly documented, President Lincoln’s legacy is closely connected to the women’s movement in the United States and beyond. First, there are Lincoln’s views on human rights and against slavery in the Confederate States, which were made evident by the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863. Indeed, his position on the liberation of slaves could be interpreted also to support a broader meaning of freedom, as applied to women. In addition, it is within Lincoln’s historical time that the “first wave” feminism became a force to be reckoned with. From North to South America, women in the western hemisphere began to mobilize for justice and equality; and they made critical yet, slow and gradual progress. However, it was not until the beginning of the 20th century and many decades thereafter that women gained the right to vote and the right to enjoy more or less equal civil rights with men in the western hemisphere. Yet, women remained widely underrepresented in politics. During the 1990s, a growing number of countries made significant efforts to help reduce the gender gap that had been so pervasive for women in politics. Among a number of institutional devices, gender quotas are one of the most popular and effective mechanisms for rapidly increasing the proportion of women in political positions of high-ranking.
    [Show full text]
  • Argentina's Delegative Democracy: a Case Study
    ARGENTINA’S DELEGATIVE DEMOCRACY: A CASE STUDY A dissertation presented by Florencia Inés Gabriele to The Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of Political Science Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts December 2013 1 ARGENTINA’S DELEGATIVE DEMOCRACY: A CASE STUDY by Florencia Ines Gabriele ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December, 2013 2 ABSTRACT This study analyses why Argentina remained an immature and underdeveloped delegative democracy rather than a fully-liberal democratic polity. Following the work of Guillermo O’Donnell this work explores the quality of, and serious deficiencies in, Argentina’s democracy. This work pays special attention to presidential use and misuse of Decrees of Necessity and Urgency by as a means to govern alone, thus bypassing Congress and how there is no existing check and balances in the government in this regard. Observing delegative democracies, this work also examines the following: the use of economic restrictions, use of policies such as nationalizations, privatizations, management of the federal budget, international relations of the country, restriction on the media, behavior of the judiciary branch, changes in the national constitution, and decreasing role of the Vice President. This work analyzes the relationship between democracy, decrees of necessity and urgency, laws sanctioned by Congress and inflation using transfer function models. Democracy is measured using the Polity IV dataset. There is a causal relationship among the explanatory variables (inputs) —the numbers of laws passed by Congress, inflation, and number of DNU — and Democracy (output).
    [Show full text]
  • Participation and Leadership in Latin America and the Caribbean: Gender Indicators
    PARTICIPATION AND LEADERSHIP IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN: GENDER INDICATORS Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean Santiago, Chile, 1999 LC/L.1302 December 1999 The indicators were designed and the data collected by the Women and Development Unit of ECLAC in collaboration with FLACSO. The final report was produced by Teresa Valdés and Indira Palacios, who are consultants with the Women and Development Unit. The opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Organization. Design and typesetting by: María Eugenia Gilabert INDEX Introduction .................................................................................................................. 9 I. WOMEN’S SOCIO-POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND LEADERSHIP ON THE INTERNATIONAL AGENDA ................................... 13 II. STATISTICS AND INDICATORS OF SOCIO-POLITICAL PARTICIPATION ....................................................................... 19 A. Reference framework for indicators .............................................................. 21 B.The indicators selected ................................................................................... 23 C.The information presented .............................................................................. 25 III. WOMEN’S ACCESS TO CITIZENSHIP ............................................................... 27 IV. WOMEN IN THE STATE ....................................................................................... 35 1. The executive ................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • THE REFORMS of the NINETIES in ARGENTINA Rodolfo Díaz
    The Reforms of the Nineties in Argentina By Rodolfo Diaz WCFIA Fellow - Harvard University THE REFORMS OF THE NINETIES IN ARGENTINA Rodolfo Díaz WCFIA Fellow Harvard University This book is published under the auspices of the Weatherhead Center For International Affairs of Harvard University 2 The Reforms of the Nineties in Argentina By Rodolfo Diaz WCFIA Fellow - Harvard University CONTENTS Introduction THE STARTING POINT (7) 1. The State: the "Bureaucratic Authoritarian Model".2. The Econ- omy: the "Assisted Capitalism". 3. The Means: Inflation. 4. The Ends: Transfers to the Private Sector. 5. The Starting Point: The Collapse of Assisted Capitalism Chapter I: Reforming the Economy I. ECONOMIC REFORM (33) 1. The Collapse of 1989. 2. The "Plan BB”. 3. Contents of the New Law. 4. The Approval. 5. Solutions to Problems. 6. Complementary Measures. 7. Enforcement of Economic Reform. 8. Information flows. 9. Effects. 10. Measuring the Reforms. 11. Two "Paces". II. MONETARY REFORM (61) 1. Crisis and Hyperinflation. 2. The Proposal. 3. Contents of the "Convertibility Law". 4. The Approval. 5. Implementation. 6. The "Impossible Trinity". 7. The Enforcement of Convertibility. 8. The Fixed Exchange Rate. 10. Effects. 11. Inflationary Effects of De- valuation. 12. Elimination of Devaluation as Monetary Policy In- strument. III. FISCAL REFORM (85) 1. Inflation: The Tax of Assisted Capitalism. 2. Fiscal Situation in 1989. 3. The Proposal. 4. Approval: Defeat and Debate. 5. The Contents of Law 24073. 6. Enforcement and Tax Collection. 7. Public Expenditure and Fiscal Deficit. 8. Budgetary Institutions. 9. The Fiscal Solvency Law. Chapter II: Reforming the Society I. EDUCATIONAL REFORM (117) 1.
    [Show full text]
  • 2017 Human Rights Agenda for Argentina
    2017 HUMAN RIGHTS AGENDA FOR ARGENTINA ARGENTINA / PAGE 1 TOPICS MIGRANTS AND INDIGENOUS SOCIAL PROTEST GENDER REFUGEES Criminalization of the VIOLENCE PEOPLE social protest has been Given Argentina's The struggle of the After #NiUnaMenos used as a silencing tool. commitment to receive indigenous people is not a demostrations, the UN Milagro Sala has been 3,000 Syrian refugees, it is crime. The stigmatization visited Argentina and arbitrarily detained for over imperative to have a local and persecution to the warned about the lack of a year. integration program for Mapuche people had its concrete actions to prevent families. peak of tension in the gender violence. violent repression to the community Lof Cushamen. GENDER PARITY WOMEN AND TORTURE MEMORY, TRUTH, Women are relegated in GIRLS HEALTH Argentina does not have a JUSTICE AND public power spaces. Legal abortion is not National Registry on torture. Equality between gender is Despite its sanction in 2013, COMPENSATION implemented throughout The UN warned Argentina achieved through actions, the national territory. the National Mechanism for not promises. None of the the Prevention of Torture is about the adoption of Belén, a 25-year-old regressive policies in projects on parity discussed woman, was detained for not implemented. If it were in the National Congress implemented, It’d contribute areas of human rights more than two years after protection, in institutions were approved. suffering a miscarriage. to monitor the intramural reality. dedicated to the process The decriminalization of of memory, truth and abortion is not discussed in justice. Congress. FOREING POLICY ON HUMAN RIGHTS During 2016, Argentina was subjected to 4 examinations of the UN regarding human rights.
    [Show full text]
  • Mercosur and US Trade Policy
    Order Code RS22408 March 22, 2006 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Mercosur and U.S. Trade Policy J. F. Hornbeck Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Mercosur is the Common Market of the South established by Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay in 1991. By reducing barriers to trade and encouraging economic investment and sectoral collaboration, Mercosur was created to foster balanced economic growth, social development, and political stability in the region. Mercosur has succeeded on the political side and developed as a credible collective voice in the World Trade Organization and in talks on the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). It has survived difficult economic times and expanded on a limited basis to other Latin American countries, yet its success at economic integration is an open question. Mercosur also has elements of being both a complement and alternative to the FTAA in the quest for Western Hemisphere integration, so bears careful watching for how it may affect the direction of U.S. trade policy in Latin America. Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay signed the Treaty of Asunción on March 26, 1991, establishing the Common Market of the South (Mercado Común del Sur — Mercosur or Mercosul in Portuguese). Mercosur evolved from a series of bilateral agreements signed by Argentina and Brazil in the mid-1980s. Designed to foster new levels of political and economic cooperation in the region, they were expanded and institutionalized under Mercosur. Regional integration was also a collective response to concerns over economic stagnation, the 1980s debt crisis, and expanding economic integration efforts in the European Union (EU) and North America.
    [Show full text]
  • Discrepancies Between Women's Legislative Representation and Effective Policy to Protect Women from Violence in Argentina Madeline Gannon
    Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies Volume 33 Article 4 2016 At What Cost? Discrepancies between Women's Legislative Representation and Effective Policy to Protect Women from Violence in Argentina Madeline Gannon Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/sigma Part of the International and Area Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Gannon, Madeline (2016) "At What Cost? Discrepancies between Women's Legislative Representation and Effective Policy to Protect Women from Violence in Argentina," Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies: Vol. 33 , Article 4. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/sigma/vol33/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. At What Cost? Discrepancies between Women's Legislative Representation and Effective Policy to Protect Women from Violence in Argentina by Madeline Gannon Introduction The first country to institute a national-level quota law for the inclusion of female candidates was Argentina in 1991 (Franceschet and Piscopo 2014, 86 ). In a basic sense, "A substantial increase in the number of women in political legislatures is expected to strengthen women's unity and political advocacy, leading to changes in policy content'' (Sacchet 2008, 369). Exactly how the policy content is likely to or ought to change is debated. Both expectation and research has shown that, "Women legisla­ tors are more likely than their male colleagues to represent women's interests and to support legislation that is beneficial to women" Oones 1998, 3-4), but the expectation of women in office to have feminist policy agendas is arguably sexist.
    [Show full text]
  • Information to Users
    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 THE IMPACT OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS ON PROGRESS WITH HSCAL REFORM: THE CASE OF ARGENTINA IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE DISSERTAHON Presented in Partial Fulfillment o f the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By John Mark Payne, B.A.
    [Show full text]
  • HDRO, Background 2002, Peruzzotti-Smulovitz
    United Nations Development Programme Human Development Report Office OCCASIONAL PAPER Background paper for HDR 2002 Poverty Eradication and Democracy in the Developing World CivilHUMAN society, DEVELOPMENT the media and REPORT internet as2002 tools for creating accountability to poor and disadvantaged groups Enrique Peruzzotti and Catalina Smulovitz I. The Changing Global Context Significant changes in the global setting over the course of the last few decades resulted in an increasing prominence for the pursuit of transnational justice and individual accountability. The aftermath of the terrifying attacks on America on September 2002/13 1 Human Development Report 2002 Civil society, the media and internet as tools for creating accountability to poor and disadvantaged groups Report prepared by Enrique Peruzzotti and Catalina Smulovitz Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos Aires, Argentina October 2001 1 This report analyzes the ways in which civil society and the media contribute to establish more accountable governments in the region. The report is organized around two main sections: section I provides a general overview of the trends and changes that affected the development of Latin American societies and the media in the past decade. More specifically, it will concentrate on the appearance of two actors that greatly contributed to shape the agenda of accountability in the region: a regional network of civic associations and movements organized around demands for due process and a new form of investigative or watchdog journalism. The section describes both the types of actors involved in a politics of accountability and the main issues they have addressed. Section II concentrates on the workings and achievements of this politics of accountability.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond the Ley De Cupos: the Variation in Gender Empowerment Between Argentina and Chile
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal College of Arts and Sciences 3-30-2009 Beyond the Ley de Cupos: The Variation in Gender Empowerment between Argentina and Chile Ameya S. Ananth University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej Part of the Comparative Politics Commons Recommended Citation Ananth, Ameya S., "Beyond the Ley de Cupos: The Variation in Gender Empowerment between Argentina and Chile" 30 March 2009. CUREJ: College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal, University of Pennsylvania, https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/106. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/106 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Beyond the Ley de Cupos: The Variation in Gender Empowerment between Argentina and Chile Abstract This thesis identifies the ariancev in gender empowerment between Argentina and Chile, two countries that share countless parallels in histories, cultural norms, and political achievements. Using women’s formal legislative representation as a gauge for gender empowerment, this comparative study uses a most-similar-systems design to investigate and generate a hypothesis of the factors that contribute to Chilean women’s lack of empowerment, contrasting with the mechanisms by which Argentine women have achieved empowerment. Both Catholic nations of the Southern Cone re-democratized following military regimes, currently enjoy female heads of state and possess similar cultural phenomena where motherhood has defined women’s social and political roles for decades. Nevertheless, Argentina and Chile remain starkly dissimilar in the scope of women’s legislative presence. Chile’s open-list electoral system that exposes women to rampant machísmo and the conservative influence from the Church that encourages women to embrace their primary role as mothers are two significant factors that prevent women’s legislative representation and thereby empowerment.
    [Show full text]
  • Unraveling the Relationship Between Gender Inequality and Quota Failure
    Unraveling the Relationship Between Gender Inequality and Quota Failure A Thesis Presented By EILEEN C. ENRIGHT to The Department of Political Science at The University of Michigan in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts (Honors) April 2016 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements 3 Glossary 4 Abstract 5 Prologue 6 Introduction 9 Chapter One ~ Literature Review: What are the Structural Barriers to Quota Success? Introduction 13 Legal Barriers to Success 13 Low Status of Women 16 Prominent Scholarship 17 Conclusions 26 Chapter Two ~ Gender Mainstreaming and Quota Success What Does Quota Success Look Like? 27 Increase in Critical Mass 29 Quota Failure in Countries with High Critical Mass 31 Pro-Woman Reform and Gender Mainstreaming 33 Conclusions 36 Chapter Three ~ Methodology: a Multi-Faceted Approach Introduction 38 Selection of Case Studies 39 Conceptualization of Analysis 42 Methodology of Quantitative Analysis 43 Methodology of Qualitative Analysis 54 Discussion of Selection Bias 58 Conclusions 59 Chapter Four ~ Quantitative Analysis: Measuring Real Political Power Introduction 60 Hypothesis and Conceptualization 60 Relationship between Enright Index and Female Seats in Parliament 63 Relationship between Gender Inequality and Party Leadership 69 Other Considerations 76 Conclusions 81 Chapter Five ~ Qualitative Analysis: “The Production of a Female Authority” Introduction 83 Argentina 85 Brazil 96 Conclusions 105 Conclusion ~ Quotas as a Catalyst Review of Study 108 Broader Discussion of Critical Mass 110 Appendix 1 113 Appendix 2 124 Works Cited 125 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to several people who have supported and mentored me, without whom this research would not be possible.
    [Show full text]